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COMMENTARIES
OU F
CESAR -
TRANSLATED into ENGLISH.
To which is prefixed a
IEC OURSE
The ROMAN ART OF WAR.
| By WILLIAM DUNCAN,
| Profeſſor of Philoſophy in the UNIVERSITY of Aberdeen.
Illuſtrated with C urs.
E Nn © N.
Printed for ]. and R. Tonson and S. DRA PER in the Strand,
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HO U GHH I am far from thinking that
any Performance of mine can be intitled
to the Honour of Vour RovAl. HiohNxss's
Patronage, yet, as the following Work is
+ 'Trindicion of the Memoirs of the greateſt General
of Antiquity, I hope the Merit of the Original, and
the Name of Ceſar, will in-lome meaſure excuſe the
Preſumption of this Addreſs.
In theſe Memoirs Your Rovyar en s will *
teen all chat i is great and moſt conſummate in the
Art
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D E CAT Te N.
Art of Wi. The ableſt Commander of the 7
watlike People Upon Earth entertains Vou with the
Hiſtory of his own" Campaigns. Lou are informed of
the tives which determined Him in all his Enter-
priſes, of the various Difficulties he had to encounter,
and of the Steps by which in the end he was enabled
to ſurmbunt all Oppoſition. In a word, Prudence in
Counſel, Courage and Intrepidity in the Field, a calm
Preſence of Mind in the midſt of Dangets, and an.
amazing Dexterity in ſudden and unforſeen Emergen-
Ges, are hEre; exemplified in the Gondu& of a Leadery
whom all fücceeding Ages have agreed to fegard as the
moſt finiſhed Pattern of military Merit.
Ic is the Obfervatibn of one of the wiſelt o the
Roman Hiſtorians, © that War is in a peculiar manner
e the Province of a Prince; and that though civil
« Accompliſhments are by no means to be neglected,
<< yet to the Perſon of the Sovereign more immediately
<« belongs the Merit and Praiſe of being a great Ge-
neral.” And indeed as it is among the principal
Duties of a King, to protect his Subjects from foreign
Invaſions, to baffle the Attempts of ambitious and
*
cc
aſpiring Tyrants, and to guard againſt the Inerback
cents of powerful Neighbours, nothing can be more
evident; chan that a due Inſtitution in the Am of War
ought to be ae as an 2 A of the Ws:
cation of 4 Prince.
Some perhaps . * 0 Faun ry Hed Moxitts 5
of the preſent Age, which forbid Kings to appear in
| Perſon at the head of Armies, and injoin them rather
to delegate their Power to others, render military Talents
leſs
DEDICATION.
_ ov
leſs neceſſary in the Rulers of Nations. But tho?
this be in reality a very wiſe Policy, and excellently
calculated to prevent thoſe unjuſt Wars, which have no
other Foundation but the perſonal Ambition and Glory
of Princes, yet does it by no' means diſpenſe with the
Obligation of applying to the Study of Arms. The
due modelling of the Army, the introducing a proper
Diſcipline among the Troops, and the Diſpoſal of mili-
tary Preferments, are intirely in the Breaſt of the So-
vereign; who would be but ill qualified for the Exer-
ciſe of ſo great a Truſt, if wholly unacquainted with
martial Affairs. It is likewiſe well known, that in dan-
gerous domeſtic Seditions, to which all States are at
times liable, nothing tends more to confirm the well-
affected in their Duty, and to check the Machinations
of the Factious, than when a King every way qualified
to command, appears in Perſon at the Head of his
Troops. In general Confederacies too, where matiy Na-
tions unite to oppoſe ſome threatning overgrown Power,
it is often impoſſible to reconcile their various Intereſts,
and preſerve the Unanimity neceſſary to give Force and
Vigour to their Operations, unleſs ſome Prince of
diſtinguiſhed Reputation, and eminent Quality in the
League, charge himſelf with the Conduct of the War,
and employ his whole Authority to prevent thoſe Com-
petitions, Jealouſies and mutual Animoſities, which are
every moment ready to break out in an Army compoſed
of ſo many ſeparate and divided Bodies.
Hence it is that Valourand the military Virtues have
always been conſidered as Objects highly worthy the
Purſuit of a Prince; nor do they ever fail to meet with
* a their
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their due Share of Applauſe, unleſs where they degene-
rate into that hurtful Ambition, that immoderate Tharſt
of Conqueſt, which prompts Men rather to be the De-
ſtroyers than the Protectors of Nations. As the Com-
mentaries of Ceſar furniſh the beſt Leſſons and Precepts
of War, fo the Example and Hiſtory of the ſame Ceſar
demonſtrate, that the greateſt Talents, when not directed
to laudable Ends, are utterly inſufficient, either for pre-
ſent Security, or future Fame. Tho' his Abilities as a
General and a Stateſman were never perhaps equalled be-
fore or ſince; yet as he employed them, not to promote
the Welfare, but to diſturb the Peace of Society; not to
defend, but to overturn the Liberties of his Country; he
could neither eſcape the Hatred of the Age in which he
lived, nor the Reproaches of Poſterity. We find him
often in Diſtreſs and ſometimes in Deſpair, ready to fly
his Country, threatened with being tried and condemned
as a public Criminal; and at laſt, after a reſtleſs Life,
full of Anxiety and Care, cut off by a violent and un-
timely Death, juſt as he had eſtabliſhed his Tyranny, tho
with it he could not eſtabliſh his own Happineſs. Had he
employed his Authority and Addreſs to preſerye public
Liberty ; had he, for this glorious End, exerted his In-
duſtry and admirable Talents; how amiable muſt he have
appeared, in what Security might he have lived, and with
what Veneration would he have been regarded by all fir
tute Ages? |
Your ROYAL HiGnNsss is born to govern a People,
who have at all times diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their
Love of Libetty a People always obedient to juſt Laws,
bat! be under Oppreſſion, and infinitely jealous of
their
Feen
their Privileges. Tacitus ſpeaking of them ſixteen hundred
Years ago ſays; that they chearfully complied with the
« Levies of Men, with the Impoſition of Tribute, and
ce with all the neceſſary Demands of Government, pro-
« yided they received no illegal Treatment or Inſults
from their Governors; for thoſe they bore with Impa-
* tience: nor did they acknowledge any other Subjec-
« tion to the Romans, than what conſiſted in an Obe-
« dience to juſt Laws, not the Submiſſion of Slaves.“
Such was the Character of the Briti/h People at that time,
ſuch has been their Character in all Ages, and {uch it
remains to this Day. Princes who obſerved the Laws al-
ways found them peaceable Subjects, and ready to comply
with their juſt Demands: but when Infringements were
made upon the public Liberty, they grew uneaſy and
diſcontented, and- the Soyereign, by graſping at too
much, frequently loſt all.
0
*
Indeed it appears in our Hiſtory, that the Deſign of
aſſuming an Authority independent of the Laws was
never entertained by any of the beſt and ableſt of our
Princes; who always eſteemed it more glorious to rule
over a free People, than to command a Nation of Slaves.
Among many remarkable Examples of this, that of the
ever memorable Henry the Fifth ſeems in a particular man-
ner deſerving of Notice. He was a wiſe and valiant
Prince, who ſcorned to incroach upon the Liberties of
his Subjects, and abhorred the unjuſtifiable Arts by which
they had been impaired. He eſteemed their Courage,
Strength, and Love, to be his greateſt Advantage, Riches,
and Glory; and readily joined with them to extinguiſh
the miſchievous Abuſes that had been introduced by
ſome
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ſome of his Predeceſſors. He aimed at making good his
Claim to the Crown of France, which he knew was only
to be effected by the Bravery of a free and well ſatisfied
People. Slaves will always be Cowards, and, when they
dare declare themſelves, Enemies to their Maſter: by
bringing his Subjects into that Condition, he miſt infal-
libly have ruined his own Deſigns, and made them unfit
to fight either for him or for themſelves. He deſired not
1 | only that his People ſhould be free during his Time, but 5
i that his Succeſſors ſhould not be able to deprive them of .
i ſo valuable a Bleſſing. He knew that he did not reign for
| himſelf but for his People, and regarding their Safety as
\ the ſupreme Law of Government, always paſſed with
the utmoſt Chearfulneſs ſuch Laws as were preſented to
him in behalf of public Liberty. The Event was ſuch as
might be expected. Neyer Prince was better obeyed and
| ſerved by his Subjects, more ſucceſsful and formidable
abroad, more beloved at home, or moreſincerely lamented
after his Death. In fine, Hiſtory no where furniſhes a
l more perfect Pattern of a wiſe, valiant, and virtuous King.
| It has been the good Fortune of theſe Nations for
ſome time paſt to be bleſt with a ſeries of ſuch Princes.
The excellent Principles of Government adopted by King
William at the Revolution have been ſteddily adhered to
by his Succeſſors of your illuſtrious Houſe. Nor has the
Security of domeſtic Freedom alone employed their At-
tention. Like that glorious Monarch they have exerted
their utmoſt Influence to preſerve the Independency of the
other States of Europe, and by a Conduct ſo truly noble
merited the greateſt of all Titles, that of being The ie
of Public Liberty, and The Friends of Mankind. |
4t Your
"4 4, x. MELEE
FOE ENG —_— *
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- Your Rovar HiRHNEõss is now at an Age when Ex-
amples of this kind make the deepeſt Impreſſion ; and the
early good Diſpoſitions You diſcover, joined to the ex-
cellent Inſtitution under which Lou have the Happineſs
to be formed, give the juſteſt reaſon to believe, that they
will not fail of having their due effect. The Public be-
holds with Pleaſure the Seeds of your many ripening Vir-
tues, and charmed with the Proſpect of the Advantages
to be reaped from their Maturity, ſeems to addreſs You in
the Words of Æncas to his Son Aſcanius, a young Prince of
great Expectation, in whoſe Perſon were centered the
Hopes of a whole People.
— Te, Animo repetentem Exempla tuorum,
Et Pater ÆAncas, et Avunculus excitet Hector.
That You may improve daily in every laudable and
uſeful Quality, and that when by the Appointment of
Providence Vou are called to the Exerciſe of the Go-
vernment, You may long {ſway the Bririh Scepter with
uninterrupted Proſperity, and the intire Love of your
Subjects, is the ſincere and ardent Prayer of,
SIR,
Tour ROYAL HIGHNES' 8 9 5 humble,
12 | mo —_ and —
moſt obedient Servant ,
WILLIAM Duncan.
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ADVERTISEMENT:
1 H E following Tranſlation of Ciz/ar's Commentaries was done from
Y the celebrated Edition of the late Dr. Clarke, printed for J. Tonſon
in 1712. All poſſible Care has been taken to render it exact, and
to preſerve the Diſtinctneſs and Perſpicuity of Expreſſion for which the
Original is ſo juſtly famous. The Reader will perceive, that the very
Turn and Manner of Cz/ar has been copied with the utmoſt Attention;
and tho the Succeſs may not always anſwer Expectation, yet Candor will
induce him to make great Allowances, when he conſiders the inimitable
and Tranfations in modera Language.
It was at furſt intended to accompany the Tranſlation with Notes, ex-
plaining what was difficult and obſcure in the Roman Art of War. But
as a few looſe ſcattered Remarks would have contributed little towards
giving the Reader a diſtin& Idea of what was neceſſary to be known on
this Head, there is ſubſtituted in their Place a Diſcourſe concerning the
military Cuſtoms of the Ancients, in which all that is curious and moſt
intereſting relating to theſe Matters is fully and copiouſly explained. Be-
ſides the ancient Authors; Rollin, Folard, Orrery, Feuguiere, Machiavel,
Monteſquieu, and ſeveral other Moderns have been conſulted, and all ſuch
Paſſages ſelected, as tended to throw Light upon this Branch of the
Roman Antiquities. As the Author, by his Situation in Life, is neceſſa-
rily a Stranger to the practical Part of War, he pretends not to offer any
thing of his own upon the Subject. If he has collected with Care from
the Writers before-mentioned, and diſpoſed the Materials they furniſh in
ſuch a manner, as ſufficiently to diſplay the Proficiency and Improvements
of the Ancients in military Knowledge, he has compaſſed all he intended,
and the Reader will have no cauſe to complain.
The Cuts are the ſame with thoſe of Dr. Clarke's Edition, excepting
ſome few neceſſary Alterations, to adapt them to an Engliſb Tranſlation.
It were doing the Work an Injury to ſuppoſe them merely ornamental.
For beſides that they ſerve to illuſtrate the Antiquities, Habits, and reli-
ious Ceremonies of the ſeveral Nations mentioned in the Commentaries ;
if it be conſidered, that far the greater number are Plans of Battles,
Sieges, and Incampments, or Repreſentations of the Situation and Face
of the Countries in which the moſt material Tranſactions paſſed, their
great Subſerviency towards a'due Underſtanding of the Hiſtory will abun-
dantly appear. The Poſture of two Armies ready to engage, the Nature
of the Ground, and the exact Order of Battle, are ſeldom rightly com-
prehended from a Deſcription, tho' conceived in the moſt clear and ex-
plicite Terms. But when the whole is ſubjected to the Eye in a diſtinct
and accurate Delineation of every Circumſtance, all Difficulties vaniſh, and
we become in a manner Spectators of the Action.
The
Beauty of the Latin, and the Difficulty of expreſſing ancient Manners
„ *
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ADVERTISEMENT,
The ancient Names of Places are retained in the Tranſlation, as well
to avoid giving too modern a Turn to the Author by a contrary Practice,
as becauſe they are ſufficiently familiar to an Engliſo Ear, being con-
ſtantly made uſe of by all Hiſtorians who treat of the Tranſactions of
thoſe Times in our Language, But as the following Work may perhaps
fall into the Hands of Perſons little acquainted with ancient Geography,
and who would therefore be at a loſs in comparing Cz/ar's Deſcriptions
with the preſent Face of the Country, the Reader will find at the End
of the Book a large geographical Index, in which the ancient Names' of
Places, as near as can be diſcovered with bo Certainty, are explained *
the modern.
It may by juſt p proper to mention, that beſides the Seven Books of the
Gallic War, and the Three of the Civil, written by Ce/ar himſelf,
the Supplements of A Hirtius Panſa are likewiſe inſerted in the follow-
ing Tranſlation, conſiſting of one additional Book to the Gallic War,
and three Books of the 1 African and & paniſb Wars.
*
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CONCERNING. 1 ve
The ROMAN ART WAR.
2 4 lis. he x | - - hd SS SS Ko 2 A.
. A. _
Of the Undertaking and Declaration of Mar.
J. HE Romans, from ſmall beginnings, and an almoſt contemptible
; original, roſe by degrees to be Sovereigns of the World. If we
enquire into the Cauſes of this, we ſhall find, that nothing ſo much
contributed to it, as the excellence of their military Diſcipline. War is a Pro-
feſſion of the greateſt Importance to Society. The ' ſecurity of our Lives,
Liberties, Properties, and indeed of all that is dear and valuable among
Men, depends in a manner entitely , upon it. Good and wholſom Laws
may eſtabliſh Peace and Unity within, and, if executed with vigour, will pre-
vent the Inroads of Vice and Corruption; but are by no means ſufficient to
ſcreen a State from powerful Neighbours, or ſecure it againſt the Aſſaults of
the Ambitious and Aſpiring. Hence in the moſt peaceful Times, it has ever
been eſteemed a maxim of ſound Policy, to cultivate the Science of Arms with
the ſame Application, as when we are threatned with War and Invaſions. For
however little we may ourſelves be diſpoſed to diſturb the Tranquillity of the
Nations around us, yet the Experience of all Ages makes it abundantly evi-
dent, that the moſt powerful and prevailing Argument to keep thoſe quiet,
from whom we have reaſon to apprehend any danger, is by letting them fee
that we are prepared to receive them, and capable of making them repent of
their raſhneſs, ſhould they unjuſtly ſeek a pretence of falling upon us. In all
wiſe States therefore; the Profeſſion of a Soldier has ever been held in honour :
nor do we read any Part of ancient Hiſtory with greater pleafure, than that
by which we learn, how free Nations have defended themſelves againſt the
Attempts of incroaching Tyrants, and when rouſed to a thorough exertion of
their Strength, overthrown in the end that very Power, which once threatned
| 0
8
ix
A DISCOURSE;CONCERNING
to cruſh them. It is not indeed to be denied, that the military Virtues of a
free People, have not always been confined to Self-defence, and the avenging
themſclves of their Enemies. - Ambition, and a Confcioufheb of Superiority,
have ſometimes prompted even theſe to aſpire at univerſal Dominion. This is
remarkably exemplified in the Hiſtory of the Roman Commonwealth, from
whoſe Conſtitution, and Love of Liberty, one would naturally expect a very
different Spirit. Who more likely to become the great Patrons and Defenders
of the common Rights and Privileges of Mankind, than a People, whoſe pre-
vailing Paſſion was an Abhorrence of Slavery; and who, in a long ſeries of
Struggles with the Nations aroupd * never weary of fighting in deſenge
of that Liberty, which is the $; right and Inheritance of every reaſonable
Creature? And yet we find, that no ſooner were they ſecure of their own
Freedom, than a thirſt of Rule took poſſeſſion of their Minds, and they
forcibly impoſed that Yoke upon ot which they had diſdained to ſubmit
to themſelves. The Superionty of their military Diſcipline enabled them by
degrees to accompliſh this unjuſt Deſign. Trained up in a continued Succeſ-
ſion of Wars, and equally attentive to their own Victories and Defeats, they
were daily improving tliemſelves in the Art of Conqueſt, and attained at length
| to ſo great a maſtery in it, that no Nation was able to withſtand their Attacks.
It cannot therefore but be an agreeable, as well as uſeful Inquiry, to trace out
the military Cuſtoms of a People, ſo renowned for their Knowledge in the
— w_——_—_—
Art of War. And as it is my Deſign, to preſent the Publick with a new
Tranſlation of the Commentaries of Ce/ar, who was confeſſedly the greateſt
General Rome ever produced, I imaging a Diſtouſe of this nature may be not
improperly prefixed to that Work. HL
II. LET us then take a view of the Conduct of the Romans, from their
firſt engaging in a War, through all the different Branches of its Management,
until they at laſt bring it to a bappy Period, This will naturally lead us to conſider
the Ceremonies attending the Declaration of War; the Manner of levying Troops,
and forming a — Army; the Precautions. uſed. in Marches and Eneamp-
0
ments; their Order of Battle, Conduct in Sieges, and the Machines and other Con-
trivances made uſe of in the Attack and Defence of Places, Under theſe fevetal
Heads ma eee every thing that is material and important upon this
Subjet. It is not however my Deſign, to enter into Grammatical. Niceties, or
a minute Detail of Fiete Criticiſcns, but only to give a general Idea of the
military Cuſtoms 0 the Romans, intermixed with, ſuch Remarks, as may ſerve
to lay open the Wiſdom, and Policy of their firſt Contriyance, and-ſhow their
natural Tendency to that Superiority, and univerſal, Dominion, which they at
length procured the Commonwealth, gn.
III. THE Ceremonies relating to the Declaration of War were inſtituted
by Auma Pompilius, the ſecond King of Rome. Romulus, the Founder of
has Colony, was, during the whole courſe of his Reign, engaged in perpetual
Conteſts with his Neighbours. The Neceſſity he was under, at his firſt ſetting
out, of procuring Wiyes for his Subjects by the Rape of the Sabine Virgins;
exaſperated all the Nations round about, and begat no ſmall Jealouſy of the
new Colony, which ſeemed to be founded on maxims of Violence and In-
juſtice. We are not therefore to wonder, if this drew on him a Series of
Wars, which continued almoſt without intermiſſion to the end of his Liſe. Thus
the Romans, who were originally in great meaſure a Band of Fugitives and
Outlaws, improving their natural Fierceneſd by having their Arms conſtantly
; in
SONS A445 50 K.
in their Hands, gradually grew to be a brave and a warlike People. Numa,
who ſucceeded Romatus, being a Prince of a pacific Temper, ſet himſelf to
check this martial Ardor, and form them to Religion, and a Reſpect for the
Gods. In order to ſtifle that impetuous deſire of War, which he found fo
prevalent among them, he eſtabliſhed certain Ceremonies, which were always
to precede the commeneing of Hoſtilities, and committed them to the care of
a College of Heralds, called Feciales. The Chief or Head of this Society had
the Name of Pater Patratus: and it was his peculiar Office, to make Peace,
or denounce War. Livy, indeed, ſeems to conſider him as a temporary Mi-
niſter: for, in his Account of the Treaty concluded with the Alban, before
the triple Combat of the Horutii and Curiatii, he makes one of the Feciales
chooſe a Pater Patratus, on purpoſe to perform that Ceremony. But as I have
no deſign to enter into a Controverſy of this nature, little important in itſelf,
and not eaſy to be decided, I ſhall content myſelf with obſerving, that the
Officer here mentioned, whether conſtant or temporary, was one who had a
Father and a Son both alive. Hence his Title of Pater Patratus, which may
be interpreted to imply a more perfect kind of Father, as they ſeem to have
imagined him to be, whoſe own Father was ſtill living, after he himſelf had
been a Father for ſome time. Such an one, it was believed, would be an equi-
table and moderate Judge in Affairs of this kind, and not over forward to
plunge his Country into a War, in which ſo many Lives that muſt be dear
to him, would unavoidably be expoſed to hazard. Ade |
IV. AND indeed the Ceremonies themſelves, as inſtituted by Numa, ſeem
peculiarly calculated to render the Romans cautious and circumſpect, in a
Matter of ſo great Importance. For before they entered upon a War with any
State, the College of Heralds were to commiſſion: the Pater Patratus, to go
and demand ſatisfaction in the name of the Roman People. - Accordingly this
Officer, clothed in the Habit of his Order, ſet forward for the Enemy's Coun-
try; and entering the Frontiers, proclaimed aloud the cauſe of his arrival,
calling all the Gods to witneſs that he came to demand ſatisfaction, and im-
precating the Divine Vengeance on himſelf and Country, if he ſaid any thing
contrary to Truth. When he came to the chief City of the Enemy, he again
repeated the ſame Declaration, adding freſh Oaths and Imprecations, and withal
defired ſatisfaction. If his Demands were granted, he returned immediately
to Rome, and all thoughts of War were laid aſide, But if they required time
to conſider,” he gave them ten Days, and then came again to hear their Reſo-
lution.” This he did; in ſome Caſes,” three times: bat if after thirty Days,
nothing was done towards an Accommodation, he called Gods and Men to
witneſs the refuſal” and expreſly denounced, that the Romans would now
think themſelves ſufficiently authoriſed; to take ſuch Meaſures as the Calc re-
quired, ' in order to do themſelves juſtice. Upon his return to. Rome, he
repaired to the Senate; attended by the whole College of Heralds ; and
having there made à report of his Embaſſy, declared the legality of the War.
The Affair was then debated among the Fathers: and if the majority of
Voices were for War, the ſame Officer was ſent back to the Enemy's Fron-
tiers, where in preſence of at leaſt three Perſons, he pronounced the uſual De-
claration, throwing a Spear at the ſame time into their Territories, in token
of defiance. ee ne e and E x
V. THESE Inſtitutions continued long in force at Nome, even during
the times of the Commonwealth; and it muſt be owned, were admirably well
* „ contrived
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
contrived to anſwer Numa's great Deſign, of habituating the Romany to Peace,
and blunting the edge of their martial Fury. For as à certain ſpace of Time
was neceſſarily to intervene, between the Injury received and the commencing
of Hoſtilities; this leſt room for Reaſon; and Reflexion, and gave them an
Opportunity of weighing maturely all the Conſequences of the Step they were
about to take. The Imprecations too to be denounced by the Herald againſt
himſelf and Country, if he advanced any thing contrary to Truth, would na-
turally make them very cautious in theit Demands, and extremely attentive
to the Equity and Juſtice of them. Add to all this, the great probability of
adjuſting Matters amicably, and obtaining a reaſonable Satisfaction, which can- 5
not by any means be expected, where the Parties fly immediately to Arms, and by
mutual Acts of Hoſtility exaſperate one another. One would think, that a State
under the check of ſo many Reſtraints againſt Oppreſſion, could not eafily
break out into violent or unjuſt Wars. Accordingly. we find, not only the
ancient Hiſtorians, but even many. modern Writers of Name and Reputation,
extolling the Moderation and Diſintereſtedneſs of the Romans; their Faith in
Treaties ; ſteddy adherence to their Allies; and care to have Equity on their
fide in all their Undertakings. It is however, methinks, a ſufficiently obvious
Reflexion, that a People, who by degrees accompliſhed the Conqueſt of the
Univerſe, and forced all Nations to ſubmit to their Dominion, ' muſt in many
Inftances have been the Aggreſſors. For altho in the firſt beginnings! of their
State, they were perhaps often unjuſtly attacked. by their Neighbours, out of
Envy and Jealouly ; yet it is certain, that their Power at laſt became fo very
formidable, that no Nation was willing to enter the Liſts with them. We
find them notwithſtanding till puſhing on their Conqueſts, ſtill engaged in
new Wars, and extending the Limits of their Empire. Now both Reaſon and
Experience tell us, that in a Controverſy between States of unequal Strength,
the weaker will ſubmit to many Inſults and Hardſhips, rather than draw upon
themſelves a War, which they foreſee muſt end in the ſubverſion of their Li-
berties. And indeed if we examine narrowly into the Conduct of the Romans,
we ſhall find, that their Reputation of Juſtice is owing rather to an exact
Obſervance of certain outward Forms, and the Partiality of their Hiſtorians,
than any ſteddy Adherence to the Principles of Equity. For as their Power
and, Dominion increaſed, and they became conſcious of their Superiority, they
readily gave way to the Dictates of Ambition, and were never at a loſs in
contriving ſome ground of Quarrel with thoſe Nations, whom in their Plan of
univerſal Conqueſt, they had reſolved to bring next under ſubjection. But as
all their Attempts of this kind were preceded by Complaints of Injuries re-
ceived, pretended Grievances, and formal declarations of War; this gave a
colour of juſtice to their Undertakings, and effectually deceived the People;
who, convinced that they had Equity on their ſide, followed their Generals
with an aſſured Confidence, imagining themſelves under the immediate Pro-
tection of the Gods. Add to this, that the Hiſtorians, partly miſſed by the
ſame Notions, partly thro a national and almoſt unavoidable Partiality, have
vied with one another in extolling the Equity and Moderation of the Romans,
and varniſhing over ſuch parts of their Behaviour, as ſeemed moſt liable to
exception. The Merit of theſe Writers, and the Veneration paid them by
ſucceeding Ages, have given a kind of Sanction and Authority to their Opi-
nions. It looks like Preſumption to contradict Authors of ſo eſtabliſhed a
Reputation: and being accuſtomed to admire them from our Infancy, we are
eaſily led to believe, that we cannot do better than blindly give into their
Sentiments. It is only upon this Principle I am able to excuſe, ſome late
| Writers
Writers of great Name, who: in treating of the R Commonwealth, have
not ſcrupled to adopt the Prejudices of the ancient
that People as Patterns of Equity and Juſtice in all their Proceedings.
HE ROMAN ART 2 WAR.
VI. AS nothing is of greater importance in Hiſtory, than to form. a right
judgment of Events and their Cauſes, and penetrate into the real Character
of States and Nations, I ſhall take ſome pains to ſet this Matter in a true
Light, and to that end ſhall lay before the Reader a ſhort view of the Tran-
ſactions between the Romas and Cartbaginiant. It is well known, that theſe
laſt were characterized by the Romans, as a faithleſs and perfidious People,
regardleſs of Oaths, and whom no Ties ot Treaties could bind. They even
went ſo far as to make Panicl Faith ſerve only as another Expreſſion for Infnce-
rig, Who would imagine, after ſuch a repreſentation of Things, that in all
the Punicl Wars the Romans were the Aggreſſors; and that, in the two laſt
eſpecially, they forced the Carthaginians into them by the moſt flagrant Acts
of Injuſtice? But let Truth and an impartial Account of Facts determine.
The occaſion of the firſt Punicl War was as follows. A Body of Campanian
Soldiers, known in Hiſtory by the Name of Mamertines, and who had ſerved
under Agathocles Tyrant of Syracuſe, upon the death of that Prince retired to
. Meſſing : where being received as Friends, they treacherouſly. maſſacred one
part of the Inhabitants, expelled the reſt, and ſeizing upon the Lands, Houſes,
and even Wives of thoſe unfortunate Men, remained ſole Maſters of that im-
portant City. Some time after this, the People of Rhegium, to ſcreen themſelves
. from the Inſults of the Carthaginianm whoſe Fleets appeared frequently off their
. Coaſt, applied to the Roman Senate for a Garriſon. A Legion of four thouſand
| Men raiſed in Gampazia, and commanded by Decius Jubellius, was appointed to
that Service, At firſt they behaved themſelves fuitably to the Intention of
.. thoſe who. employed them: but at length, tempted by the Wealth of the
Place, emboldened by the example of the Mamertines, and ſtrengthened by
their aid, they acted. the ſame perfidious and cruel Part towards the Rhegians,
which the other had acted towards the People of Mefina. |
VII. AS; theſe two Cities were parted only by the narrow Strait which
ſeparates {za/y from Sicily, and were not inſenſible of the Odium they had
brought upon themſelves by their: Treachery, they entered into a, ſtrict Confe-
deracy mutually to ſupport each other in their Uſurpations. This Alliance ſubſiſted
for ſome time. But at length the Romans, having diſengaged themſelves from
the many Wars in which they were intangled, turned their Thoughts towards
the puniſhment of their perfidious Legion. Regium was inveſted, and after an
obſtinate Reſiſtange, taken by Aſſault. - All that remained alive of the Garriſon,
amounting: to about three hundred, were carried to Rome, beaten with
Rods, and then publickly beheaded in the Forum. The deſtruction of this
.. confederate City produced a mighty change in the Affairs of the Mamertines.
While aided by their Friends at Rhegium, they had not only lived fearleſs of
Danger, but had often made Inroads into the Territories of the Carihaginians
and Syracisſans, putting many of their Towns and Villages under. Contribu-
tion. The Caſe was now greatly altered: for being attacked by Hero Prætor
of Syracuſe, they were overthrown in Battle, and their Army almoſt to-
- tally cut off. Humbled and reduced by fo terrible a Blow, they thought
themſelves no longer in a condition to defend Maſina; and differing in Opi-
nion about what Meaſures to purſue, one Party ſurrendered the Citadel 7
THER Huge £945 0 | | ö ar-
orians, and repreſent
vii
viii
A RODEO CONCERNING
Carthaginians, whilſt another ſent Ambaſſadors to implore the Protection of the
Romans.
VIII. IT 'H E Affair was bed in "oh 8 ; : pe Re being 33 in
all its Lights, it gave no ſmall Perplexity to the Fathers. On the one hand
they thought it diſhonourable, and altogether unworthy of the Roman Virtue,
to undertake the defence of Traitors, whoſe Perfidy was exactly the fame with
that of the Nhegiant, which they had lately puniſhed with fo exemplary a:
Severity. But then again it was of the utmoſt Conſequence to ſtop the Pro-
ſs of the Curibaginiamt; who, not ſatisfied with their Conqueſts in Africa
and Spain, had alſo made themſelves maſters of Sardinia, and the adjacent
Iſles on the Coaſt of Italy; and would certainly get all Sicily into their hands,
if they ſhould be ſuffered to poſſeſs themſelves of Affen. From thence,
into Italy, the Paſſage was very ſhort; and it was in ſome meaſure to invite an
Enemy to come over, to leave him that Entrance open. Theſe Reaſons, tho
ſtrong, could not prevail with the Senate to declare in favour of the Mamertines;
and accordingly Motives of Honour and Juſtice prevailed over thoſe of Intereſt
and Policy. But the People were not ſo ſcrupulous. In an Aſſembly held
on this Subject, it was reſolved that the Mamertives ſhould be aflſted; and
Appius Claudius, one of the Conſuls, was ordered to conduct an Army into
| _ for that purpoſe. | Appius, to learn the true ſtate of Things, went over
n perſon to Meſſina, and conducted himſelf ſo happily, as by ſome means to
e the Carthaginian Officer to evacuate the Citadel. This ſo highly
offended the People of Carthage, that they condemned their Officer to be
crucified- as a Traitor and a Coward.” At the ſame time they inveſted the
Place by Sea and Land, and entering into an Alliance with Hiero the new.
King of Syracuſe, were joined by his T Mean-while Appius, having
by an artful Stratagem, eluded the Vigilance of the Cartbuginian Admiral,
croſſed the Strait with all his Forces, and attacking the Syracuſans and Cars
IX. SUCH was the beginning of the firſt, Punich War, in which 1 Ro”
it evidently appears, that the Romans were the Aggrefiors. For they under-
took the defence of a traiterous and perfidious et of Men; againſt a People
with whom they were in Alliance 70 Amity. I deny not that Reaſons of
State, and the Maxims of Policy, plead ſtrongly in their Behalf on this Occa-
m_ It was certainly not their Intereſt, to ſuffer the Carthaginians to become
too powerful, or get intire poſſeſſion of a Hand that lay fo contiguous to
Ita. But if we examine their Conduct by the Rules of ftridt Juſtice,” it will
be found no very eaſy matter to vindicate it. And in fact we have en; that
the Senate abſolutely declared againſt aiding the Mamertines, as inconſiſtent
with Honour, and the Dignity of the Roman Name. Whether they acted
fincerely upon this Occaſion, or only to ſave Appearances, is not my buſineſs
to determine. It is enough that the Thing itſelf ſerves to juſtif the Cartha-
ginians, and exempt chein from the Charge of having been the fl ſt A 8
in this War. Nor indeed do the Roman Writers throw the Blame of it u
them, but generally allow, that Jealouſy, and an apprehenſion of each other $
growing Power, Nu opt Re two States u 5 55 the N Occaſion.
X. BU I let us now ber to the bob Punick War flees; it i that
che Charge of Inſincerity ſeems to lie heavieſt againſt the ee The
Romans
OR
thaginians one after another, CORE them to abandon the ee: ie Ber,
/
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR. ix
Romans exaſperated by the Loſſes they received, gave a free vent to their Hatred,
and ſpared no Endeavours to blacken their Adverſaries, and lay the whole
Blame of the War upon them. And indeed they have contrived to give a
ſpecious Colour to this Accuſation, by repreſenting the taking of Saguntum
as the cauſe of the Quarrel. For to conſider only the firſt appearance of this
Step; Hannibal, contrary, as they pretend, to the expreſs tenor of Treaties,
and without any formal Declaration of War, falls upon a City in alliance with
the Romans. But as Polybius has very judiciouſly obſerved, the taking of Sa-
guntum is to be looked upon as the beginning, not the cauſe of the War: and
if we trace Matters to their ſource, we ſhall find that the Corthaginians were
provoked to this Step, by a ſeries of the moſt unjuſtifiable Injuries on the fide
of the Romans. Soon after the concluſion of the Peace of Sicily, the Merce-
- naries who had ſeryed in the Armies of Carthage revolting, brought that State
to the very brink of Deſtruction. The Sardiniant taking advantage of theſe
Froubles, ſhook off the Carthaginian Yoke, and expelled all their Garriſons
out of the Iſland. Things continued for ſome time in this fituation, till
at length the Carthaginians, having quelled the Rebellion in Africa, prepared
to recover poſſeſſion of Sardinia. The Romans, who during all the foregoing
Troubles of Carthage had behaved with great Juſtice and Moderation, now |
ſeeing that People like to regain. their former Strength, pretended a jealouſy
of the new Preparations, and declared War againſt them. The Cartbhaginiant,
unable at that time to enter the Lifts with ſo powerful an Adverſary, were
forced to ſubmit to a ſecond Treaty, by which they gave up Sardinia to the
Romans, and obliged themſelves to an additional Payment of twelve hundred
Talents. {ones | 54 wy. 00
KI. THIS Injuſtice of the Romans may be conſidered as the firſt and
principal Cauſe of the ſecond Punick War. For Hamilcar ſirnamed Barcha,
highly exaſperated on account of a Treaty, which Neceſſity alone had com-
pelled the Carthaginians to ſubmit to, reſolved to break with Nome the firſt
favourable Opportunity; and accordingly directed all his Views to the ſucceſs
of that Enterpriſe. How deeply he reſented the Injury of which we ſpeak,
appears by his making Hannibal ſwear upon the Altar at the age of nine Years,
that he would ever be an irreconcileable Enemy to the Romans. During his
command in Spain, he brought the greateſt part of that Country under the
power of the Carthaginians : but falling in Battle before he had compleated
the Conqueſt of it, Harubal his Son-in-law ſucceeded him, and continued
the War with ſucceſs. This alarmed the Romans, who thinking it a neceſſary
piece of Policy to check the growing Power of a rival State, obliged Aſarubal
to enter into a new Treaty, in which it was ſtipulated, that he ſhould at-
tempt no Conqueſt beyond the Berus. How this may appear to others, I
cannot ſay, but to me it carries the Idea of a freſh Infult, as the Romans
hereby claimed a manifeſt ſuperiority over the Carthaginians, and aſſumed the
power of ſetting Bounds to their Empire: a Point upon which they were always
ſo very nice themſelves, that no Excuſe can be offered for their diſregarding it
in their Conduct towards others. n | r e
XII. HANNIBAL ſucceeded 4 Aruba in che command of the Army
and having in a very ſhort time compleated the reduction of Spain, began to
think ſeriouſly of avenging the many Wrongs done his Country by the No-
mans. To that end he contrived a pretence of Quarrel with the Saguntines,
the
two
that by attacking their City, he might give occaſion to a Rupture between
eee |; C ;
4 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
two States. For though Saguntum lay on this fide the Berus, and therefore
was within the Plan of Conqueſt permitted to the Carthaginians by the Ro-
mans; yet theſe laſt, as if repenting of the Conceſſion they had made to their
Adverſaries, concluded an alliance with the Saguntines ſoon after the figning
of the Treaty with Harubal. Now as by an Article of that Treaty, neither
State was to make War upon the Allies of the other, the Romans pretended
that Saguntum, though on this fide the Berus, could not be attacked without
violating the Peace. On the other hand the Cartbaginians maintained, that
the very Alliance with the Saguntines was a violation of the Treaty, as being
no other than a mean Aztifice to wreſt the power of making War upon the
Saguntines out of their hands, after it had been expreſly conceded to them by
that Article, which permitted the Conqueſt of all the Nations of Spain on this
fide the [hberus. I think it needleſs to enter into a Diſcuſſion of this nice
point, becauſe the taking of Saguntum ought to be confidered rather as the
beginning of the Quarrel, than the Cauſe of the War. The Carthaginians were
determined upon Hoſtilities: and it appears by the above deduction, that the
Romans, by a continued ſeries of Inſults and Provocations, had given them
but too juſt ground to come to that Extremity. Polybius himſelf, a great
admirer of the Romans, and who endeavours on all occaſions to repreſent their
Conduct in the moſt favourable Light, though he blames the Attempt upon
n as an infraction of the Treaty, is yet forced to acknowledge thus much.
« It, would be a great miſtake, ſays that judicious Hiſtorian, to conſider the
e taking of Sagumtum by Hannibal as the real Cauſe of the ſecond Punick War.
« It was the beginning, but not the cauſe of it. The regret of the Carthagi-
tc gians for the loſs of Sicily; the Violence and Injuſtice of the Romans, in
« ſeizing Sardinia, and impoſing a new Tribute; and laſtly, the Succeſs of the
* Caribaginian Armies in Spain, which inſpired that State with Courage, and
« alarmed their Adverſaries: theſe were the real Cauſes of the Rupture, If we
« conſider only the Siege of Saguntum, we cannot avoid throwing the whole
« blame upon the Carthaginians, whoſe attack of that City was a manifeſt Vio-
c lation * Treaty with Hſarubal. For though the Saguntines were not in
te alliance with Roms at the time of the concluſion of that Treaty, it is evident
ce the Romans did not thereby diveſt themſelves of the Liberty of making new
5c Alliances, In this view of things, therefore, the Cartbaginiam would be alto -
c gether inexcuſable. But if we go back to the Times when Sardinia was
ce forcibly ſeized, and a new Tribute impoſed, it muſt be confeſſed, adds the
« Hiſtorian, that the Conduct of the Nomam in theſe two. points cannot be
XIII. Thus we: ſee that Polhbius throws the whole blame of the ſecond
Punick War upon the Romans; and I believe every thinking Man will be
of the ſame Opinion: which ought to make us cautious of giving too eaſy
Credit to the Repreſentations of their Hiſtorians, when they charge their
Enemies with Infidelity and Breach of Faith, and -beftow ſuch magnificent
Elogiums of Juſtice and Moderation upon their own Commonwealth. For
allowing the Carthaginians to have been the firſt in breaking the Peace; it
may with reaſon be asked, whether the notorious Injuſtice of the Romans pre-
_ viouſly committed, did not juſtify them in no longer obſerving a Treaty con-
cluded in all the Forms; and whether it was not a legitimate Reaſon for en-
tering, into a War. I cannot however but obſerve, that Polybins ſeems to be a
little too fevere in his Cenſure of the Carthaginians for attacking Sagwniwen.
It will ſurely admit of debate, whether the Article relating to the Allies of
„„er RR RT Tags: e 8
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6 4
THE ROMAN ART O WAR
both States could be extended any farther than to the Alliances actually fub-
ting at the time of the Ggning of the Treaty. If we extend it to all Al.
liances whatſoever, either made ot to be made; this ſeems mutually to inveſt
them with a Power of prohibiting each other from engaging in any War:
becauſe either of them contracting an Alliance with that People againſt whom
War was intended, rendered them thereby facred and inviolable. But allowing
the Reflexion of Polybins to be juſt, that the two States by that Treaty did
not abſolutely diyeſt themſelves of the Liberty of making new Alliances; it ſeems
yet pretty evident that the Romans did fo, in reſpect of all the Nations lying on
this fide the {berws. For by giving up to the Cartbaginians the entire Con-
queſt of thoſe Countries, they plainly bound themſelves not to come under any
Engagements inconſiſtent! with that Article. The Alliance therefore with the
Sagurnitines, as it tended to diveſt the Carthaginians of a Power e y con-
ceded to them by the Treaty, ought to be confidered as a direct Violation of
it: and the Romans might with equal juſtice have contracted Amity with all
the other Nations of Spain yet unſubdued, and- thereby utterly deptived the
Carthaginians of the Power of making War in that Country.
XIV. BUT it is now time to take a view of the Cauſes that gave riſe to
the third Punic War; in which, I believe, it will be abundantly manifeſt,
that the Romans proceeded without the leaſt appearance of Juſtice. Among
the Conditions of the Peace granted by Scipio to the Carthaginians, there was
one which imported, that they ſhould not make War without the conſent of
the Romans. Maſmiſſa, King of Numidia, taking advantage of this Article,
made daily Incroachments upon their Territories, and diſpoſſeſſed them of
ſeveral Towns and Diſtricts. He was himfelf in great favour with the Nomunt,
on account of the many Services he had done them in the ſecond Punic War:
and being no Stranger to their Hatred and Jealouſy of the Carrhaginians,
unagined they would not be diſpleaſed at his Attempts to weaken the Power
of a Rival-State, The Event ſhewed that he was not miſtaken in his Judg-
ment. The Garthaginians not daring to do themſelves Juſtice, applied to the
. Romans for Redreſs. But all their Solicitations were to no purpoſe. Com-
miſſioners indeed ſet out for Africa, to examine the Pretenfions of the two
Parties, and bring Matters to an iſſue. Theſe finding Mafiniſſa already
poſſeſſed of the Territories in queſtion, choſe rather to leave the Affair un-
decided, than either oblige the King to abandon his Conqueſts, or declare ex-
preſly againſt the Cartbaginiam. The fame Conduct was obſerved in two
following Deputations: whence it was generally believed, that the Commiſſio-
ners acted in this manner by Order of the Senate, and had received private
Inſtructions to favour Maſiniſſa, who by this Delay had an Opportunity of
. eſtabliſhing himſelf in his Ufurpations. to 9 #
—
XV. IT was upon occaſion of the laſt of theſe Deputations, that the elder
Cato, who was one of the Commiſſioners, obſerving the flouriſhing Condition
of Carthage, and its great Power and Riches, notwithſtanding the many
Loſſes it had ſuſtained, could not help confidering it as a very dangerous Rival
to his Country. Accordingly: at his return, he declared in the Senate, that
Rome could never be ſafe, ſo long as Carthage ſhould ſubſiſt. Nay fo deeply
had this Apprehenſion rooted itſelf in his Mind, that in order to keep alive
in his Countrymen a ſenſe of their danger, he never fpoke upon publick
Affairs, but he always concluded his opinion with this Sentence, Carthage
muſt be defiroyd. And indeed the Nomant, naturally ayerſe to that City, x4
5 15 mindful
xt
Declaration of War by a Herald, previous to the commencing of Hoſtilities.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
mindful of the many Calamities they had ſuffered from it, were eaſily per-
ſuaded to come into this Defign. Nor was it long before an Opportunity
offered itſelf, The Carthaginians exaſperated to the laſt degree by the conti-
nual Inceoachments of Maſiniſſa, and ſeeing no hopes of Redreſs from the
Senate, had recourſe to Arms. A Battle was fought, in which they were de-
feated, their Camp taken, and their whole Army cut to pieces. The Romans
reſolving to take advantage of this Blow, and of the Pretence furniſhed by
the Quarrel with Maſiniſſa, declared War in form. All the Endeavours of the
Carthaginians to mollify them were without effect. They even made an ab-
ſolute ſurrender of their City and Territories; and in obedience to the Orders
of the Senate, ſent three hundred of their principal Nobility as Hoſtages, and
delivered up, without Fraud, all their Arms. But theſe Acts of Submiſſion
were enjoined, only in the view of weakening, and rendering them incapable
of Reſiſtance, For the Romans ſtill peremptorily demanding, that they ſhould
abandon their City, and give it up to be demoliſhed, compelled them at laſt
to arm in their own Defence. en |
XVI. I thought it neceſſary to be thus particular in my Account of the
Wars between theſe two States, becauſe they beſt ſerve to ſhow what Credit is
due to the pompous Accounts we meet with in Hiſtorians, of the Sincerity
and inviolable Juſtice of the Nomant. For here, if any where, we may ex-
pect to find Samples of that Equity and Moderation. Here we may look for
a Conduct altogether clear and void of Reproach. It is certain that the Ro-
mans always valued themſelves in a particular manner, upon their good Faith,
and exact obſervance of Treaties with the Garthaginians. This evidently ap-
pears by the advantageous Teſtimony Cæſar gives of his Countrymen in this
reſpect, in that famous Speech of his in Safi, upon occaſion of the Con-
ſpiracy of Catiline. Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum ſæpe Carthaginienſes, & in
Pace, & per Inducias, mulia nefanda Facinora feciſſent ; nunquam ipſi per
Occafionem talia fecere : magis quad ſe dignum foret, quam quod in illis Jure
eri poſſet, querebant.” * Altho in all the Pu nick. Wars, the Carthaginians,
« both in Peace, and during Truces, were guilty of many Abuſes and Vio-
> lations of their Engagements; the Romans, how inviting ſoever the Oppor-
« tunity might be, could yet never be prevailed upon to retaliate the like
ce uſage. They were more attentive: to their own Glory, than to the Revenge
ec they might have juſtly taken on ſuch perfidious Enemies“ We find like-
wiſe a great many Reflexions to the ſame purpoſe ſprinkled up and down
the Writings of Cicero: from all which it is eaſy to judge, how irreproachable
they thought their Conduct on this head, and what 'a Pattern of Juſtice and
Moderation. But if-notwithſtanding all theſe favourable | Repreſentations, it
ſtill appears ſo very liable to Exception; how much leſs can it be Juſtified'
with regard to other States? And, indeed, was I to enter into a particular
Detail, I could eaſily evince, that it was no other than a continued train of
Inſults and Provocations, deſignedly calculated to exaſperate ſuch States as
were moſt obnoxious, and force them to have recourſe: to Arms. It will
' doubtleſs appear wonderful to the Reader, how amidſt ſuch a ſeries of oppreſ-
five Conduct, the Romans ſtill found means to preſerve, in ſome meaſure, the
Reputation of Juſtice and Equity. But this, as we have before intimated,
was chiefly owing to their obſervance of certain outward Forms, They never
failed to contrive ſome ground of Complaint againſt thoſe Nations they in-
tended to attack; to ſend Deputies to demand ſatisfaction; and to make forma}
It
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
It muſt indeed be owned, that it required no ſmall Art and Policy, fo to in-
volve and intangle themſelves with all the Nations of the then known World,
that they could at pleaſure find ſome ſpecious Pretence of Quarrel, when their
Intereſt required them to break with any State. This gave a Colour of Juſtice to
all their Undertakings, inſpired their Armies with Aſſurance and Confidence,
inviolably attached to them their old Friends, and procured them new Allies
at pleaſure. And as it ſeems to have been one of their Maſter-ſtrokes in
Politicks, and the principal Engine by which they puſhed on their Conquelts,
it may not be amiſs to give the Reader ſome little Inſight into their artful
Conduct in this reſpect, that he may the better comprehend the Motives and
Tendency of it.
XVII. ALT H O' I cannot bring myſelf to think, with ſome modern
Writers of pretended. Depth and Penetration, that Numa Pompilius had a poli-
tical view, in the ſeveral religious Regulations he eſtavliſhed at Rame; yet I
am ready enough to allow, that many of his Inſtitutions, were afterwards, by
the prudent Management of the Senate, converted into Maxims of State, and
rendered very ſerviceable in the adminiſtration of the Government. Of this
Nature particularly were the Ceremonies relating to the Declaration of War.
Nothing is of greater conſequence to an ambitious Republick, which aims at
univerſal Dominion, and a gradual Subjection of all Nations, than to prevent
ſuch a general Conſederacy againſt her, as might not only put a ſtop to her
Conqueſts, but even threaten her in her turn with Deſtruction. This the Se-
nate effected by their ſingular Addreſs and Conduct, in the ſeveral Wars in
which they were engaged. For they always found means to colour them over
with ſuch a ſpecious pretence of Juſtice, as gave no Umbrage to the neigh-
bouring States, nor begot any . Jealouſy of a Power, which ſeemed: to have
nothing in view but the redreſſing its own Wrongs, or thoſe of other Nations
in alliance with it. That ſtrong bent towards Religion, and the Worſhip of
the Gods, which Muma introduced among the People, and which the Senate
carefully cheriſhed for many Generations, helped greatly to. forward this Per-
ſuaſion. Men were not apt to diſtruſt a religious Republick, where Virtue
was held in honour, and Vice of every kind diſcountenanced. Let me add,
that in the early Ages of the State, this was more than mere Pretence. They
were really diſtinguiſhed by their Probity, by a ſteddy adherence to Juſtice,
and a faithful obſervance of Treaties. Moſt of their Wars were defenſive, or
undertaken for the ſake of their Allies. And though in after-times, in pro-
portion as their Power increaſed, they gave way to the Dictates of Ambition,
and became leſs ſcrupulous in their Conduct: yet as they never departed from
thoſe outward Obſervances, by which the appearance of Juſtice is maintained;
and took care to fignalize themſelves from time to time, by ſuch particular
Inſtances of Moderation, as could not fail to make a deep Impreſſion ; their
Reputation for Equity and good Faith continued till the ſame.
XVIII. OBSERVE, I beſeech you, the different Sentiments entertained of
the Romans and Carthaginians, at the time of the Rupture between «the two
States. The Romans, tho they had gradually ſubjected all the Nations of Italy,
and raiſed themſelves to a very formidable Pitch of Greatneſs, were yet ſo far
from being conſidered as an ambitious Republick, againſt which it was ne-
ceſſary for other States to be upon their Guard, that the fame of their Virtue
and Juſtice ſeems at this time to have been at the higheſt ; inſomuch that fo-
reign Nations, inſtead of dreading their Power, courted their Alliance and
d Amity.
xiii
xiv
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
Amity. It was otherwiſe with the Carthaginians. They had been leſs care-
ful to conceal their Ambition, or cover their Breach of Treaties under a pre-
tence of Injuries. Hence their Defigns became ſuſpected, all their Actions
were viewed in the worſt Light, and the general Prejudice againft them was
ſo ſtrong, that every thing laid to their Charge by their Enemies found a
ready Belief. By this means it happened, that though in the Interval between
the firſt and ſecond Punick Wars, the Romans ated without the leaſt regard
to Juſtice and the Faith of Treaties, yet very little notice was taken of the
Complaints of the Carthaginians: and when in conſequence of repeated Infults
and Provocations, they were at laft obliged to have recourſe to Arms; the whole
blame of the War, though ſo manifeſtly flowing from the injurious Behaviour
of the Romans, was nevertheleſs charged upon the Perfidy of the Cartba-
ginians.
XIX. AFTER the entire Conqueſt of Italy, and the Reduction of the
greateſt Part of Sicily in the firſt Punick War, it required a more refined Policy
in the Romans, to extend the Limits of their Empire, and at the fame time
keep up the Reputation of their Integrity. They were not immediately ſur-
rounded with thoſe Nations, which it was their Intereft to attack; and there-
fore could not eafily provoke them to ſuch Acts of Hoſtility, as might juſtiſy
a Declaration of War. And ſhould they upon ſlight Pretences tranſport an
Army out of their own Territories, to fall upon a diſtant Prince, the defign
of Conqueſt would be viſible, and beget a general alarm. Beſides, their Power
was become ſo very formidable, that foreign States did not care to contend
with them, and therefore induſtriouſly avoided giving them any juſt ground
of Complaint, In this Situation they took upon themſelves the Title of Patrons
and Protectors of all Nations, and by contracting Alliances with weaker
States, found means to fall upon the ſtronger at pleaſure, without ſeeming
themſelves to have any particular Intereſt in the Quarrel. It was upon this
Principle that they attached themſelves to the Saguntines and /Ezolians, which
afterwards furniſhed them with ſuch a plauſible colour for the Cartbaginian
and Macedonian Wars. To know the full Reach and Value of this Policy,
we need only reflect, that though the ſecond Punick War was unexceptionably
juſt on the Part of the Carthaginians; yet the Romans, by diverting the
attention of the Publick from the Uſurpation of Sardinia, and fixing it upon
the fate of Saguntum, threw the whole odium of that War upon their Adver-
ſaries, whilſt themſelves were conſidered as a humane generous People, actuated
merely by a Concern for their Allies |
XX. AND here it is particularly deſerving of our notice, that amongſt
the many Wars in which they were engaged, after the concluſion of that with
Hannibal, we hardly meet with any that can be deemed perſonal. It was
always, at leaſt in appearance, to ſupport the Cauſe of ſome of their Allies,
or prevent their being cruſhed by a powerful Neighbour. One would be apt
to think, that they had it not ſo much in view to aggrandize themſelves, as to
prevent the Growth of any dangerous Power, from which weaker States might
be expoſed to ſuffer. Upon the concluſion of the firſt Macedonian War, the
proclaimed Liberty to all the States of Greece. This Action, fo magnificent
in appearance, was in reality a refined Stroke of Policy. The Greeks were a
warljke People, well diſciplined, and capable of bringing great Armies into
the Field. Had they ſuſpected the Romans of a Deſign upon their Liberties,
and united in their own defence, they muſt have been invincible. But this
ſeeming
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THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
ſeeming Grant of Freedom effectually lulled them afleep, and by the artfu!
Conduct of the Romans, gave birth to infinite Diviſions among them; which
ending commonly in an Appeal to Rome, furniſhed the Senate with frequent
Opportunities of taking Part in their Quarrels. Thus they inſenfibly grew to
be Rulers and Dictators over them, and by flow imperceptible Steps accompliſhed
their Subjection.
XXI. THEIR Ambaſſadors to foreign Princes, and fuch as had not yet
felt the weight of their Power, commonly delivered themſelves in ſuch a haughty
magiſterial way, as could not fail to draw upon them fome Indignity or ill
Treatment, and thereby furniſh a fure Pretence of War, when the Intereft of
the Commonwealth rendered ſuch a Step neceſſary, If a People at any time
had given them Umbrage, and afterwards 1 of their Raſhneſs, ſur-
rendered up the principal Offenders; they would often refuſe to puniſh them,
chooſing rather to conſider the whole Nation as guilty, and reſerve to them-
ſelves an uſeful Vengeance, When they ſaw two Nations engag'd in War,
although they were not in alliance, nor had any Conteſt with either of them,
they would nevertheleſs appear upon the Stage of Action, and affected always
to fide with the weakeſt: It was an ancient Cuſtom, ſays Dionyfius of Haly-
carnaſſus, for the Romans to grant Succour to all who came to implore it. If
Princes of the ſame Blood were at variance for the Crown, they ſeldom failed
to make themſelves Parties in the Diſpute ; and if one of them was a Minor,
declared in his favour, proclaiming themſelves his Guardians, in quality of
Protectors of the World. When Subjects oppreſſed and tyranniſed over by their
Sovercigns, were provoked to renounce their Allegiance, they immediately in-
dulged them the Title of Ally, declaring themſelves the profeſſed Enemies of
Tyranny and lawleſs: Power.
XXII. THESE were the Arts and Policies, by which the Romans fo in-
tangled themſelves with all Nations, that they could with pleaſure engage in a
War with any State, and colour it over with ſuch an appearance of Juſtice,
as not only prevented any general Confederacy againſt them, but even warmly
engaged their Allies in the ſupport of their Uſurpations. Nor were they leſs
politick in the choice of their Wars, and in the manner of conducting and
bringing them to a period. For as their Power was very formidable, and they
had contrived to draw many Nations over to their Intereſt : whatever State
took up Arms againſt them, found it impoſſible to make any long Reſiſtance,
and was in the end forced to accept of ſuch Conditions of Peace as they
thought fit to propoſe. For this reaſon War was ſeldom declared againſt
them, but themſelves always made it, at a Seaſon, with a People, and in ſuch
manner as beſt ſuited their Intereſt. If they were oppoſed by ſeveral Enemies
at the ſame time, they granted a Truce to the weakeſt, who thought them-
ſelves happy in obtaining it, conſidering it as a great Advantage, that their
Ruin was at leaſt ſuſpended, They never engaged in far-diſtant Wars, till they
had firſt made an Alliance with ſome Power contiguous to the Enemy they
invaded, who might unite his Troops to the Army they ſent: and as this was never
conſiderable with regard to Numbers, they always had another in that Province
which lay neareſt the Enemy, and a third in Rome, ever ready to march at a
Minute's warning, In this manner they hazarded but a ſmall part of their
Forces at once, and found it eaſy to repair any Loſs they might ſuſtain, whilſt
their Enemy was often ruined by a ſingle Battle. It was this Confideration
that inſpired Hannibal with the Reſolution of attacking them in Ialy itſelf,
| 5 the
XV
*
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
the Center of their Dominions. He was ſenfible that a Blow ſtruck there,
muſt effectually weaken them: whereas diſtant Defeats, ſo long as the Capital
remained unmoleſted, and was at liberty to ſend a freſh Supply of Troops to
recruit the Army, were properly ſpeaking little other than ſo many Leſſons of
Prudence to their Generals, who ſoon found themſelves in a condition to re-
new the War, with greater Forces, and more Circumſpection. Accordingly
we find, that when the ſame Hannibal afterwards offered his Service to An-
ztiochus, in his intended War againſt the Romans, there was no Principle he
inculcated more earneſtly, than the Neceſſity of ſending an Army into 1zaly,
and cutting them off from thoſe continual Reſources, by which in any other
method of Attack they found themſelves invincible.
XXIII. BUT nothing gives us a greater idea of the Addreſs and Policy of
this People, than the manner in which they terminated their Wars, when they
had at laſt brought them to the point they deſired. They ſent the Garriſons
out of the Strong- holds; had the Horſes and Elephants delivered up to them;
and if their Enemies were powerful at Sea, obliged them to burn their Ships,
and ſometimes remove higher up in the Country. If the Prince they had
overcome was poſſeſſed of numerous Armies, and ſurrounded with warlike
Nations, one of the Articles of the Treaty was, that he ſhould not make War
with any of the Allies of the Romans, but ſubmit his Differences to Arbitra-
tion. And as they never refuſed their Alliance to any People who bordered
on a powerful Prince, this Condition inſerted in a Treaty of Peace, cut him
off from all Opportunities of making War, or employing his Troops, and
thereby deprived him of a military Power for the time to come. Nay they
even bereaved their very Allies of this Force. The inſtant any Conteſt broke
out amongſt them, they ſent Ambaſſadors who obliged them to conclude a
Peace. It was in this manner they terminated the Wars between Attalus and
Prufias; and whoever is in the leaſt acquainted with their Hiſtory, muſt be
ſenſible, that they all along adhered ſtrictly to this Policy. The Reſult was,
that they alone were poſſeſſed of warlike and veteran Armies, whilſt thoſe of
other Nations degenerated into a raw unpractiſed Rabble. When any State
compoſed too formidable a Body from its Situation or Union, they never failed
to divide it. The Republick of Achaia was formed by an Aſſociation of free
Cities. The Senate declared, that every City ſhould be governed by its own
Laws, independent on the general Authority. Macedonia was furrounded
with inacceſſible Mountains. The Senate divided it into four Parts; declared
thoſe free; prohibited them every kind of Alliance among themſelves by Mar-
riage; carried off all the Nobles into Tal), and by that means reduced this
Power to nothing. |
XXIV. THESE Cuſtoms of the Romans were not certain particular Inci-
dents, which happened by chance; but ſo many invariable Principles, from
which in a long courſe of Years they never deviated. The Maxims they put
in practice againſt the greateſt Monarchs, were exactly the ſame with thoſe they
had employed in their infant State, againſt the little Cities which ſtood round
them. They made Eumenes and Maſiniſſa contribute to the Subjection of
Philip and Antiochus, as they had before employed the Latines and Hernici,
to ſubdue the Yol/cians and the Tiſcans. They obliged the Carthaginians and
the Kings of {ja to ſurrender their Fleets to them, in like manner as they
had forced the Citizens of Antium to give up their little Veſſels. And indeed
it is ſurpriſing to conſider, that duting the courſe of that long and mighty
; Proſperity
THE ROMAN ART OE WAR:
Proſperity which attended the Nom Arms, and in which it is ſo uſual for
Mankind to forget themſelves, the Senate continued to act all: along with the
| fame depth of Judgment, and the fame ſteddy Views to the publick Intereſt.
They were not dazzled by their good Fortune, nor moved to precipitate
their Enterpriſes before the proper Seaſon. Obſerve, J intreat you, the Wiſdom
and Policy of their Conduct. After the Defeat of Antiochus, they were poſ-
ſeſſed of Africa, Afia, and Greece, without having a fingle City in thoſe
Countries, that could be called immediately their own. They ſeemed to con-
quer with no other view but to beſtow. But then they obtained fo complete
a Sovereignty, that whenever they engaged in War with any Prince, they
oppreſſed him, as it were, with the weight of the whole Univerſe. The time
proper for ſeizing upon the conquered Countries was not yet come. Had the
Romans kept the Cities they took from Philip, the Greeks would have ſeen at
once into their Deſigns. Had they, after the ſecond Punick War, or that with
Antiochus, poſſeſſed themſelves of Lands in Africa and in Afa, they could
never have © preſerved Conqueſts ſo ſlightly eſtabliſhed. It was the Intereſt of
the Senate to wait till all Nations were accuſtomed to obey as free and as con-
federate, and to let them blend and loſe themſelves inſenſibly in the Roman
Commonwealth, before they ſhould attempt reducing them to the Condition of
Subjects. After overcoming a Nation, they contented themſelves with weaken-
ing it, and impoſing ſuch Conditions as confumed it inſenſibly. If it recovered,
they depreſſed it ſtill more, and it became ſubject without a poſſibility of
dating the Era of its dubjection. This was indeed a flow way of conquering,
but founded in the deepeſt Policy. Nome, by a ſteddy Adherence to theſe
Maxims, gradually increaſed in Strength; and having at length got the better
of all Oppoſition, ſecurely took poſſeſſion of the Sovereignty of the Univerſe.
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Of the manner of levying Troops, and forming a Roman
I. Jr E Levies, during the times of the Commonwealth, to which Period
we chiefly confine ourſelves, were commonly made by the Conſuls.
Every Year they iſſued" out an Edict, commanding all who had reached the
military Age, to appear in the Field of Mars, or in the Capitol. Two Legions
compoſed a conſular Army: and as there were two Conſuls, it was uſual to
XVII
raiſe four Legions yearly. The Age for ſerving in the Army was from ſeven-
teen to forty-five. None but Citizens were admitted: and all of that Rank
within the Age prefcribed by Law, were obliged to be preſent on the Day
prefixed,” under pain of à Fine. To fail in this reſpect was long criminal
during the Commonwealth, The People being aſſembled, the Conſuls began
by nominating the military Tribunes, twenty-four in Number, fix to every
Legion. Of theſe fourteen were choſen out of the Body of the Knights, and
the reſt from among the People. The firſt were required to have ſerved at leaſt
five Vears, and the others ten. They were divided to the four Legions in this
manner. Of the faurteen youngeſt Tribunes four were aſſigned to the
firſt Legion, three to the ſecond, four to the third, and three to the laſt.
* Ee Of
*
Xviii
the Latin Word legere, to chogſe; and the Levy itſelf was called Delectus, Choice,
*
4 DISCOURSE CONCERNING.
Of the ten eldeſt, two to the firſt. and rd. SARA and three, o he
ſecond and laſt. | I | | $82 74
II. THE four and twenty T ribunes thus choſen and . = 5 5
was called out by Lot, and ordered to divide into its proper Centuries. Four
Men, as much alike in all circumſtances as could be found, being preſented
out of the Century on whom the Lot fell; the Tribunes of the firſt Legion
choſe one, then the Tribunes of the ſecond another; the Tribunes of the third
Legion a third, and the remaining Perſon fell to the Tribunes of the fourth.
After this four more were drawn. out. And nom the right of chooſing firſt
belonged to the Tribunes of the ſecond Legion: in the next four to = Tri-
bunes of the third Legion: then to the Tribunes of the fourth Legion; - and
fo continually, thoſe always chooſing laſt in every turn, who choſe firſt the
time before, From this manner of chooſing the Soldiers one by one; the ſeveral
e Bodies into which they were formed, 8 the Name of Legions, from
No Soldier was admitted under the height of ſive Roman Feet and ten 0
except in an extreme want of Troops, which would not allow of chooſing.
It is obſerved, that the Men of the firſt Cohorts of each Legion were not under
fix Feet high, which amounts to about five Feet ten Inches of our meafure;
the Roman Foot making eleven Inches and ſix hundred — four decimal Par
of an Inch Engli/þ. | 51
III. THE Horſe were choſen a of N Body of 2 N into which
Order, after the inſtitution of the Cenſus by Servins Tullius, all were admitted
who were worth four hundred Se/tertia. * had a Horſe and Ring given
them at the publick Charge, and formed a third and middle Order between
the Senate and People. "They are known in Hiſtory under the Name of Noman
Knights, and were obliged to appear on horſeback, as often as the State had
occaſion for their Service. Thus there was always a ſufficient Number of Ca-
valry in readineſs, and it belonged to the Cenſołs to review them, and furniſh
what was neceſſary to complete the Legions. It is indeed hard to conceive, that
all the Roman Horle in the Army ſhould be Knights; 3.,and therefore many
learned Men are of opinion, that after the Siege 2 Veii, there were two forts
of Cavalry in the Roman Armies: one, whom ho Publick ſupplied with Horſes,
and who were ſaid to ſerve Equo publico: the other, who furniſhed themſelves,
and ſerved Equo private, The former they allow to; have been of the Order
of Knights, the latter not. But Grævius 5 abundantly demonſtrated by the
courſe of Hiſtory, that from the beginning of the Romam State, till the time
of Marius, no other Horſe entered the Legions but the true and proper Kaights,
except in the midft of publick., Confuſion, when Order and Diſcipline, were -
neglected. After that Period, the Affairs being new; madelled,. the
Knights thought not fit to expoſe themſe ves abroad in the Legions, as they
had formerly done, but generally kept at home to enjoy their Eſtatcs, and to
have a hand in the Tranſactions of the City, leaving their Places. in, the Army
to be ſupplied by foreign Horſe. Or if they. ever made. Campaigns themſeves,
they held. ſome Poſt of Honour and Command. Hence under the Emperors,
a Man might be a Knight, and have the Honour of a publick Hogfe, without
ever engaging in the publick Cauſe, or ſo much as touching, Arms: which Con-
ſideration made ſome Princes lay aſide the Cuſtom of allowing the Knights a
Horſe, and leave them only hes gold Ring to diſtinguiſh, 51 n as .
the elder affirms to have * eenc.in hit ame. ð . Hes _
10.
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
W. WHEN the Leries were completed, the Tribunes of every Legion
obliged the Soldiers one by one to take the military Oath, The Form in this
caſe was, to chooſe out a Soldier, who repeated the Oath aloud. By this Oath
he engaged to hazard his Life fot the Commonwealth, to obey his General,
and not to quit the Army without Leave. In pronouncing it he held up bis
right Hand, raiſing the Thumb of it upright; after which all the Soldiers of
each Legion declared that they ſwore the ſame thing, but without repeating
the Form. This was not a mere Ceremony, but a very folemn Act of Reli-
gion, and ſo eſſential to the military State, that no Man was deemed a Soldier,
nor allowed to ſtrike or kill an Enemy; if he had not taken the cuſtomary Oath.
We have a remarkable Example of this in the Behaviour of Care the Cenſor.
A Legion, in which the 80n of that illuſtrious Senator ſerved, being diſmiſſed
by the Conſul who commanded in Macedonia, young Cato choſe to continue
with the Army. His Father thereupon wrote immediately to the Conſul, to
defire, if he thought fit to ſuffer his Son to remain in the Service, that he
would make him take a new Oath, becauſe being diſcharged from the forme:
ET.
he had--no. longer any right to jwin in Rattle againſt the Enerny. We find
likewiſe, that among the Greeks the military Oath was accounted inſeparable
from the State of a Soldier. And Xenophon, in his Hiſtory of Cyrus the Great,
inſorms us, that that Prince exceedingly applauded the Action of an Officer,
who having raiſed his Arm to ſtrike an Enemy, upon hearing the Retreat
ſounded, ſtopt ſhort, regarding that Signal as an order to proceed no fatther.
V. AFTER adminiftring the military Oath, the next care of the Tribunes
was, to form the Troops into Legions, The exact Number of Soldiers in ſuch
a Battalion was not always the fame. Romulus fixed it at three thouſand Foot,
and three hundred Horſe. It afterwards roſe to four, five, and fix thouſand.
Under the Confuls it was commonly four thouſand two hundred Foot, and
three hundred Horſe. - This was the Number in the time of Polybius, and here
1 ſhall fix it. In order thoroughly to comprehend the Nature of the Legion,
ſo ſamous in Hiftory, we muſt begin wich obſerving, that the whole Infantry
of whieh it was compoſed, was divided into four Orders, the Velites, Haftati,
Principes, and Triarii. The Vellies were young, active Soldiers, and formed
the light- armed Troops of the Ramm Commmomwealth. They had their Name
d volamdo, or d vclocitare, from their Swiftneſs and Expedition. They were not
divided into Companies; nor had any fixed Poſt aſſigned them in a Day of
Battle, but hovered in looſe order before the Army, or were diſpoſed among
the Cavalry and heavy-armed Troops, as occaſion required. The Haſfati were
ſo called, becauſe they uſed in ancient times to fight with Spears, which wete
afterwards laid aſide as incommodious. Theſe were taken out the next in Age
to the elite, and formed the firſt Line in a Day of Battle. The Principes
were generally Men of middle Age, in the ptime and vigour of Life, whence
probably they took their Name. Their Poſt in an Engagement was the ſecond
Line. The Tiarii were old Soldiers of diſtinguiſhed Valour, who had fer
long, and acquired great Experience. They had their Name from their Poft
in the Field of Battle, forming the third Line or Reſerve. They are likewiſe
ſometimes called Pilaui, from their Weapon the Piu. 40. 21
VI. THESE. ſeveral Diviſions formed twelve hundred Men apitce in the
three firſt Orders, and ſix hundred in the laſt, amoumtin
fand two hundred, che intire Infantry of a Legion. Each Body, the Yelires
excepted, was fubdivided into ten Parts or Maruples, confifting of au hundred 8
and
ng in all to four thou- -
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* 4 DISCOURSE. CONCERNING
and twenty in the Haſtati and Principes, and of ſixty in the Triarii.' Every
Maniple made two Centuries or Companies. Anciently, and at its firſt Inſti-
tution by Romulus, the Century had an hundred Men, from which it took its
Name. But afterwards, it conſiſted only of ſixty in the Haſtati and Principes,
and of thirty in the 7riarii. Three Maniples, one of the Haſtati, another of
the Principes, and a third of the Triarii, compoſed a Cohort. Every Legion,
therefore, conſiſted of ten Cohorts, beſides the twelve hundred Velites, who,
as we have already obſerved, were not divided into diſtinct Companies. The
Number of Legions kept on Foot was different, according to the different Exi-
gences of the State. During the Commonwealth, four Legions were uſually
levied every Year, and divided between the two Confuls; But in caſe of Ne-
ceſſity, the Number was augmented, and we ſometimes meet with eighteen
in Livy. * | 7 EA. |
VII. WE have obſerved that every Maniple was divided into two Centuries -
or Companies. Over each of theſe preſided an Officer called a Centurion.
To determine the Point of Priority between them, they were created at
two different Elections. Thoſe of the firſt Election, as the moſt honourable,
always took the Precedency of their Fellows, and therefore commanded the
right Hand Orders, as the others did the left. He who commanded the firſt
Century of the firſt Maniple of the Triarii, called alſo Pilani, was the moſt
conſiderable. of all the Centurions, and had a Place in the Council of War
with the Conſul and principal Officers. He bore the Name of Primipilus, or
Primipili Centurio; and was called likewiſe Primipilus prior, to diſtinguiſh
him from the Centurion who commanded the ſecond Century of the ſame
Maniple, who had the Title of Primipilus poſterior: This Diſtinction of prior
and poſlerior had Place alſo in all the other Manipleti. The Centurion who
commanded the firſt Century of the ſecond Maniple of the Tiarii, was called
ſecundi Pili Centurio; and fo on to the tenth, who was called decimi Pili Cen-
turio. The ſame order was obſerved among the Haffati and Printipes. The
firſt Centurion of the Principes was called primus Princeps, or primi Principis
Centurio. The: ſecond, /ecundus Princeps, Ic. and ſo on to the laſt. 80 like-
wiſe among the Haftati, primus Haſtatus, or primi Haſtati Centurio, ſecundus
Haſtatus, &c. through all the different Orders. As it belonged to the military
Tribunes to appoint the, Centurions, ſo theſe laſt choſe: Yexillarii- or Enſigns,
two to every Maniple. They had likewiſe Officers under them called Succen-
turiones or Optiones, and who were in the nature of our Lieutenants. Polybius
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VIII. THE Cavalry required to a Legion was three hundred. They were di-
vided into ten Turmæ, or Troops, thirty to a Troop. Every Troop conſiſted of three
Decuriæ, or Bodies of ten Men. Over each of theſe was a Captain, called
Decurio. He that was firſt elected commanded the whole Troop, and had the
Title of Præfectus. The Decurions had every one his Optio, or Deputy, under
him, who in like manner as in the Foot, were called Tergiductors. Theſe
Squadrons often occur in Hiſtory under the Name of Alæ, becauſe they always
formed the Wings of the Legion. At the time the Romans warred againſt the
lefler Nations of Italy, their Horſe was incomparably ſuperior to that of their
Enemies, for which Reaſon they were compoſed of none but the moſt conſi-
derable among the Citizens, being, as we have obſerved, ſelected wholly out of
the Order of the Knights. When they alighted, no Infantry was more for-
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THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
| midable, and they very often turned the Scale of Victory. It muſt be owned,
however, that their Cavalry were but few in proportion to their Foot; and
though they ſerved well enough for their Italian Wars, yet they became fully
ſenſible of this Inconvenience when they had to do with Hannibal. It was
chiefly by the Superiority of his Cavalry, and his manner of uſing it, that he
gained ſo many Victories over them. Accordingly they applied themſelves
ſeriouſly to the improvement of this Part of their Strength, not only by inter-
mixing Platoons of Foot with their Cavalry, and training them particularly to
that Service, but likewiſe by taking foreign Horſe into their pay, Numidiant,
Gauls, and Germans. |
IX. BESIDES the Troops already mentioned, there were always in the
Roman Armies a Number of Soldiers of a more eminent degree, known by the
Title of Evocati. They were ſuch as had ſerved out the legal time, and been
diſtinguiſhed by particular Marks of Favour, as a Reward of their Valour. It
was uſual for the Conſuls, eſpecially in important Wars, to invite a great Num-
ber of theſe into the Service, by circular Letters diſpatched for that purpoſe.
The Reputation of a General was what chiefly induced them to grant their
attendance, and therefore it was conſidered as a particular mark of Honour.
In the Field they uſually guarded the chief Standard, being excuſed from all
the military Drudgery of ſtanding on the Watch, labouring in the Works, or
other ſervile Employments. They had likewiſe the privilege of uſing the Vitis or
Rod, which was the badge of the Centurion's Office, and indeed were in all reſpects
rather ſuperior to the Centurions. It was very common, when any General of
an eſtabliſhed Reputation, and who had long diſtinguiſhed himſelf in the
ſervice of his Country, was appointed to the management of a difficult War,
to ſee great Numbers of theſe flock to his Standard, and offer themſelves anew
to Dangers and Fatigues, in hopes of gaining freſh Laurels under the auſpices
of a Commander, who had often in their youth led them to Honour and
Victory. Thus it happened to Paulus Amilius, when he was charged with
the Conduct of the Macedonian War. And thus alſo to the younger Scipio
Africanus, when after a ſeries of Diſgraces before Mumantia, the Romans
caſt their Eyes upon him, as alone capable of reſtoring the Reputation of
their Arms. | a
X. BUT to return to the Legions. The Officers next in dignity to the
Centurions were the military Tribunes, of whom we have already given ſome
account. They owed their Name and Inſtitution to Romulus, who having di-
vided the whole Body of the Citizens into three Tribes, appointed an Officer
over each, with the Title of Tribune. The Number afterwards increaſed to
fix in every Legion. During the Infancy of the Commonwealth they were
nominated by the Conſuls; and afterwards, partly by the Conſuls, partly by
the People. Their Buſineſs was to decide all Controverſies in the Army; to
give the Word to the Watch; to ſee that the Soldiers obſerved Diſcipline,
obeyed Orders, and did their Duty; and to take care of the Works and Camp.
None could attain this Dignity, who had not ſerved in the Army five Years ;
and of the twenty-four that were annually choſen, ten at- leaſt muſt have ſerved
ten Years. Care was alſo taken to diſtribute them in ſuch. manner, that in
each Legion the moſt experienced were united with thoſe who were younger,
in order to inſtru& and form them for commanding. By this means the Le-
gions were always provided with able Officers, which could not fail of having
an excellent Effect upon 'the Troops, as it naturally tended to inſpire them
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4 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
with Valour, and beget an Eſteem and Confidence in their Commanders,
During the Campaign, which laſted fix Months, they commanded the Legion
by turns, two at a time, for two Months together. The order in which they
were to command was decided by Lot.
XI. THE Troops we have hitherto been deſcribing, may properly be
termed the natural Forces of the Republick, as conſiſting wholly of her own
Citizens, They were indeed the original Armies of Rome, and all along con-
ſtituted her main Strength. But this political Commonwealth, when ſhe began
to extend her Dominion over 1zaly, inſtead of reducing the vanquiſhed Nations
to Slavery, indulged them the Title of Allies, and the free enjoyment of their
own Laws, upon Condition of ſupplying her in her Wars with a certain pro-
ortion of Men. Theſe were called the allied Troops, and as to Number, were
equal to the natural Forces in Foot, and double in Horſe. The manner of
levying them was thus. The Conſuls, while they were employed in com-
pleating the Legions at Rome, gave notice to the allied States what Number
of Forces they would have occaſion for, and appointed a time and place of
Rendezvous. The States accordingly convened their Men, and chooſing out
the deſired Number, gave them an Oath, and aſſigned them a Commander
in Chief, and a Paymaſter-general. When they arrived in the Camp, they
were divided into two great Bodies, termed Alæ, or Cornua, from their poſi-
tion in- the Army. For the Romans always reſerved the Center to themſelves,
placing the Confederates, half on the right, and half on the left Wings. And
becauſe they were more numerous than the natural Forces, Care was taken
farther to ſeparate them, by ſelecting a third part of the Horſe, and a fifth of
the Foot, and poſting them near the Conſul's Perſon, under the Name of Ex-
zraordinarii. It is not certainly known how the ſmaller Bodies of the Con-
federate Forces were commanded. Moſt probably the Romans marſhalled them
according to their own Diſcipline, and aſſigned them Officers of the ſame
nature with thoſe of the Legions. This ſeems to follow from the manner in
which they fought, it appearing evidently by the Courſe of Hiſtory, that both
as to their Arms, and order of Battle, they differed in nothing from the Troops
of the Republick. We are aſſured, however, that the two Alæ, or great Di-
viſions of the Allies, had each a Præfect appointed them by the Raman Conſul,
who governed in the ſame manner as the legionary Tribunes. In after times,
all the States of Italy were admitted to ſhare the Freedom of the City, and
their Forces incorporated with thoſe of the Republick. From this Period,
therefore, the Name of Allies ceaſed, and in their ſtead the auxiliary Troops
were procured. Theſe were ſent by foreign States and Princes, at the Deſire
of the Roman Senate, or Generals, and were allowed a ſet Pay from the Re-
ublick ; whereas the Allies received no Conſideration for their Service, but a
Diſtribution of Corn.
XII. OVER theſe Armies of the Roman People, the two Conſuls preſided,
who were the ſtanding Generals of the Republick. They were created yearly,
and in the Field poſſeſſed an unlimited Authority; the Senate reſerving to
themſelves only the Power of making Peace, and decreeing War, unleſs upon
extraordinary Occaſions, The annual Change of Generals was doubtleſs in
ſome Caſes an Obſtacle to the Advancement of Affairs: but the danger of in-
fringing the publick Liberty, by continuing the ſame Man longer in the Com-
mand of all the Forces of the State, obliged them to overlook this Incon-
venience, from the apprehenſion of a much greater. The Neceſſity of Affairs,
| | the
:
THE ROMAN ART OF. WAR
the Diſtance of Places, and other Reaſons, reduced the Romans at length to
continue their Generals in the Command, for ſeveral Years together, under the
Name of Proconſuls or Proprætors. And as theſe Generals had often a great
Extent of Country to defend, and were obliged to employ different Bodies of
Troops in different Places, they found it neceſſary to have Officers under them,
of a more extenſive Authority than the military Tribunes. This gave riſe to
the Inſtitution of the Legati, who commanded in chief under the General,
and managed all Affairs by his Permiſſion. We find them ſometimes at the
head of one Legion, ſometimes of three or four, and ſometimes of only part
of a Legion. Their Office was accounted very honourable, inſomuch that the
greateſt Men of the State, and even ſuch as had been Conſuls and Dictators,
did not diſdain to accept of it. The great Fabius, as is well known, was his
Son's Lieutenant; and Scipio Africanus ſerved in the ſame Capacity under the
Conſul his Brother. The Number was according to the General's pleaſure, on
whom alone the Choice depended: and it appears, that they commanded un-
der him, and received his Orders, as Lieutenant-Generals in our Armies ſerve
under the Generaliſſimo. In the abſence of the Conſul or Proconſul, they had
the honour of uſing the Faſces, and were intruſted with the ſame Charge as
the Officer whom they repreſented.
XIII. HAVING thus ſufficiently explained how the Armies of the Roman
People were formed, and the different Degrees of Rank and military Service
that prevailed in them; it is time to conſider a little more particularly wherein
their Strength conſiſted, and to what they were indebted for that Superiority,
which rendered them victorious over the Troops of all other Nations. The
firſt thing that offers itſelf 'to our Obſervation here is, the Nature and Form
of the Legion; whoſe contrivance was ſo admirable, that Yegetius thinks no-
thing leſs than a God could inſpire the Idea of it. The Soldiers of which it
was compoled, were armed with Weapons of a heavier and ſtronger kind than
thoſe of other Nations, as we ſhall have occaſion to ſhow more at large in the
next Chapter. But becauſe ſome things muſt be done in War, which a heavy
Body is not able to execute, it was therefore made to include within itſelf a
Band of light Forces, which might iſſue from it in order to provoke the Enemy
to Battle, or draw back into it in caſe of Neceſſity. It was likewiſe ſtrengthened
with Cavalry, and with Spearmen and Slingers, to purſue thoſe who fled, and
compleat the Victory. The Troops were all of different experience and ſtand-
ing in the Service, and ſo mixed together in the Cohorts, that no Party of
Roman Forces was without a ſufficient Number of Veterans, to give Life and
Vigour to its Operations. The Number of Men in a Legion ſeems likewiſe to
have been the effect of a wiſe Policy. For theſe amounting to four thouſand
five hundred, formed a. conſiderable Body of Troops, animated by one and the
ſame Spirit, and who from their mutual Relation among themſelves, would
take a near Intereſt in each others Preſervation, They were in effect Men of
the ſame Regiment, and had all that Zeal and Concern for one another, which
is uſual among thoſe leſſer Diviſions of our Troops. 55
XIV. THE Marquis de Feuguzere in his Memoits obſerves, that the Regi-
ments of which modern Armies conſiſt, are not ſufficiently ſtrong in the Num-
ber of Men. He thinks it might do well to form them of ſeveral Battalions:
becauſe ſuch a Multitude of different Bodies, without any immediate Tie among
themſelves, ſeems directly contrary to that Union and Subordination, which
conſtitutes the great beauty of military Diſcipline. It is certain that Troops
always
XXilii
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A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
always exert themſelves more, in behalf of thoſe of the ſame Regiment, than
where the Party for which they are engaged belongs to a different Diviſion.
This the Romans were fully ſenſible of, and had an Eye to it particulary in the
Conſtitution of their Legion. It was doubtleſs of great Advantage to them in
a Day of Battle, that their Lines were made up of a few large Bodies, linked
together by the ſtrongeſt military Ties, and nearly intereſted in each others
preſervation. Nor. did the Number of Men in theſe Bodies render them un-
wieldy or unmanageable: becauſe being judiciouſly diſpoſed into Cohorts, they
could be commanded with the fame eaſe, and were no leſs nimble in their
Operations, than if they had formed ſo many independent Battalions. And
here it is worthy of notice, that in drawing up the Army, the Troops were fo
diſpoſed, as tended wonderfully to their mutual Support and Encouragement.
For as the Romans commonly fought in three Lines, ſo in every one of thoſe
Lines, the Soldiers were always ſo poſted, as to be ſuſtained by others of the
fame Legion. This was owing to the manner of forming the Lines, not by
intire Legions, but by the different military Orders that compoſed the Legions.
The Haftati were placed in the firſt Line, the Principes in the ſecond, and
the Tiarii in the third. By this means the Haſtati of every Legion were ſup-
ported by the Principes of the ſame Legion, and theſe again by the TTiarii.
What Spirit and Confidence this muſt add to the Troops, and how effectually
it would tend to preſerve them from Slaughter, when any particular Line was
broken, will be evident upon the leaſt Reflexion. It is found by experience,
that Soldiers never fight better, nor exert a greater ſhare of Courage, than
when they know themſelves to be well ſupported; and if at laſt they are obliged
to give way, yet ſtill the Retreat is managed with leſs Terror and Confuſion,
The Romans, in caſe of a Repulſe, retired through the Intervals of the Lines
behind them: and theſe conſiſting of Men of the fame Legion, advanced im-
mediately to their Relief, and doubtleſs would do every thing in their Power
to preſerve their Fellows. This kept up the Spirits of thoſe that fled, prevented
their throwing away their Arms, and encouraged them to rally and renew the
Charge.
XV. THERE was alſo another Advantage in the Conſtitution of the
Legion, ariſing from the ſeveral military Orders of which it was compoſed,
with their Diviſion into Maniples and Companies. For theſe being very nu-
merous, and differing in point of Rank and Superiority, opened a large Field
for Preferment, and thereby excited an incredible Ardor and Emulation among
the Troops. A private Soldier, after paſſing through the different military
Orders, came to be a Centurion among the Hafazi; and riſing from one Ma-
niple to another, was at length promoted into the Rank of the Principes. Thence
by a like Gradation he reached the Order of the Tiarii, and in time attained
the Dignity of Primipilus. Nor was he even obliged to ſtop here. For as
military Merit was every thing at Rome, it ſeldom failed to raiſe thoſe who
poſſeſſed it in any eminent Degree, to the firſt Dignities of the State, The
manner too in which Promotions were made, ſeems wonderfully calculated for
the advancement of true Bravery. Every higher order of Officers created thoſe
next below them, and ſo in train continually, through all the different Steps of
the Service. As therefore the Perſons on whom the Choice depended, had the beſt
Opportunities of knowing the Merit of the ſeveral Competitors, and were likely
to be determined by that alone, in a matter that ſo nearly concerned their own .
Honour and Safety ; it is natural to ſuppoſe, that every one would endeavour
to recommend himſelf by ſuch Qualifications, as rendered him truly worthy of
the
THE ROMAN ART OF VAR.
the Place to which he aſpired. This progreſſive Choice of Officers, which
eſtabliſhed ſo juſt a Subordination in the Army, and gave a. great aſcendant
to the principal Commanders, contributed more than any thing to the Per-
ſection of military Diſcipline. It is worth while to obſerve how gradually the
Romans proceeded herein. The People or State elected the two Conſuls. The
Conſuls choſe the military Tribunes: the military Tribunes the Centurions:
and the Centurions their Vexillarii and Tergiductors. This method opened
the faireſt Proſpe& to Valour, and tended to beget that Spirit among the Troops,
which is of all others the happieſt that can be raiſed in an Army, an Emula-
tion to ſurpaſs each other in deſerving Honours. 5
XVI. WHAT we have hitherto {aid regards chiefly the Form and Structure
of the Legion. Let us now conſider the Quality of the Troops of which it
was compoſed. None but Citizens wete admitted into this Body: and of all
theſe the Tribunes had their Choice, from ſeventeen to forty-five Years of Age.
We are to obſerve, however, that it was not every Citizen whom they judged
worthy of this Honour. By the Inſtitution of the Cen/us, the whole Roman
People were divided into diſtinct Claſſes, founded on a valuation of their Eſtates.
Thoſe of the ſixth and loweſt Claſs, conſiſting of the poorer Citizens, uſeful
only by ſtocking the Commonwealth with Children, were not allowed to ſerve
in the Army. The Romans were for having Soldiers, whoſe real Intereſt in
the preſervation of the State, would prompt them to act with Zeal in its De-
fence. They had every one their portion of Land, and for the moſt part lived
in the Country, to improve and cultivate it with their own Hands. Thus ac-
cuſtomed to the Toils of Husbandry; to endure Sun, Rain, and Hail; to
handle heavy Inſtruments, dig Tretiches, and carry Burdens; when they en-
tered the Service they only changed their Arms and Tools, and came with
Bodies inured to Labour, and ſeaſoned to all the Fatigues of the Field. Be-
ſides, as War was the proper profeſſion of this People, and what they were all
obliged to engage in, as ſoon as they reached the Age fot bearing Arms, mili-
tary Exerciſes made an effential part of their Education. They were trained
up in them from their Infancy,” and had a ſpace of Ground within the City,
called the Campus Martius, where, as if actually in the Field, they formed
themſelves to all the Branches of the Service. After their Fatigues they plunged
into the Tiber, to accuſtom themſelves to ſwimming, and cleanſe away the Duſt
and Sweat. Hence the Romans were never obliged, on any ſudden Emergency,
to commit the Honour or Safety of the State to a raw undiſciplined Multitude.
They had always a ſufficient Number of Men in readineſs, trained and habi-
tuated to War, for the forming and recruiting: their Armies. of}
XVII. IN reading the Hiſtory of ancient Commonwealths, we can hardly
forbear fancying, that we peruſe the Annals of a ſet of Men, altogether diffe-
rent from ourſelves. The prodigious Fortune to. which the Romans attained,
ſeems incredible to us. We are amazed to ſee that Republick, from an obſcure
inconſiderable Village, riſing inſenſibly to Power, extending her Dominion over
Italy, and at laſt rendring herſelf Miſtreſs of the Univerſe: to behold her
Citizens, even thoſe of weight and authority in the Adminiſtration, ſerving as
private Men in her Armies: and to find that Soldiers, who in our Days are
the Dregs of every Nation, were in that Commonwealth made up 'of the very
ſame People, who at home, in times of Peace, created Magiſtrates, enacted
Laws, and obliged the Senate itſelf to ſubmit to their Deciſions. Nor is it leſs
a matter of wonder when we conſider the number and greatneſs of her Armies.
© It
XXV
4A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
It is evident by experience with reſpect to modern times, that a European
0 Prince who has a Million of Subjects, cannot, without deſtroying himſelf, keep
| = up and maintain above ten thouſand Men. But when we look into the
Ii
|
Affairs of ancient States, eſpecially thoſe of Sparta, Athens, and Rome, the
| caſe appears to be quite otherwiſe. We there find, that this proportion be-
bin » tween the Soldiers and the reſt of the People, which is now as one to an
if | hundred, could not in them be leſs than as one to eight, Rome was yet con-
1110900 fined within very narrow Bounds, when the Latins having refuſed to ſuccour
1 ji l her with the Troops which had been ſtipulated, ten Legions were preſently
1 raiſed in the City only. And if we examine the Hiſtories of {hens and
14 Sparta, we ſhall there meet with Inſtances no leſs ſurpriſing, of powerful and
| = numerous Armies, when compared with the-Extent of their Territories.
655 XVIII. T O account in ſome meaſure for ſo wonderful a Revolution in the
10% | courſe of human Affairs, it behoves us to call to mind, that the Founders. of
| ancient Commonwealths had taken care to make an equal Diſtribution. of
Lands, and that the ſeveral Portions were allotted to Individuals, upon Con-
dition of ſerving the State in her Wars. This Circumſtance alone raiſed a Nation
to Power, gave Strength to its Armies, and 'made it a well-regulated Society.
By this it became equally the Intereſt of ee of the Commonwealth,
and that a very great Intereſt too, to exert himſelf in defence of his Country.
Romulus, after aſſigning one Part of the Roman Territory to the Expences of
religious Worſhip, and another to the uſes of the State, divided the remainder
| into thirty Portions, to anſwer to the thirty Curiæ. Under the Commonwealth,
"$1 | in proportion as the publick Domain increaſed, it was the conſtant, practice of
. the Senate for ſeveral Ages, to allot part of the conquered Lands to the uſe of
| the poorer Citizens, and ſhare it equally among them. This was what at firſt
enabled Rome to ſoar above its humble Condition; and the People were ſtrongly
ſenſible of it even in their corrupted State. We find them conſtantly ſtruggling
for an Agrarian Law, and contriving means to check. the Artifices, of thoſe
who endeavoured to elude it, The avowed Patrons of Liberty confidered this
Law as the main Bulwark of the State, and were ever ſounding in the Ears
of the Senate, the Miſchiefs to which they expoſed themſelves by the violation
of it. Tell me, would Tiberius Gracchus ſay to the Nobles, which is the moſt
valuable Character, that of a Citizen, or of a perpetual Slave? Who is moſt
uſeful, a Soldier, or a Man entirely unfit for War? Will you, merely for the
ſake of enjoying a few more Acres of Land. than your. Fellow-citizens, quite
lay aſide the hopes of conquering the reſt of the World, or be expoſed to ſee
1 diſpoſſeſſed by the Enemy of thoſe very Lands which you re-
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XIX. AND in fact we find, that in proportion as the Romans deviated
from this great and original Principle of Government, Affairs began to wear
the very ſame Face, under which they appear in our Days. The Avarice of
ſome, and the laviſh Profuſeneſs of others, occaſioned the Lands to become
the Property of a few. Immediately Arts were introduced, to ſupply the reci-
procal Wants of the rich and poor; by which means but very few Soldiers or
Citizens were to be ſeen. For the Revenues of the Lands, that had before
been employed to ſupport the latter, were now wholly beſtowed on Slaves and
Artificers, who adminiſtered to the Luxury of the new Proprietors. But it was
impoſſible that People of this caſt ſhould be good Soldiers, they being cowardly
and abject, already corrupted. by the Luxury of Cities, and often by the yery
"LC
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR: xxvii
Art they profeſſed. Beſides, as they might reap the fruits of their Induſtry in
every Clime, and could not properly call any Country their own, they had no
ſufficient Tie to bind them to its Defence. Nor was this Revolution peculiar
to the Republick of Rome. Sparta before her had experienced the like vi- |
ciſſitude. Lycurgus left no leſs than thirty thouſand Citizens behind him,
who in the time of Agis and Cleomenes, were reduced to ſeven hundred, ſcarce
an eighth Part of whom was poſſeſſed of Lands. The reſt were no more. than
a cowardly Populace. Theſe two Kings undertook to revive the ancient Laws
on this occaſion, and from that time Lacedæmonia recovered its former Power,
and again became formidable to all the States of Greece. Had Tiberius and
| Caius Gratchus equally ſucceeded in their Deſign of reforming the Roman
Commonwealth, the loſs of Liberty, and all the Miſeries conſequent upon it,
might have been prevented. But their untimely fate diſcouraging others from
engaging in the ſame Cauſe, Nome ſoon after, inſtead of being defended by,
became a Prey to her own Legions. Nor ought we to wonder, if Men who
had no Property in the State, and might hope more from its Overthrow than
Preſervation, were eaſily induced to conſpire its Ruin.
XX. BUT the equal Diſtribution of Lands, was not that alone, which gave
Strength to the Armies of Rome. There were other Circumſtances peculiar to
the times and Conſtitution of that Republick, which contributed not a little
to its Grandeur. The Trade of a Soldier was not then, as in our Days, a
Slavery for Life, attended with infinite Fatigue, and ſcarce any Profit. As the
Art of exactly fortifying Places was little known, and leſs practiſed; national
Quarrels were decided by Battle, and one gained often put an end to the War.
Hence the Service was properly ſpeaking little other than ſo many Summer
Campaigns. The Armies were renewed yearly, and for ſeveral Ages never kept
the Field during the Winter. A Battle was commonly attended with the Con-
queſt of an entire Province or Kingdom; and the Pillage got in over-running
the Enemies Country, was often not only ſufficient to enrich the Conquerors,
but ſometimes even ſerved to aggrandiſe their Poſterity. At the cloſe of the
Campaign, the Soldiers were diſmiſſed, every one to his own home, to look
after his domeſtick Affairs, and cultivate his Inheritance. Thus there were
many Inducements to a military Life: the ſhort Duration of the Service: the
Proſpect of Wealth and Affluence, to which it often conducted: the Neceſſity
of defending their own Poſſeſſions: and the hope of acquiring new ones from
the Enemy. For, as we have already obſerved, it was the conſtant Practice of
the Senate for ſeveral Ages, to aſſign part of the conquered Lands to the uſe
of the poorer Citizens; either dividing it among thoſe; who had no Patrimony
of their own, or granting an additional Allowance to ſuch whoſe Inheritance
was but ſcanty. In our times the condition of a Soldier is very different.
National Quarrels are not now decided by Battles, but moſt commonly by
Sieges, which ſpins out the War to an immoderate length, and occaſions an
infinite Joſs of Men. Towns are ſeldom taken by Storm, or abandoned
to be plundered, but given up by Capitulation, and the Inhabitants left in the
quiet Poſſeſſion of their Properties. A Country expoſed to Pillage redeems
itſelf by Contributions, no Part of which comes into the Hands of the private
Men, whoſe Pay at the fame time is fo ſmall, that the meaneſt Occupation -
yields a far greater Income. Thus the Miſeries of Hunger, Heat, and Cold,
which are inſeparable from a military Life, the certainty of Blows, and the
uncertainty of Plunder, renders the uſual Parts of War full of Sufferings and
Dangers, and of little or no Profit to the Soldiers. |
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XXVIIIi
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
XXI. INDEED in the latter times of the Commonwealth, War began
to partake of thoſe Inconveniencies, with which it is attended in the preſent.
Age. But then the Encouragements they had to face the Dangers of the Ser-
vice, and the high Honours to which it paved the way, made all Difficulties
vaniſh and diſappear. For as the Romans devoted themſelves entirely to the
| Profeſſion of Arms, and conſidered it as the only Study worthy their Care,
they omitted no methods to recommend and place it in Eſteem. Innumerable
Rewards and Diſtinctions were invented, ſuited to the different Stations of Men,
and the ſeveral kinds of Valour in which they might render themſelves con-
ſpicuous. Magiſtracies and Dignities were almoſt always conferred, according
to the Reputation of the Candidate for Bravery in War. And at the ſame
time that military Merit never failed to promote the Perſon in whom it was
lodged, no one was capable of civil Employment in the Commonwealth, who
had not ſerved in the Army at leaſt ten Vears. We are not therefore to
wonder, that amidſt ſo many Incentives, which rendered the Life of a Soldier
not only honourable, but in ſome meaſure neceſſary, Multitudes flocked to
the Service, and ſtrove with Emulation to be admitted into the Legions. Intereſt
and Ambition are the two ruling Principles of human Life; and as both con-
ſpired to urge the Romans to War, it was eaſy for them to find Armies, and
to increaſe and multiply them at pleaſure. But in our Days, none of thoſe
motives operate upon the Minds of Men. The Condition of a common Sol-
dier is of all others the moſt deſpicable: and even with regard to Officers of
the firſt Rank, long Service is ſo far from being a Recommendation to State-
Preferment, that they are on that very account, in the Judgment of many,
the leſs fit for civil Employments.
” XXII. BUT what chiefly contributed to the Strength and Greatneſs of the
| Roman Armies, was the Cuſtom eſtabliſhed by Romulus, of incorporating the
vanquiſhed Nations, and admitting them to the Privileges of Citizens. Without
this it would have been impoſſible for Rome, to raiſe herſelf to that height of
Grandeur, to which in time ſhe attained. The Spirit of her Citizens, the
Bravery of her Troops, and the admirable Diſcipline of her Armies, might
have enabled her to ſubje& the Nations around her, and extend her Sway over
a conſiderable Part of Italy: but in proportion as ſhe advanced in Conqueſt,
ſhe would have become ſenſible of her own Weakneſs ; and the difficulty of
maintaining herſelf in her new Territories, when they grew large enough to
employ the whole natural Forces of the Commonwealth,” would have either
made her drop all Thoughts of farther Empire, or forced. her to have Recourſe
to mercenary Troops, which have always in the end proved the ruin of thoſe
States, who were imprudent enough to venture upon ſo dangerous an Expe-
dient. This is remarkably exemplified in the Hiſtory of Athens, Sparta, and
Carthage. The two firſt of theſe Cities acquired conſiderable Dominion and
Authority in Greece, and for ſome time maintained themſelves in the Poſſeſſion
of that Power, to which their Valour and Abilities in War had raiſed them.
But as the Number of Citizens in either State ſeldom exceeded thirty thouſand,
and they were unacquainted with the Policy of incorporating the vanquiſhed
Nations, it was impoſſible for them to enlarge their Territories in any exten-
. ive Degree. For great Conqueſts require great Armies to maintain them,
which Cities ſo conſtituted as Athens and Sparta, were not able to furniſh.
Accordingly we find, that when Ambition prompted them to Undertakings
beyond their Strength, they were ſo far from being able to increaſe their
Dominions, that their very Conqueſts proved their Ruin, and they ſunk
under
F
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＋EE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
under the weight of their own Greatneſs. For the Countries they had brought
under Subjection, not conſidering themſelves as Parts of the State, but rather
as Tributaries and Slaves, were glad of an Opportunity of ſhaking off the Yoke ;
and therefore ſeldom failed to revolt, when they ſaw them engaged in any
difficult War. By this means they were not only deprived of a conſiderable
Part of their Revenues, at a time when they ſtood moſt in need of Money
and Supplies; but obliged likewiſe to divide their Forces: which was a great
Check upon their Deſigns, and in the end ſo weakened them, that they were
no longer able to maintain themſelves in that Grandeur and Reputation they
had acquired. | Pee
XXIII. THE caſe of Carthage was indeed ſomewhat different. That
Commonwealth, by its Riches and Commerce, was able to ſet great Armies on
foot, and make extenſive Conqueſts. But as the Genius of the Citizens was
turned more to Traffick than War, and as they never admitted the conquered
Nations to the Privileges of natural Subjects, they were under a Neceſſity of
employing mercenary Troops, both for enlarging their Territories, . and holding
the vanquiſhed Countries in Obedience. Hence the many Shocks and Con-
vulſions to which that State was liable. For as her Armies had no other Tie
to the Republick, but that of their Pay, they were eaſily induced to throw
off their Allegiance, when any more advantageous Proſpect offered itſelf. Their
Revolt more than once brought Carthage to the very brink of Deſtruction.
Inſtead of contributing to ſecure the Tranquillity of the tributary Countries,
they often ſpirited them up to Rebellion; and, which is indeed a neceſſary
Conſequence of employing mercenary Troops, upon any ſudden reverſe of For-
tune, they were ever ready to abandon the Service. Thus the Carthaginians,
though abſolute Maſters at Sea, poſſeſſed of immenſe Territories, and able to
ſet on foot numerous Armies, were in reality rather a rich than a powerful
Republick. They were ſucceſsful indeed for a time againſt a Number of bar-
barous States and Nations, without Diſcipline or Experience in War: but when
they came to enter the Liſts with a brave and a military People, their Under-
takings almoſt always miſcarried. Witneſs their many fruitleſs Attempts upon
Syracuſe ; the Extremity to which they were reduced by Agatbocles; and the
_ caſe with which they were in a manner totally driven out of Sicily by Pyrrhas.
Indeed in their firſt and ſecond War with the Romans, they make a very con-
ſiderable figure in Hiſtory, whether we regard the greatneſs of their Victories,
or the ſtrength of their Armies, But the merit of that ſeems rather owing
to the Abilities of their Generals, than to the intrinſick Power of the Com-
monwealth itſelf. Accordingly, in the third Punick War, when they had
neither a Hamilcar nor a Hannibal at the head of their Troops, they in a very
ſhort time fell a Prey to their Enemies. | |
XXIV, BUT now the Romans, by the admirable Policy of incorporating
the vanquiſhed Nations, avoided all the Inconveniences to which the above-
mention d Cities were liable, and built their greatneſs upon a ſure Foundation.
The Forces of the State increaſed with their Territories, inſomuch that it is
amazing to conſider, in how ſhort a time, from ſmall beginnings, they roſe to
an incredible Multitude of Citizens. The conquered Provinces. were fo far
from being an Incumbrance upon them, by exhauſting their Strength in Guards
and Garriſons, that, on the contrary, they became real Parts of the Common-
wealth, and contributed greatly to her Power, by augmenting her Revenues,
and adding to the Number of her Subjects. Thus in proportion as Rome grew
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XXX
in greatneſs, and ſtood in need of mighty Armies to ſupport the weiglit of
that neither Buckler nor Head - piece could reſiſt their Impetuoſity. Inſtead
Rank and Denomination. They were equipped with Bows, Slings, Javelins,
a Spaniſh Sword, a Buckler, and a Helmet. The Bow is of very remote Anti-
and greatly contributed to the gaining of Victories. Livy mentions ſome Cities
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
her Enterpriſes, ſhe found within herſelf an inexhauſtible Stock of Men and
Riches, and without having recourſe to mercenary Troops, could furniſh more
than ſufficient to anſwer all the Demands of the State. Pohbius, when: he
comes to ſpeak of the War with the Halicł Gauls, takes occaſion to deſcribe
the mighty Preparations made by the Romans, to oppoſe that formidable
Enemy. We there find, that the Forces of the Commonwealth at that time,
amounted to about ſeven hundred thouſand Foot, and feventy thouſand Horſe.
Compare this Account with the Hiſtories of Athens and Sparta, and it will
ſoon appear, what a diſadvantage theſe two States lay under, for want of ſuch
an Inſtitution as that of Romulus. For as they never admitted the vanquiſhed
Nations to the right of Citizens, but always reduced them to the Condition of
Tributaries, the multitude of their Conqueſts ſerved only to enlarge their Terri-
tories, without adding to the number of their natural Subjects. Hence even
in the moſt flouriſhing Period of their greatneſs, they could ſeldom bring into
the Field above thirty thouſand Men. Rome on the other hand, by a contrary
Policy, increaſe." daily in the Multitude of her Citizens, and in time was
enabled to furniſh out Armies, adequate to the Conqueſt of the Univerſe.
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Of the Arms and Diſcipline of the Romans.
I. TT is generally allowed among the Writers upon the Art of War, that as
in many other things, ſo particularly in their Arms, the Romans excelled
all other Nations. I ſhall not here confine myſelf to the uſual Diſtinction
into offenſive and defenſive, but rather deſcribe them according to the ſeveral
military Orders of which the Legions were compoſed. By the Yelites we are
to underftand all the light-armed Troops of the Commonwealth, of whatever
2 and has been uſed by almoſt all Nations. Crete in particular was famous
or its excellent Archers. It does not ſeem to have been much regarded by
the Romans in the earlieſt times of the Republick, and when it was afterwards
introduced, was confined chiefly to the auxiliary Troops. We find however,
in the Deſcription of Battles, frequent mention made of the Sagittarii; and
it appears, that they ſometimes contributed not a little to the Victory. The
Sling was alſo an Inſtrument of War much uſed by many Nations. The Ba-
leareans eſpecially, who inhabited the Iſlands now called Majorca and Minorca,
are beyond all others celebrated for their Expertneſs at this Weapon. They
were ſo attentive in exerciſing their Youth in the uſe of it, that they did not
give them their Food in a Morning till they had hit a Mark. Theſe Balea-
reans were much employed in the Armies of the Carthaginians and Romans,
of Achaia, Dana Egium, Patræ, and Dymæ, whoſe Inhabitants were
ſtill more dexterous at the Sling than the Baleareans. They threw Stones
farther, and with greater Force and Certainty, never failing to hit what Part
of the Face they pleaſed. Their Slings diſcharged Stones with ſo much Force,
of
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR xxxi
of Stones, they ſometimes charged the Sling with Balls of Lead, which it
carried much farther, and with greater Impetuoſity. The Javelin, or Haſta,
was the proper miſlive Weapon of the Yelizes, It was a kind of Dart not un-
like an Arrow, the Wood of which was generally three Foot long, and one
Inch thick. The Point was four Inches long, and tapered to ſo fine an end,
that it bent at the firſt Stroke in ſuch a manner, as to be uſeleſs to the Enemy.
Every Man carried ſeven of them to Battle. The Spaniſh Sword was for a
cloſe Encounter. The Romans judged this Weapon the fitteſt for execution,
as having both Edge -and Point. It was ſhort, of excellent temper, and
in ſhape not unlike a Turkiſh Scimetar, only ſharper at the Point, Livy tells
us, that though it was principally intended for ſtabbing, it would yet ſerve
likewiſe to cut off Arms, Legs, and Heads at a Blow. The Buck/er, or Par ma,
was of a round form, about three Foot in Diameter, and made of Wood
covered with Leather. The Helmet, called Galea, or Galerus, was a light
Cask for the Head, generally made of the Skin of ſome wild Beaſt, to appear
the more terrible.
II. THE: Arms of the Haftati, Principes, and Triarii were in a great
meaſure the fame; for which Reaſon we {hall not divide them in our De-
ſcription, but ſpeak of them all together. Thoſe moſt deſerving our Notice
are the Sword, the Scutum, the Pilum, the Galea, and the Lorica. The
Sword was the ſame as that of the Velites, and therefore requires not any
icular Deſcription here. It was uſual with the Romans to wear it on the
right fide, that they might be the more at liberty to manage their Shields. In
ancient Monuments however, we ſometimes meet with it on the left. The
Scutum was a Buckler of Wood, oblong, and bending inward like a half
Cylinder. Irs Parts were joined together with little Plates of Iron, and the
whole was covered with a Bull's Hide. An Iron-ring went round it without,
to keep off Blows; and another within, o hinder it from taking any Damage
by lying on the Ground. In the middle was an Iron-Boſs, or Ubo, jutting
out, very ſerviceable to glance off Stones and Darts, and ſometimes to preſs
violently upon the Enemy, and drive all before them. It appears that theſe
Bucklers were large enough to cover almoſt the whole Body. Polybius makes
them four Foot long, and two and an half broad. And in Livy we meet
with Soldiers who ſtood on the Guard, ſometimes ſleeping with their Head
laid on their Shield, having fixed the other Part of it on the Earth. Some
make the Scutum the ſame with the Clypers : but this is evidently a miſtake;
ſince in the Inſtitution of the Cey/us by Servius Tullius, we find the Clypeus
given to thoſe of the firſt Claſs, and the Scutum to thoſe of the ſecond. In
fact, the Scutum was long and ſquare, and came at laſt to be the only Shield
of the heavy- armed Troops. The Clypeus- was of a ſmaller ſize, and quite
round, belonging more properly to other Nations, though for ſome time uſed
by the Romans. |
III. THE Pilum was a millive: Weapon, which, in a Charge, they darted
at the Enemy. It was commonly four ſquare, but ſometimes round ; com-
poſed of a Piece of Wood about three Cubits long, and a Slip of Iron of the
ſame length, hooked and jagged at the end. They took abundance of care in
joining the two Parts together, and did it ſo artificially, that it would ſooner
break in the Iron itſelf, than in the Joint. Every Man had two of theſe Pla,
which they diſcharged at the Enemy before they came to cloſe Fight. . When
they had neither time nor room they threw it upon the Ground, and charged
the
XXII A DISCOURSE CONCERNING ©
the Enemy Sword in Hand. Marius, in the Cimbrian War, contrived theſe
Pila after a new Faſhion. For whereas before, the Head was faſtened to the
Wood with two Iron-pins; he ſuffered one of them to remain as it was, and
pulling out the other, put a weak wooden Peg in its Place. By this means,
when it ſtuck in the Enemy's Shield it did not ſtand outright as formerly:
but the wooden Peg breaking, the Javelin hung down, and fticking faſt by
its crooked Point, drew after it the Shield. Next to the Pilum we mentioned
the Galea, This was a Head-piece, or Morrion, coming down to the Shoulders.
It was either of Iron or Braſs, open before, and leaving the Face uncovered.
Some of them were fo contrived, that they might be let down, on occaſion, to
cover the Face. Upon the top was the Criſta, or Creſt,” in adorning of which f
the Soldiers took great Pride. In the time of Polybius they wore Plumes of
Feathers, dyed of various Colours, to render them beautiful to their Friends,
and terrible to their Enemies. The Officers in particular were extremely curious
and ſplendid in their Creſts, which were uſually worked in Gold and Silver,
and fo contrived as to repreſent Animals of various kinds, Lions, Leopards,
Tigers, and Griffins. If we might ſpeak of thoſe of foreign Commanders,
the Creſt of King Pyrrbus, as very ſingular, would deſerve our notice. It was
made, according to Plutarch's Deſcription, of two Goats Horns. Alexander
the great, as he is repreſented on ancient' Medals, wore a Creſt of the ſame
N ature.
IV. WE come now to the Lorica, which was a defenſive Armour for the
Body, as the Galea was for the Head and Neck. In our Language it is called
the Cuiraſs, and was generally made of Leather, covered with Plates of Iron
in the form of Scales, or Irong-Rings twiſted within one another in'the form
of Chains. Theſe are what we call Coats of Mail, in Latin, Lorica Hamis con-
ſerta, or Hamata. Sometimes the Cuiraſs conſiſted of Thongs, with which
the Soldier was girt from the Armpits to the Waſte, and whence probably-it
took the Name of Lorica, from Lorum, a Thong or Strap of Leather. We
find likewiſe that it was oftentimes a ſort of Linen Caſſock, made with many :
Folds, which reſiſted, or very much broke the Force of Blows. Among the
Greeks this Piece of Armour had the Name of Thorax, and was made either
of Iron or Braſs, in two Pieces, which were faſtned upon the Sides by Buckles.
Alexander left the Cuiraſs only the two Pieces which covered the Breaſt, that
the fear of being wounded in the Back, which had no defence, might prevent
the Soldiers from flying. Some of theſe Cuiraſſes were of ſo hard a Metal, as
to be abſolutely proof againſt Weapons. Zoilus, an excellent Artiſt in this
way, offered two of them to Demetrius Poliocertes. To ſhow the excellency
of them, he cauſed a Dart to be diſcharged from a Catapulta, at the diſtance
of only twenty-ſix Paces; which though it ſtruck the Cuiraſs with the utmoſt
Violence, yet made no Impreſſion, and ſcarce left the leaſt Mark behind it.
Aftet all it muſt be owned, that the Thorax of the Greeks. was much leſs
capable of Motion, Agility, and Force; whereas the Girts of Leather, ſucceſ-
fively covering each other, left the Roman Soldier entire Liberty of Action; and
fitting him like a Veſt, defended him againſt Darts. The poorer Soldiers, who
were rated under a thouſand Drachms, inſtead of the Lorica, wore a Pe&orale,
or Breaſt-Plate of thin Braſs, about twelve Inches ſquare: and this, with what
has been already deſcribed, and Greaves and Gantlets upon their Legs and
Arms, which were common likewiſe to the reft, rendered them compleatly
-
* ”
armed *
. *
*
5
v. WHAT
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR. —
V. WHAT we have hitherto ſaid regards only the Foot. It is now time
to ſpeak of the Cavalry, who at firſt were but very indifferently armed, either
for Offence or Defence. They uſed only a round Shield, with a Helmet on
their Head, and a couple of Javelins in their Hand, great part of their Body
being left without defence. - But as ſoon as they found the many inconveni-
ences to which they were hereby expoſed, they began to arm themſelves like
the Grecian Horſe, or much in the manner of their own Foot, only their Shield
was a little ſhorter and ſquarer, and their Lance or Javelin thicker, with ſpikes at
each end, that if one miſcarried, the other might be ſerviceable. It is re-
markable, and what indeed we are hardly. able to comprehend, that amongſt
the Ancients, the Horſe had neither Stirrups nor Saddle. Education, Exerciſe,
and Habit, had accuſtomed them not to want thoſe aids, and even not to
perceive that there was any. occaſion for them. There were ſome Horſemen,
ſuch as the Vumidians,, who did not know ſo much as the uſe of Bridles to
guide their Horſes: and who, notwithſtanding, by their Voice only, or the uſe
of the Heel or Spur, made them advance, fall back; ſtop, turn to the right or
left; in a word, perform all the Evolutions of the beſt diſciplined Cavalry.
Sometimes, having two Horſes, they leaped from one to. the other even in the
heat of Battle, to eaſe the firſt when fatigued. Theſe Vumidians, as well as
the Parthians, were never more terrible than when they ſeemed to fly thro'
Fear and Cowardiſe. For then, facing ſuddenly. about, they diſcharged their
Darts or Arrows upon the Enemy, and often put them to flight with great
ſlaughter. The Romans were more than once ſurpriſed by theſe unexpected
Attacks, and on ſome Occaſions ſuffered conſiderably. But they at laſt found
out a method of ſecuring themſelves, by holding their Targets over their
Heads, and forming what Hiſtorians call the Tzfudo. It was to this Inven-
tion that Marc Antony owed the preſervation of his Army, when miſcarrying
in his Expedition againſt the Partbiaus, he found himſelf obliged to retreat into
*
Syria before a great Body of their Horſe.
VI. THESE were the Arms with which the Romans conquered the World:
and I believe it will be readily owned, that they were admirably well calcu-
lated, both for defending themſelves, and offending their Enemies. Polybius,
in more Places than one, gives them the advantage in this reſpect over all other
Nations, and expreſly affirms, that the many Victories they obtained over the
Gauls, was owing entirely to the ſuperiority of their Arms. It is true, the
cutting Swords of that People terrified them greatly at firſt, and was the
cauſe of a fatal Overthrow. But they ſoon learnt from Experience, what a
contemptible Weapon that was, when employed in cloſe fight, againſt Troops
ſubſtantially armed for defence. For the Gauls, to give force and vigour to
their Blows, were obliged to avoid too near an approach to the Enemy, that
they might have room to wield their Swords. Their firſt Ranks therefore only
could do execution, ' becauſe the Romans knowing their ſafety to lie in cloſe
fight, advanced continually under cover of their Shields, and crouded upon
them in ſuch manner, that they left them not ſufficient ſpace for the free uſe |
of their Weapons. It is beſides obſerved, that the Swords of the Gauls were of
ſoill a temper, as after two or three ſtrokes to ſtand bent in their Hands, and
thereby become wholly uſeleſs to them, if they had not time to ſtraighten
them on the Ground with their Foot. This was not to be expected in the
heat of fight, againſt an Enemy that preſſed hard; ſo that the Romans cloſing
in with them, ſtabbed them in the Face and Breaſt with their pointed Swords,
and made terrible laughter. The Chevalier Folard is aſtoniſhed, that under
YH f 1 all
*
*
-
"xxxiv A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
all theſe Diſadvantages, his Countrymen ſhould obtain ſo many Victories over
the Romans. He can hardly forbear fancying, that had they fo far improved
by their Defeats, as to change the faſhion of their Weapons, and arm them-
ſelves after the manner of their Adverfaries, we ſhould not have heard fo
much of the boaſted Exploits and Conqueſts of that People. Be that as it
will, it is certain the Gaul wanted neither Bravery nor military Conduct,
and if we except the ſingle Article of their Arms, ſhewed themſelves on many
Occaſions no way inferior to the Romans.
VII. BUT let us now compare their Arms with thoſe of the Greeks.
Here, it muſt be owned, the Advantage does not appear ſo manifeſt. Many
are rather of opinion, that the Greeks excelled the Romans in this reſpect.
The Earl of Orrery particularly, in his Treatiſe of the Art of War, wonders
much that the Romans, who borrowed moſt of their Weapons whether offenſive
or defenſive from the Greeks, did not alſo follow their example in furniſhing ſome
of their Infantry with long Pikes, which he obſerves are the beſt offenſive
Arms, either to charge or defend, and of excellent uſe againſt Horſe. It is well
known that the Macedonian Phalanx, to which Philip and Alexander were in-
debted for moſt of their Victories, fought always with this Weapon. One,
would therefore be apt to think, that an Experience ſo much in its favour,
could not have failed of recommending it powerfully to the Romans. And
yet it is certain, that after making trial of it for ſome time, they laid it afide
as incommodious, ordering the Haftati, who at firſt were equipped with it,
and thence took their Name, to arm themſelves after the faſhion of the reſt of
the legionary Foot This could not ariſe from any ſcrupulous attachment to their
own Cuſtoms, or diſlike of foreign Manners ; becauſe no People were ever leſs
tenacious in this reſpect, or ſhewed a greater readineſs to adopt the Inſtitutions
of other Nations, when they ſaw any real Benefit likely to accrue from them.
The principal Reaſon ſeems to have been, that they found the uſe of this
Weapon incompatible with that of the Shield. For as it neceſſarily required
to be managed with both Hands, thoſe who fought with it were obliged to
lay aſide the Buckler; which piece of Armour appeared to the Romans of
greater conſequence than the Pike, becauſe this laſt was in ſome meaſure ſup-
plied by the Sword and Javelin. If we might judge of things by the Event,
the Romans reaſoned very juſtly on this Occaſion ; fince without the aſſiſtance
of the Pike, they not only gained greater and more numerous Victories than
the Macedonian Phalanx, but even beat that, very Phalanx itſelf, fo formidable
by the uſe of this Weapon. As this is a very curious and intereſting Subject,
and capable of furniſhing many uſeful Reflexions in relation to the ancient
Art of War, it will not, I believe, be diſagreeable to the Reader, if we en-
large a little upon it. | | |
VIII. THE Macedonian Phalanx was a Body of ſixteen thouſand Men,
armed with Pikes four and twenty foot long, which Hiſtorians deſcribe under
the Name of Sariſſæ. This Corps was generally divided into ten Battalions,
each conſiſting of ſixteen hundred Men, an hundred in front, and ſixteen
deep. To form ſome idea of their ſtrength and order of Battle, we need
only reflect upon what paſſed a few Centuries ago in Europe, when Italy
was a continual Theatre of War, by reaſon of the different Pretenſions of
France, Spain, and the Emperor. The Battalions of Switzerland were then
in great Reputation, and generally looked upon as the beſt Infantry in the
World, chiefly on account of the many Victories they had gained by the
| | Rs.
"THE ROMAN ART OF VAR. XXX V
Pike. They were forced at firſt to have recourſe to this Weapon, in order to
ſecure themſelves aginſt the Ambition of the German Princes, who were daily
making Attempts upon their Liberty. For theſe Princes being rich, and able to
bring into the Field a numerous Cavalry, the Swirzers, whoſe whole Strength on
the contrary lay in their Foot, ſaw themſelves under a neceſſity of contriving Arms,
that might defend them againſt the Enemy's Horſe. None appeared. ſo pro-
per for this purpoſe as the Pike; and fo ſucceſsful were they, by the Perfection
they attained to in the uſe of it, and their admirable Orders and Diſcipline,
that with fifteen or twenty thouſand Foot, they would often venture to attack a
vaſt Body of Horſe, and generally came off victorious. From that time the Pike
became famous, and was introduced into all the Armies of Europe. We find
that they uſually had one half of their Infantry Shot, and the other half
Pikes; and it is particularly deſerving of our notice, that for ſeveral Ages, the
chief Dependence of the General in a Day of Battle ſeems to have been upon
the Pikes. By degrees the Musket began to prevail over the Pike; yet gained
ground ſo very flowly, that it is not much above half a Century, ſince we find
one third of the Infantry ftill Pikes.
IX. BUT tho' the Pike was found to be of admirable ſervice in Engage-
ments with Horſe, Experience conſtantly made it appear, that it was by no
means ſufficient againſt a reſolute and well-armed Infantry. For as this Wea-
pon required to be managed with both Hands, and therefore neceſſarily excluded
the uſe of the Target, thoſe who carried it were left altogether without de-
fence, if in the courſe of an Engagement, the Enemy ſhould chance to get
within their Pikes. Hence the Generals who were acquainted with this Weak-
neſs in the Swz/s Battalions, and could bring their Troops to preſs the Charge
vigorouſly, ſeldom failed of defeating them with great ſlaughter. We have a
remarkable Example of it in the caſe of Count Carmignola, General to Philip
Viconti Duke of Milan. That brave Officer being ſent againſt a Body of
eighteen thouſand Swizzers, with only fix thouſand Horſe, and a few Foot,
advanced boldly to the Encounter : but tho' the Attack was reſolute and well
conducted, he was repulſed with confiderable loſs. Carmignola quickly per-
ceived the advantage which the Enemy had in their Foot over his Horſe. As
he was a Man of determined Courage, and rather rouſed than diſpirited by
the Check he had lately received, he ſoon rallied his Men, and led them on
again to the Charge. When he came within a certain diſtance, he ordered
his Cavalry to diſmount; and engaging the Switzers ſmartly in that Poſture,
put them all to the rout, and moſt of them to the Sword. Only three thou-
ſand were left, who finding themſelves paſt Remedy, threw down their Arms.
It will be proper to take notice on this Occaſion, that the Cavalry led by Car-
mignola were all Men at Arms, and therefore compleatly provided both for
Offence and Defence. Now ſuch a Body of Troops was well enough able to
deal with the Sitæers, if they but once got cloſe up with them, and came
to uſe their Swords. For then the Enemy being without defenſive Arms, and
deriving no aſſiſtance from their Pikes, whoſe-very length rendered them un-
ſerviceable, were expoſed to unavoidable ſlaughter. Conſidering therefore the Ad- |
vantages and Diſadvantages on both fades, it will appear, that they who have no ö
defenſive Arms are without Remedy, if the Enemy charges but home, and |
paſſes their Pikes. This cannot miſs to happen in an Engagement with reſo-
lute Troops: becauſe Battles always advancing, and the Parties on each fide 1
preſſing on perpetually, they muſt of neceſſity come ſo near at laſt, as to reach
one another with their Swords; and tho ſome few perhaps may be killed or
e 5 tumbled
o .
XXXV1 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
tumbled down by the Pikes, yet thoſe that are behind till preſſing on, are
ſufficient to carry the Victory. 5
X. FROM theſe Reaſons it will be eaſy to conceive, why Carmignola
overcame with fo great a ſlaughter of the Switgers, and fo little of his own
Army. Nor is this Example ſingular in its kind. We meet with many others
in Hiſtory, all tending to demonſtrate, that an Infantry armed with Swords
and Bucklers, have great advantages over the Pike. When Gon/alvo was be-
fieged in Barletta by the French, a detachment of Spaniſh Foot was ſent
out of Sicily, and landed in the Kingdom of Maples, with Orders to march to
his Relief. Monſieur d Aubigny had notice of their approach, and went to
meet them with his Men at Arms, and a Body of about four thouſand
Switzers. Theſe laſt preſsd upon them with their Pikes, and at firſt put
them into ſome diſorder ; but the Spaniards, by the help of their Bucklers,
and the agility of their Bodies, having at length got under the Pikes of
the Switzers, and ſo near as that they could come at them with their
Swords, defeated them with great ſlaughter, and very little loſs on their own
fide. Every one knows what terrible havock was made of the Switzers at the
Battle of Ravenna, and all upon the ſame account, the Spaniſh Foot having
got to them with their Swords; nay it is certain they muſt have been all cut
to pieces, had they not been happily reſcued by the French Horſe : and yet
the Spaniards, drawing themſelves into cloſe order, bravely ſuſtained the Aſ-
faults of the Cavalry, and retired without loſs. It appears therefore, that tho
the Pike be excellent againſt Horſe, it is yet inſufficient in an Encounter with
Foot; whereas an Infantry judiciouſly armed for Offence and Defence, at the
fame time that it can very well deal with Cavalry, is likewiſe an overmatch
for a Body of Pikes. |
XI. AND hence it was that the Macedonian Phalanx, which ſeems to have
been juſt ſuch an order of Battle as the Battalions of Switzerland, experienced
likewiſe the ſame Fate, when it came to encounter the warlike and well-armed
Troops of the Romans. Hiſtorians aſcribe the defeat of it to ſeveral Cauſes :
the advantageous diſpoſition of the Roman Troops, who fought in ſeparate Bo-
dies, yet ſo drawn up, that they could unite and join upon occaſion : the art-
ful Conduct of the Generals, in drawing it into rugged and uneven Places,
where it could not preſerve itſelf entire, but became disjointed 'and-broken :
the Opportunity this gave of charging it in the openings and void ſpaces,
whereby it was totally diſunited, and being attacked in front and rear, fell an
eaſy Prey to its Enemies. Theſe things doubtleſs contributed in part to the
Overthrow of which we ſpeak : but the principal defect of the Phalanx lay in
its diſadvantageous Armour and order of Battle. In reality, the Pikes of the
two firſt Ranks only were ſerviceable in an Engagement : thoſe of the reſt
ſcarce availed any thing. The Men of the third Rank could not ſee what
paſſed in the front, nor had any command of their long Pikes, which were in-
tangled and locked up between the Files, without a poſſibility of moving them
to the right or left. Hence the Romans found no great difficulty in ſurmount-
ing an Obſtacle, formidable indeed in appearance, but at bottom very trifling,
They had only to gain upon the Pikes 3 the two firſt Ranks, that they might
join the Enemy, and fight hand to hand. This they were enabled to do by
the help of their large Bucklers, with which they bore up the Pikes of the
Macedonians, and forcing their way under, reached them with their Swords,
All reſiſtance was then at an end. The Phalanx, unprovided for defence, and
rather
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR. XXXvIi
rather embarraſſed than aided by their Pikes, could no longer ſtand the furious
Charge of the Romans, who made dreadful havock with their pointed Swords.
We find at the Battle of Pydna, where Paulus Amilius gained fo compleat a
Victory over Perſeus, that no leſs than twenty thouſand Macedonians were
ſlain, with the loſs of only a hundred Men on the fide of the Romans. This
agrees ſo exactly with what we have above related of the Switæert, that it is
impoſſible not to aſcribe it to the ſame Cauſe, namely, the inſufficiency of the
Pike, when oppoſed to an Infantry armed with Swords and Bucklers.
XII. WE come now to ſpeak of the military Diſcipline of the Romans, to
which, no leſs than to their Arms, they were indebted for their many Victo-
ries and Conqueſts. If we compare this People with other Nations, we do
not find that they ſurpaſſed the Gault in Number or Boldneſs, the Germans in
Stature, the Spamards in Strength of Body, the Africans in Stratagem, or the
Greeks in Learning and the Arts of civil Life. Nay it is evident from Hiſtory,
that they were inferior in all theſe Reſpects. But as to what regards the uſe
and exerciſe of Arms, the choice of Soldiers, and the training them up in all
the Duties of War; here indeed lay their chief Excellence, and by this they
were enabled to baffle all the Advantages of their Enemies, whether derived
from Nature or Education. We have already obſerved, that none were ad-
mitted into the Legions till they had reached their ſeventeenth Year. But
tho this was the age for entering the Service, it was not that when they began
to learn. For as War was the darling Study of the Romans, they habituated
their Youth to it from their Infancy, and carefully inſtructed them in all its
Branches, having ſet apart the Field of Mars for this purpoſe, which was a
| kind of military School within the City. We are not however to imagine,
that they looked upon this early Inſtitution as ſufficient, or were leſs aſſiduous
in exerciſing their Men, after they were admitted into the Service. They
knew that conſtant Practice alone makes Troops expert, and brings them to
the habit of applying their Knowledge with readineſs upon all Occaſions.
Hence not only among the younger Soldiers, but even among thoſe of oldeſt
ſtanding in the Army, the military Exerciſes were continued without inter-
miſſion, Theſe Exerciſes had a threefold Tendency : to inure the Men to
Labour, and render them robuſt and active: to inſtruct them in the uſe of
their Arms: and laſtly, to teach them the neceſſary Evolutions, and how to
preſerve their Ranks and Orders, in Marches, Battles, and Incampments.
XIII. AS to the firſt, the Romans took great pains to form their Youth to
be nimble in running, active to leap, ſtrong to throw the Bar and to wreſtle,
which are all neceſſary Qualifications in a Soldier. For running and nimble-
neſs fits them to get poſſeſſion of a Place before the Enemy, to fall upon
them. on a ſudden in their Quarters, and to purſue them with more execution
in a Rout. Activity enables them with greater eaſe to avoid Blows, leap a
Ditch, or climb a Bank. And Strength makes them carry their Arms better,
ſtrike better, and endure the Shock better. Swimming was likewiſe conſidered
as an eſſential part of a military Education. Armies are not ſure of Bridges
wherever they come, nor are Boats always to be had; ſo that if Men cannot
ſwim, they will neceſſarily be deprived of ſeveral Conveniences, and loſe many
fair Opportunities of Action. One principal Reaſon why the Romans made
choice of the Campus Martius to exerciſe their Vouth in was, its nearneſs to
the Tiber, into which they plunged after their Fatigues, to accuſtom them-
ſelves to Swimming, and cleanſe away the Duſt and Sweat. But of all their
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vii A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
Exerciſes of this kind, none was purſued with greater attention, than the
inuring the Troops to the military Pace; that is, to walk twenty miles, and
ſometimes four and twenty, in five Hours. This habituated the Soldiers to a
certain ſtated and. regular Progreſs in their Marches, taught them to keep cloſe
together, and prevented their expoſing themſelves ſcattered and diſperſed to the
Enemy. They were obliged likewiſe on theſe Occaſions, to carry Burdens of
threeſcore Pound weight, which not only accuſtomed them to bear Fatigue,
but was found ſerviceable in many other reſpects. For whether it might be
neceſſary in an Expedition to take along with them ſeveral Days Proviſions,
or to carry a certain quantity of Water thro a deſart and ſandy Country, or
to provide a number of Stakes for the execution of- any particular Enterprize ;
againſt all theſe Exigencies they had prepared themſelves by the Practice of
which we ſpeak: and hence great Dangers were many times avoided, and great
Victories many times obtained.
XIV. THE ſecond Particular we mentioned in the Roman Exerciſes was,
the inſtructing the Men in the uſe of their Arms. Here alſo we meet with
many Proofs of the Induſtry and Sagacity of that People. They ſet up a
great Poſt about fix Foot high, ſuitable to the ſtature of a Man, and faſtened
it fo ſtrongly, that no Blows might be able to batter or ſhake it. This the
Soldiers were wont to aſſail with all Inſtruments of War, as if it had been in-
deed a real Enemy. Sometimes they would aim their Blows at the Head,
ſometimes ſtrike it on the Face, then on the Sides, Legs, before and behind,
now retreating, and then advancing again; during all which they were taught
to proceed with ſo much Caution, that in directing their Weapon againſt their
Adverſary, they ſhould not mean-while lay themſelves open to Wounds. By
this Contrivance they learnt how to place their Blows aright, and became dex-
terous and nimble, both at defending themſelves, and offending their Ene-
mies. They were inſtructed rather to thruſt than to cut with their Swords;
becauſe Thruſts are more mortal, harder to be defended, and he that makes
them is not ſo eaſily diſcovered, and is readier to double his Thruſt than his
Blow, . We muſt not here forget, that in theſe Exerciſes they made uſe of
Helmets, Shields, and Swords, double the weight of common Weapons. This
made them ready and alert in Battle, which they found fo far from being at-
tended with any unforeſeen Incumbrances, that it was rather an eaſe from
the fatigue of ordinary Duty. Nor let any one wonder, that the Romans were
ſo extremely attentive to theſe little things, ſince according to the manner of
fighting then uſed, in which the Troops encountered hand to hand, every ſmall
Advantage was of great Importance. They were beſides ſenſible, that Expe-
rience in this kind makes Men bold and courageous; for no one fears to do
that which he thinks he underſtands. A Soldier who had often made trial of
himſelf in theſe imaginary Combats, grew impatient to come to action in good
earneſt, that he might the better judge of his own Proficiency, and have an
opportunity of putting that in Practice, which he had fo well learnt in
Theory. Hence Battles were not what they dreaded, but what they defired :
and Generals often found it more difficult to reſtrain their Men from fighting,
and check the Ardot of their Courage, where Prudence obliged them to de-
cline the Onſet ; than to prevail upon them to face the Enemy, when they
Ul
Judged it neceſſary to come to an Engagement.
XV. BUT it is not ſufficient to inure Men to Labour, to make them
ſtrong, ſwift, and expert at the uſe of their Weapons: they muſt learn like-
| ' wile
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR iir
- wiſe to keep their Ranks well, to obey Orders, and follow the Directions and
Signals of their Commanders. This was the third Branch of the Roman Exer-
ciſes, about which they were no leſs ſolicitous, than about the other two. I ſhall
not here enter into a minute Detail of the common Evolutions, the opening and
cloſing of the Files, doubling their Ranks, turning to the right and left,
Marchings, Wheelings, &c. becauſe they differed but little from the Practice
of the preſent Age. Their manner of forming too in order of Battle, their
Conduct in an Attack or Repulſe, with the general diſpoſition of their
Marches; will come in more properly under other Heads of this Diſcourſe.
Let it ſuffice for the preſent to obſerve, that they exerciſed their Men without
intermiſſion in all theſe different Branches of the Service, and by the force of
conſtant Habit, brought them to that degree of Expertneſs, that they could
practiſe without Hurry and Confuſion in the heat of Fight, what they had
been fo thoroughly trained to in the Field. Above all it was their particular
Care, to accuſtom the Troops to rally and recover their Order readily when
broken. To this end, beſides diſtinguiſhing the ſeveral Companies by peculiar
Enſigns, every Man had his fixed and invariable Poſt in the Battalion, and was
taught by long Practice, to know in a manner habitually, the number of his
File, his Place in that File, his right and left-hand Man where he belonged to
the front Rank, and both theſe and his File-Leader where he belonged to the
other Ranks. Nay ſo very curious were the Romans in this Point, that to im-
print theſe things the deeper upon the Minds of the Soldiers, they cauſed them
to be engraven in great. Characters upon their Helmets and Bucklers.
XVI. NOR were they leſs careful in training up the Cavalry, whom they
taught particularly to ride well, and fit faſt when they came to a Charge.
To this end they had Horſes of Wood upon which they were exerciſed,
vaulting upon them, ſometimes with their Arms, and ſometimes without, very
neatly and exactly, without any aſſiſtance; ſo that upon a Signal from their
Captain they were immediately 'on horſe-back, and upon another Signal as
ſoon upon the Ground. As they fought in Squadrons, like the Cavalry of
our time, their Eyolutions were much the ſame with thoſe in uſe at preſent,
allowing only for the difference of Armour; and among the Horſe, as well as
the Foot, were carried on without intermiſſion. Indeed there is nothing more
admirable in the whole Roman Diſcipline, than the continual Exerciſe to which
the Troops were kept, either within or without the Camp; inſomuch that
they were never idle, and had ſcarce any reſpite from Duty. The new raiſed
Soldiers performed their Exerciſes regularly twice a Day, and the old ones
once: for it was not, in the Opinion of this People, length of Service that
' conſtituted warlike and veteran Troops, but the uninterrupted Habit and
Practice of Arms; nor did they conſider an unexerciſed Soldier, after what
number of Campaigns you will, as any other than a Novice in the Profeſſion.
Accordingly they were conſtant and indefatigable in training their Men to all
the different Operations of the Field. They obliged them to make haſty
Marches of. a conſiderable length, laden with their Arms and ſeveral Paliſades,
and that often in ſteep and craggy Countries. They habituated them always
to keep their Ranks, even in the midſt of Diforder and Confuſion, and never
to loſe ſight of their Standards. They made them charge each other in mock
Battles, of which the Officers, Generals, and even the Conſul himſelf were
Witneſſes, and in which they thought it for their Glory to ſhare in perſon.
When they had no Enemy in the Field, the Troops were employed in conſi-
derable Works, as well to keep them in Exerciſe, as for the publick Utility.
| Such
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
Such in particular were the Highways, called for that reaſon Viæ militares, ©
which fill ſubſiſt, and are the fruits of that wiſe and falutary Cuſtom.
XVII. HOW much the Romans relied upon this manner of training and
employing their Troops, appears evidently from the Conduct of their Senate and
Generals, during a courſe of ſeveral Ages. For in all their Difficulties and Straits,
this was that to which they had immediate Recourſe, as their ſureſt Refuge, and
the only means by which they could hope to extricate themſelves. Did they think
themſelves expoſed to any Danger, or were they deſirous to repair ſome Lols?
It was a conſtant Practice among them, to invigorate and give new Life to
their military Diſcipline. Are they engaged in a War with the Latins, a
People no leſs martial than themſelves? Manlius refſects upon the beſt Me-
thod of ſtrengthening the Command in the Field, and puts to death his own
Son, for conquering without his Orders. Are they defeated before Vumantia ?
Scipio AEmilianus immediately removes the ſeveral Blandiſhments which had
enervated them. Have the Roman Legions paſſed under the Yoke in VumidiaF
Metellus wipes away the Ignominy, the inſtant he has obliged them to reſume
their. ancient Inſtitutions. Marius, that he may be enabled to vanquiſh the
Cimbri and the Teutones, begins by diverting the courſe of Rivers: and Sylla
employs in ſuch hard Labour his Soldiers, who were terrified at the War which
was carrying on againſt Mitbridates, that they ſue for Battle, to put an end to
their Hardſhips. Publius Maſica made the Romans build a Fleet of Ships at
a time when they had no occaſion for ſuch a Force. In a word, Induſtry,
Diligence, and a Perſeverance in all kind of military Toils, was the very
Characteriſtick of this People: they dreaded Idleneſs more than an Enemy.
XVIII. THESE Men thus inured were generally healthy and | vigorous. -
We do not find by Hiſtorians, that the Roman Armies, which waged War in
ſo great a variety of Climates, fell often a prey to Diſeaſes ; whereas in the
preſent Age, we daily ſee Armies, without once engaging, periſh and melt
away, if I may uſe the Expreſſion, in a ſingle Campaign. Nor can I forbear
taking notice, that the Dexterity and Addreſs the Soldiers attained, by means
of their continual Exerciſes, ſerved not only to render them skilful and active |
in the Duties of the Field, but inſpired them. likewiſe with Boldneſs and Intre-
pidity. In the Battles fought in our Age, every ſingle Soldier has very little
Security and Confidence, except in the Multitude: but among the Romans,
every Individual, more robuſt and of greater Experience in War, as well as
more inured to the Fatigues of it than his Enemy, relied upon himſelf only.
He was naturally endued with Courage, or in other Words, with that Virtue
which a ſenſibility of our own Strength inſpires. To the ſame admirable Diſ-
cipline too were they indebted, for a certain Haughtineſs and Opinion of ſu-
periority, which made them rank themſelves above the Troops of all other
Nations, and deſpiſe the ſervice of any foreign Prince or State, compared with
that of their .own Country. Deſertions are very common among us for this
Reaſon, becauſe the Soldiers are the dregs of every Nation, and not one of
them poſſeſſes, or thinks himſelf poſſeſſed of a certain Advantage, which ren-
ders his Condition preferable to that of his Adverſaries. But among the Ro-
mans they were leſs frequent; it being ſcarce poſſible that Soldiers, raiſed from
among a People naturally ſo imperious and aſpiring, and ſo ſure of command-
ing over others, ſhould demean themſelves to ſuch a degree as to ceaſe to be
Romans. We may likewiſe obſerve, as a neceſſary Conſequence of their be-
ing ſo carefully trained, that twas next to impoſſible in a Battle, how unfortu-
nate
ul
HE ROMAN ART OF FAR.
nate ſoever, but ſome Troops muſt rally in one Part or other of it, or the
Enemy be defeated in ſome quarter of the Field; either of which was often
ſufficient to ſecure the Victory. And indeed we find every where in Hiſtory,
that whenever the Romans happened to be overpowered in the beginning;
whether by numbers or the fierceneſs of the Onſet, they ſeldom failed at laſt to
wreſt the Victory out of the Enemy's hands.
XIX. THERE are ſtill many other Particulars that might be mentioned to
the advantage of the Roman Diſcipline: their ſtrict Regulations with regard to
all the different- Branches of the Service: their admirable Policy in making
Motives of Honour and Shame operate ſtrongly upon the Troops: their teddy
adherence to the received Maxims of War, ſo as never on any Occaſion to
abate of the rigor of military Severity, where the Soldiers were found to have
neglected their Duty, abandoned their Poſt, thrown away their Arms, or ſur-
rendered themſelves to the Enemy. Hiſtory abounds with Examples of this
kind. As their Armies were for the moſt part but ſmall, the Commander had
a better Opportunity of knowing the ſeveral Individuals, and could more eafily
perceive, the various Faults and Miſdemeanors committed by the Soldiery,
againſt which care was taken to provide immediately. Nor were they ſo
tenacious of their own Cuſtoms, as not to pay a due attention to thoſe of
other Nations, which they adopted without heſitation, wherever they appeared
attended with any real Benefit. In their War with Pyrrhus, they improved
themſelves in the knowledge of Poſts and Incampments: in that with Hanni-
bal they learnt the true uſe of Cavalry, and how to apply Addreſs and Strata-
gem in the conduct of a Campaign. If any Nation boaſted, either from
Nature or its Inſtitution, any peculiar Advantage, the Romans immediately
made ule of it. They employed their utmoſt Endeavours to procute Horſes
from Numidia, Bowmen from Crete, Slingers from the Balearean Iſles, and
Ships from the Rhodians : ſo that it may with juſtice be ſaid of them, that no
Nation in the World ever prepared for War with ſo much Wiſdom, and car-
ried it on with ſo much Intrepidity.
XX. THUS have we endeavouted to give ſome account of the Arms and
Diſcipline of the Romans, and to point out their excellency over thoſe of other
Nations. How much they were indebted to them for their Grandeur and
Succeſſes, appears evidently from this: that fo long as their Armies adhered
ſtrictly to theſe primitive Inſtitutions, they were invincible; but in proportion
as they deviated from them, became like other Men. When they began to
look upon their Armour as too weighty and cumberſome, and their Diſcipline
as attended with too many Reſtraints, and of courſe to relax in theſe two
important Articles, they gradually funk to” a level with the Troops of their
Enemies, and at laſt fo totally degenerated, that we find not in their Behaviour
the leaſt traces of their original Bravery. I know it is a Maxim of lon
ſtanding, that Money is the Sinews of War. How far this may ſuit the Con-
ſtitution of the preſent Age, I will not pretend to fay; but it ſeems by no
means to agree with Antiquity. I am ſure the whole current of Hiſtory is
againſt it. Had this been the caſe,” Cyrus could never have prevailed againſt
Creſus, nor the Greeks. againſt the Perfians, nor the Romans againſt the Car-
thaginians. It is true Money is requiſite for the carrying on of. a War, but
not principally and in the firſt place. Good Soldiers and good Diſcipline are
of infinitely greater avail. Where theſe are, it will be eaſy to find Money;
but Money is not always ſufficient to procure them. Had not the Romans
1 | done
xli
xl
{1
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
done more in their Wars with their Iron than their Gold, the Treaſures of the
whole World would not have been ſufficient for them, conſidering their great
Enterprizes abroad, and their no leſs Difficulties at home. But having good
and well diſciplined Troops, they were never in want of Money; for thoſe
who were afraid of their Armies, ſtrove with Emulation to ſupply them. Nay
it is remarkable, that their moſt celebrated Victories, and thoſe which required
the greateſt exertion of Strength, were gained during the period of. their Po-
verty. It was then that they ſubdued the Samnites, forced Pyrrbus to quit
Italy, and cut in pieces the mighty Armies of the Cartbaginians. Aſter they
became poſſeſſed of the Treaſures of the Univerſe, they had for the moſt part
only weak and effeminate Nations to deal with, and were ſo far from in-
creaſing in real Power, that by the concurrent Teſtimony of all Hiſtorians, they
are to be conſidered from that time as upon the decline. Livy, in that fa-
mous Queſtion relating to the Greeks and Romans, where he endeavours to de-
termine what would have been the Event, had Alexander the Great turned his
Arms againſt 1zaly, obſerves that in War there are three things fundamentally
neceflary ; good Soldiers, good Officers, and good Fortune: and then arguing
whether Alexander or the Romans were more conſiderable in theſe three Points,
concludes without the leaſt mention of Money. It 'is well known that the
Spartans, ſo long as they adhered to their primitive Inſtitutions and Poverty,
were the moſt powerful people of all Greece, and never proved unſucceſsful in
their Wars, till they became poſſeſſed of great Riches and Revenues. I con-
clude therefore, that it was by the Bravery of their Troops, the Advantage of
their Arms, and the Excellence of their Diſcipline, that the Romans rendered
themſelves victorious over all Nations: and accordingly we find, that when
they ceaſed to have the ſuperiority in theſe, the Revenues of the whole World
were not ſufficient to defend them, :
—_—
E N
Of the Spirit and Bravery of the Roman Troops.
I F oak HO” military Diſcipline, and the continual exerciſe of Arms, na-
there is ſomething ſo peculiar in the Spirit and Character of the Romans, that
I flatter myſelf it will not be unacceptable to the Reader, to offer a few Re-
flexions on this Subject, and give him ſome inſight into thoſe Inſtitutions and
Maxims of Conduct, which chiefly contributed to exalt their Courage, and
animate their Bravery, Two things here naturally preſent themſelves to our
conſideration. Firſt, the admirable Principles upon which the Commonwealth
was founded. Secondly, the ſucceſſion of great Men that for ſeveral Ages pre-
vailed in it, and who ſupported, invigorated, and from time to time gave new
Life to. theſe Principles. Among the Principles of the Roman Polity, none
ſeems to have taken deeper root, than the fear of the Gods, and a veneration
for Religion. This perhaps, at firſt fight, may not be thought ſo immediately
to concern a martial People: but if we examine the effect of it upon their
Armies, and the many valuable Purpoſes it was made to ſerve in War, we
ſhall have reaſon to conclude, that of all their Inſtitutions, not one contributed
more to the Grandeur of the State. For hence in particular it was, that the
military
-
—
-
turally conduce to make a People bold, daring, and intrepid; yet
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
military Oath was held ſo facred among the Troops, and became an inviolable
bond of Fidelity and Subjection. The Soldiers, however diſpleaſed and en-
raged, did not dare to quit their Generals, ſo Tong as this Tie was ſuppoſed to
remain in force; nay fo very tender and ſcrupulous were they, that even in
their greateſt Impatience to be diſcharged, they would yet never admit of any
Interpretation, that carried in it the leaſt ſtrain or appearance of Deceit. We
have a remarkable Example of this, in their Behaviour to Quinctius Cincinnatus;
after the defeat of Appius Herdonius. That Sabine had ſeized the Capitol with
four thouſand Men. The Danger was imminent, and required ſpeedy redreſs:
but the Tribunes, who were then puſhing the Terentian Law; in order to
force the Senate to a compliance, oppoſed the Levies. The .People however,
partly by Promiſes, partly by remonſtrating the danger of the City, were at
length prevailed upon to take an Oath of F idelity to the Conſuls ; and march-
ing againſt Herdonius, ſoon recovered poſſeſſion of the Capitol. Publius Va-
lerius, to whom the charge of the Attack fell, chancing to be ſlain, Quinctius
Cincinnatus was immediately choſen in his room; who to keep the Troops
employed, and leave them no room to think of their Law Terentilla, ordered
them out upon an Expedition againſt the Yo//cz, alledging, that the Oath
they had taken to the late Conſul obliged them to follow him. The Tribunes,
to evade that Engagement, pretended that the Oath bound them only to the
perſon of Valerius, and ſo was buried with him in his Tomb. But the People,
more ſincere and plain-hearted, could not reſolve to ſhelter themſelves under fo
frivolous a Diſtinction, and therefore prepared every Man to take Arms, tho
very unwillingly. Mondum (lays Livy) hec, que nunc tenet ſeculum, negligentia
Deum venerat, nec interpretando fibi quiſque jusjurandum, & leges aptas fa-
ciebat. © That negle& of the Gods, which ſo much diſhonours the preſent
Xliii
« Ape, was not known in thoſe Days, nor had Men learnt the pernicious Art
ce of interpreting the Laws of Religion according to their own Purpoſes.”
II. I could produce many Inſtances of the like nature, all tending to ſhew,
how ſerviceable Religion was, to the governing of Armies, the uniting of the
People, and the keeping them in due ſubjection to their Officers and Magi-
ſtrates: inſomuch that ſhould it fall into diſpute, whether Nome was more in-
debted to Romulus or Muma, I am clearly of Opinion that Numa would have
the preference. For where Religion is once fixed, military Diſcipline may
be eaſily introduced; but where Religion is wanting, Diſcipline is not brought
in without great difficulty, and never can be carried to perfection. If we en-
quire into the nature of the Religion profeſſed by the Romans, we find that it
ran much upon the Anſwers of Oracles, Divinations, Soothſaying, Sacrifices, |
and innumerable other Ceremonies, that argue more of Superſtition, than any
juſt knowledge of the Deity. . But abſurd as this Religion may appear, it had
nevertheleſs a wonderful Influence upon the Minds of Men, and was often
made uſe of with ſucceſs, to inſpire Courage in Battles and Dangers. It is
well known that all their military Expeditions were preceded by the Auguries
and Auſpices; and according to the Omens that offered on theſe Occafions,
did the People judge of the iſſue. Hence their wiſeſt and beſt Generals, by a
ſtrict Regard to theſe Obſervances, and accommodating the Ceremonies of Re-
| ligion to their own Deſigns, generally found means to give a favourable turn
to the Omens; which greatly contributed to exalt the Courage of their
Troops, and made them face the Enemy with Confidente. On the contrary,
it is obſerved, that where the uſual Forms were neglected, and Generals af-
fected to act in contempt of the Auſpices, they ſeldom ſucceeded in their
Deſigns,
_ Nliv
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
Deſigns. This may well enough be accounted for, without allowing any real
Influence to theſe Ceremonies, or ſuppoſing that the flight and chirping of
Birds. could in the leaſt affect future Events. Nothing in truth can be more
trifling, than the pretended Preſages of which we ſpeak : but as they were
firmly believed by the bulk of the Army; where at any time they appeared
unfavourable, it could not fail of caſting a great damp upon the Spirits of the
Soldiers. And yet this does not ſeem to me to have been the principal cauſe
of thoſe Miſcarriages, that were uſually obſerved to follow a neglect of the
Auſpices. The Ignorance and Incapacity of the Generals will much better ac-
count for them; nor need we a ſtronger Proof of this Incapacity, than the
Contempt with which they affected to treat Religion. War is neceſſarily at-
tended with ſo much Uncertainty, and requires ſuch a multitude of different
Attentions, that a prudent General will be far from neglecting any Advantages,
which he ſees may be drawn from the eſtabliſhed Prejudices of thoſe under his
command; much leſs will he turn theſe very Prejudices to his own hurt, by
an ill-judged Contempt: and the General who is fo indiſcreet as to act in this
manner, plainly diſcovers himſelf unfit for the conduct of any great Enter-
prize. I know it is aſſerted by ſome, that Religion checks the natural Fierceneſs
and Obſtinacy of Men, and renders them poor-{pirited and abject: but who-
ever talks in this manner, ſhews himſelf little converſant in the Hiſtory of
Mankind. Conſider the Romans in the beſt times of the Republick, the
Engliſh under Queen Elizabeth and Oliver Cromwell, the French in the Age of
Henry the fourth, the United Provinces in that of Philip the ſecond, and the
Suedes under Guſtavus Yaſa, and then tell me, whether the moſt flouriſhin
and formidable periods of Nations, be not thoſe when a Spirit of Religion has
ſtrongly taken poſſeſſion of the Minds of the People.
HI. NEXT to a veneration for Religion, love of their Country was the
prevailing Characteriſtick of the Romans. This Virtue naturally rouſes Men
to great Deſigns, and begets Vigour and Perſeverance in the execution of
them; and as it had taken a deeper root among the People of whom we ſpeak,
than in any other Nation mentioned in Hiſtory, no wonder we here meet with
ſo many Inſtances of Magnanimity, public Spirit, Fortitude, and all the Vir-
tues that tend to form a race of Heroes. It is certain that the Conſtitution of
the Roman Commonwealth was peculiarly fitted to nouriſh this Spirit. The
People had many Ties and Obligations to the State, many endearing, Connecti-
ons to inſpire the love of it. They choſe the Senators by whoſe Counſels the
Republick was governed, the Magiſtrates by whom Juſtice was adminiſtered,
and the Generals who conducted and terminated their Wars; fo that the pub-
lic Succeſſes were in a manner their own Work. Hence the Principle of which
we ſpeak became ſo ſtrong, in them, that they were ready to ſacrifice every other
Conſideration to it, whether of Intereſt or Ambition, No Hazards, no Suf-
ferings appeared great, where their Country ſtood in need of their Aſſiſtance.
We find even in the Diſputes between the different Orders of the State, where
the Paſſions of Men are wont moſt ſtrongly to be engaged, and where particu-
lar Animoſities are but too apt to get the better of Reaſon, that the Conſide-
ration of the public Safety was always ſufficient to calm their Reſentments
and bring them to Temper and Moderation, How violent ſoever the Contes
might be, however much the Parties appeared exaſperated againſt one another
they were yet ſure to unite, when any Danger from without threatned the
Commonwealth. This is evident thro' the whole courſe of the Romam Hil-
tory, and requires not to be illuſtrated by particular Examples. I ſhall there-
fore
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
fore only add, that a Principle ſo powerful and univerſally diffuſed, as it could
not fail of having many deſirable Effects upon the People, ſo did it in a par-
ticular manner tend to render them brave and reſolute: for Courage being of
indiſpenſible neceſſity to the defence of our Country, wherever the love of that
predominates, there are we ſure to find the other likewiſe, :
IV. BUT if the Romans are remarkable for the love they bore their
Country, they are no leſs ſo when we confider how paſſionately fond they
were of Liberty. This Spirit ſubſiſted from the very foundation of the State.
Tho Rome was at firſt governed by Kings, theſe Kings were far from being
abſolute: for beſides the Authority enjoyed by the Senate, the People too had
a conſiderable ſhare in the Adminiſtration ; fince to their Aſſemblies were com-
mitted the creation of Magiſtrates, the enacting of Laws, and the reſolving
upon Peace or War. Indeed, under Targuin the Proud, the Government de-
generated into a real Tyranny: but this, inſtead of extinguiſhing, ſerved only
to rouſe the love of Liberty; and the behaviour of Brutus, who put his own
Sons to death, for attempting to reſtore the royal Authority, made fo ſtrong
an Impreſſion upon the Minds of the People, that they henceforward conſi-
dered Slavery as the greateſt of Evils, and bent all their Thoughts to the pre-
ſerving and enlarging the Freedom they. had acquired. I need not here ſay,
how much Liberty tends to enoble the Mind, and how neceſſary it is to the
Proſperity and Greatneſs of a State. It is well known that Athens, ſo long as
it continued under the Tyranny of Piffratus and his Deſcendents, made
ſcarce any figure in Greece; whereas ſoon after their Expulſion, it roſe to ſo
aſtoniſhing a pitch of Grandeur, as not only to baffle all the Efforts of the
Perſians, but even to render itſelf formidable to that mighty Empire. And if
we look into the Hiſtory of the Roman Commonwealth, we find, that in pro-
rtion as Liberty increaſed, and the People got from under- the dominion of
the Nobles, they became inſpired with a more elevated Courage, a more un-
wearied Fortitude, and puſhed their Conqueſts with greater rapidity. Nay in
the very infancy of their Freedom, when Targuin was endeavouring to recover
his loſt Auhority, they gave manifeſt indications of that Spirit, for which they
are ſo juſtly admired by ſucceeding Ages. It is upon this Occafion that we
read of the aſtoniſhing Valour of Horatius Cocles, the intrepid Firmneſs of
Scævola, and the maſculine Boldneſs of Clelia; inſomuch that Porſenna King
of the Clufians, who had undertaken the reinſtating of Targuin, admiring
their Bravery, would not any longer diſturb them in the enjoyment of a Li-
berty, to which their Merit gave them ſo juſt a title, and which he found
them ſo reſolutely bent to defend, |
V. AND here I cannot but obſerve, that this paſſionate deſire of Freedom
gave riſe to a peculiar Circumſtance in the Roman Conſtitution, which tho
ſeemingly inconſiſtent with the Proſperity of the State, was yet in reality one
of the principal cauſes of its Grandeur, as it more than any thing contributed
to exalt the Character of the People, and produce among them the moſt fi-
niſhed Models in every Species of Merit. What I mean is, thoſe continual
Diſſenſions between the Nobles and Commons, of which we meet with fo fre-
- quent mention in the early Ages of the Commonwealth. Two Bodies at Rome
divided the whole Authority : the Senate and the People. A mutual
Jealouſy, founded on the one fide upon a defire of governing, on the other
upon that of keeping themſelves free and independent, raiſed between them
Contentions and Quarrels, which ended not but with the Republick itſelf.
m Theſe
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xlvi
Theſe Conteſts, tho attended with many Inconveniences, procured notwith-
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
ſtanding a conſiderable Advantage to the State, in forming a number of Per-
ſans of diſtinguiſhed Merit, and perpetuating a ſucceſſion of them in the
Commonwealth. The Patricians, who were obſtinately bent to keep to them-
ſelves alone the Commands, the Honours, the Magiſtracies; as they could not
obtain them but by the Suffrages of the Plebeians, were obliged to uſe their
utmoſt Endeavours to prove themſelves worthy by ſuperior Qualities, by real
and repeated Services, by illuſtrious Actions, of which their Adverſaries them-
ſelves were Witneſſes, and to which they could not refuſe their Eſteem and
Applauſe. This neceſſity of depending on the Judgment of the People for ad-
miſſion to Poſts, obliged the young Patricians to acquire all the Merit capable
of gaining the Suffrages of Judges, who examined them rigorouſly, and were
not inclined to have a remiſs Indulgence for the Candidates, as well out of
love to the Honour and Welfare of the State, as out of an hereditary Jealouſy
of the Patrician Order. The Plebeians on their ſide, in aſpiring to the higheſt
Dignities of the State, were forced to prepare themſelves ſo as to convince
their Brethren, that they had all the Qualities neceſſary to fill them with Ho-
nour. Proofs were to be given of a diſtinguiſhed Valour, of a wiſe and pru-
dent Conduct, of a Capacity to diſcharge all the Functions of Government,
and to paſs with Reputation thro' the ſeveral Offices, which led by degrees to
the higheſt. It was needful to have not only the military Virtues, and Abi-
lity to conduct an Army; but the Talent of haranguing the Senate and
People, of reporting the great Affairs of State, of anſwering foreign Ambaſſa-
dors, and entering with them into the niceſt and moſt important Negotia-
tions. By all theſe Obligations, impoſed by. Ambition on the Plebeians, to
qualify them for the Poſts to which they aſpired, they were under neceſſity
of making proof of an accompliſhed Merit, and at leaſt equal to that of the
Patricians.
VI. THESE were ſome of the Advantages ariſing from the ſharp Con-
teſts between the Senate and People, from whence reſulted a lively Emulation
between the two Orders, and a happy Neceſlity of diſplaying Talents, which
perhaps by a continual Concord and Peace would have lain dormant and
fruitleſs: juſt as, if I may uſe the Compariſon, from a Steel ſtruck with a
Flint, Sparks of Fire fly out, which without that Violence would remain for
ever concealed. This is not all, It was by means of theſe Conteſts that the
public Liberty was improved and. ſettled, without which the Commonwealth
would never have become great and flouriſhing. By the Revolution which
expelled Tarquin the Proud, the Commons of Rome were delivered from a
Tyrant, but not from Tyranny. The Patricians ſtill held them under ſubjec-
tion: and tho while their Fears of Targuin's return were alive and ſtrong,
they behaved with great Lenity and Moderation, yet no ſooner were they in-
formed of that Prince's death, than the weight of Oppreſſion was renewed,
and fell as heavy upon the People as ever. The Valerian Law, to permit
Appeals from the Sentence of the Magiſtrates to the People aſſembled, was
not ſufficient to protect the Plebeians from Injuſtice and Cruelty, They
found it neceſſary to have Magiſtrates of their own Body, to ſcreen them from
the Tyranny of the Great, and therefore extorted from the Senate a conſent to
the eſtabliſhment of the Tribunitian power. The inſtitution of the Comitia
Tributa, and the practice of bringing into Judgment, before thoſe Aſſemblies,
the moſt exalted of the Nobles, upon Accuſations of Treaſon againſt the Peo-
ple, was another Bulwark againſt the overflowings of Ambition, The publi-
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THE ROMAN ART OF WAR,
cation of the Laws of the twelve Tables, gave ſome Check to the abuſe of
that Prerogative, which the Patricians tenaciouſly kept, of being the ſole
Judges in civil Cauſes : and on many other Occaſions we find, that the Com-
mons, urged by Oppreſſion to Fury, exerted theit natural Strength in fuch
manner as proclaimed them ſovereign Maſters of the Adminiftration, and gra-
dually extended their Privileges, |
VIE BUT the Commonwealth of Rome was never truly a free State, till
after the publication of the Licinian Laws, thoſe Laws which, in their Con-
-nces, made Merit alone the ordinary Scale whereby to aſcend to the
higheſt Offices; and which, by admitting the Plebeians to a reaſonable ſhare
of what was purchafed with their Blood, delivered them from that ſervile ſub-
jection to the wealthy Nobles, in which their Indigence had fo long detained
them. From this Period, the Roman People, when they made Laws, or
elected Magiſtrates for the execution of them, were generally ſpeaking free
from all undue Influence; not overawed, as before, by the Rich and the Great,
nor conſtrained by any Force, but that of Reafon and natural Juſtice, in the
xlvii
moſt abſolute ſubjection to which is the moſt perfect Freedom. No Citizen,
who had ſhewed ſuperior Talents and Virtue, ftood excluded, on account of
the low degree of his Birth, from the Dignities of the State : and hence pro-
ceeded an Emulation among the Individuals to ſurpaſs each other in deſerving
Honours. Indeed the haughty Patricians, as, when vanquiſhed by the Ple-
beians, they had given ground with an angry Reluctance, and retired fighting,
ſo they afterwards, from time to time, ſhewed a ſtrong Diſpoſition to renew
the War, in order to regain their unrighteous Sovereignty : but their Efforts
were faint and ineffectual; and at length acquieſcing in what they could not
undo, there enſued domeſtic Peace and Union, and an eſtabliſhed Liberty.
Union at home gave new ſtrength to the State; and Liberty ſeems to have
inſpired the People with a nobler Spirit, a more exalted Courage, and a greater
Ardor to enlarge the Bounds of their Empire. For whereas before, during
the ſpace of four hundred Years, they had not puſhed their Conqueſts be-
yond a few Leagues round the City; we find that from this period, in the
courſe of ſeventy Years, they by a feries of Victories made themſelves maſters
of all Hay. And tho deſtitute of naval Strength and naval Skill, their
next Enterpriſe was againſt a rival Republick beyond the Continent ; a Re-
publick that with greater Riches, and more ample Territories than theirs, had
poſſeſſion of the abfolute Dominion of the Sea. The Boldneſs of the Under-
taking, and the amazing Conſtancy with which they ſupported it, in ſpite of
the moſt terrible Adverſities, are not to be paralleled in the Hiſtory of any
other Nation: but the Roman Legions were, at that time, Legions of free
Citizens, whoſe predominant Paſſion was Glory, and who placed the higheſt
Glory in facing every Danger, and ſurmounting every Difhculty, to pre-
ſerve their Liberty, and extend their Empire.
VIII. THE love of Glory is indeed a natural Conſequence of Liberty,
and if to this we join that remarkable diſregard of Wealth, which prevailed
for ſo many Ages among this People, we ſhall have reaſon to conclude, that“
theſe likewiſe contributed not a little, towards forming in them that firm and
intrepid Bravery, which makes a diſtinguiſhing part of their Character. For
the love of Glory puſhes Men on to great Actions, and a diſregard of Wealth
prevents their being biaſed by mean ſordid Views, or ſhaken by the low
Conſiderations of - SelF-Intereft. It is certain that Glory was the main Spring
of
%
xlviii A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
of all thoſe noble and illuſtrious Undertakings, which have rendered the No-
mans fo famous. By this Motive, the Republick, after Liberty prevailed,
made an incredible progreſs in a ſhort time. The frequent Examples of Patri-
otiſm, and of an inviolable attachment to the public Good, of which Rome
was witneſs in thoſe critical times, and which ſhe rewarded in ſo eminent a
manner, kindled not only in the Patricians, but likewiſe among the Plebeians,
that noble Fire of Emulation and Glory, which dares all things, and influ-
enced all along the whole Nation. Greedy of Praiſe, they reckoned Money
as nothing, and valued. it only to diſperſe it. They were content with mo-
derate Fortunes, ſays Saluſt, but deſired Glory without meaſure. Accordingly |
we find, that for four hundred Years after the building of Rome, the City was
in very great Poverty: and of this the moſt probable Cauſe ſeems to be, that
Poverty was no impediment to Preferment. Virtue was the only thing re-
quired in, the election of Magiſtrates, and the diſtribution of Offices; and
wherever it was found, let the Perſon, or Family be ever ſo poor, he was ſure
to be advanced. Quinctius Cincinnatus was taken from the Plough, and raiſed
to the Office of Dictator, tho' his Eſtate did not exceed four Acres of Land.
Fabricius and Attilius Regulus are likewiſe Examples of this kind; and indeed
the Roman Hiſtory every where abounds with them.
1 IX. THE Thirſt of Glory uſually produces that of Dominion. It appears
$i 5 noble to be Maſters, to command others, to compoſe Laws, to be feared and
| obeyed. This Paſſion, natural to Mankind, was more ſtrong and active in the
* | Romans, than in any other People. One would think, at ſeeing the air of
"4 Authority they very early aſſume, that they already believed themſelves deſtined
© to become one day Lords of the Univerſe. Nay it appears from many Indica-
tions in their Hiſtory, that .this Notion ſubſiſted from the Foundation of the
State. The Anſwers and Interpretations of the Augugs frequently glanced this
way. A Head was found in digging for the Foundations of the Capitol.
This was given out to, imply the eternity of their Empire, and that the Cit
to which that Temple belonged, was to become the head of the Univerſe;
We ſee likewiſe in the Speech of Coriolanus to the Deputies of the Senate,
upon occaſion of his inveſting Rome with an Army of Volſcians, that the
Conceit of univerſal Dominion not only ſtrongly prevailed in his time, but
was carefully cheriſhed among the People. Nor was it without reaſon that
the Senate contrived to raiſe and propagate this Perſuaſion, as it tended won-
derfully to exalt the Courage of the Citizens, and not only animated them in
the purſuit of Conqueſt, but kept them firm and ſteddy under the ſevereſt
Strokes of Adverſity. Thus at the ſame time that Poverty and a diſregard of
Wealth rendered them modeſt, the love of Glory and Dominion inſpired them
with Magnanimity. When put into Command, and placed at the head of Armies,
Kings appeared but little before them ; nor was any Danger, Difficulty, or
Oppoſition able to diſmay them: but when their Commiſſions expired, and
they returned to a private Station; none ſo frugal, none ſo humble, none fo
laborious, ſo obedient to the Magiſtrates, or reſpectſul to their Superiors as they;
inſomuch that one would think it impoſſible the ſame Minds ſhould be capable |
of ſuch ſtrange Alterations, |
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X. FROM theſe diſtinguiſhing Characteriſticks of the Roman People, it
will be eaſy to perceive, how Courage and a ſenſe of Honour came to be ſo
prevalent in their Armies. And here I cannot but obſerve, that the military
Rewards were wonderſully calculated to promote this Spirit; ſince without
being
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
being conſiderable for their intrinſick Value, they were yet extremely coveted
by the Troops, becauſe Glory, ſo precious to that warlike People, was an-
nexed to them. A very ſmall Crown of Gold, and generally a Crown of
Laurel or Oak-Leaves, became ineſtimable to the Soldiers, who knew not any
Marks more excellent than thoſe of Virtue, nor any Diſtinction more noble, than
that which flows from glorious Actions. Theſe Monuments of Renown were
to them real Patents of Nobility, and deſcended to their Poſterity as a precious
Inheritance. They were befides ſure Titles to riſe to Places of Honour and
Advantage, which were granted only to Merit, and not procured by Intrigue
and Cabal. We have already had occaſion to take notice of the large Field
there lay for promotion in the Roman Armies, and that ſuch as diſtinguiſhed
themſelves by their Valour had reaſon to hope for every thing. What an
agreeable proſpect for an inferior Officer, to behold at a diſtance the chief
Dignities of the State and Army, as ſo many Rewards to which he could
aſpire. |
XI. AND indeed if any thing be capable of inſpiring Men with Bravery
and a martial Ardor; to paſs thro' a ſucceſſion of different Honours, and to
hee intitled to a number of military Rewards, which were all conſidered as fo
many ſtanding Monuments of Renown, ſeems to bid faireſt for it. I cannot
better repreſent the Effect this had upon the Troops, than by the following Rela-
tion, from which the Reader may form ſome Idea of what a Romar Soldier
was. When the War againſt Perſeus, the laſt King of Macedonia, was re-
ſolved upon at Rome; amongſt the other Meaſures taken for the ſucceſs of it,
the Senate decreed, that the Conſul charged with that Expedition, ſhould
raiſe as many Centurions and veteran Soldiers as he pleaſed, out of thoſe who
did not exceed fifty Years of Age. Twenty-three Centurions, who had been
Primipili, refuſed to take Arms, unleſs the ſame Rank was granted them,
which they had in preceding Campaigns. As it was impoſſible to gratify them
all, and they perſiſted obſtinately in their refuſal, the Affair was brought be-
fore the People. After Popilius, who had been Conſul two Years before, had
pleaded the Cauſe of the Centurions, and the Conſul his own, one of the
Genturions, who had appealed to the People, having obtained permiſſion to
ſpeak, expreſſed himſelf to this effect.
XII. «I am called Spurius Liguſtinus, of the Cruſtumine Tribe, deſcended
e from the Sabines. My Father left me a ſmall Field and Cottage, where I
« .was born, brought up, and now live. As ſoon as I was at age to marry,
« he gave me his Brother's Daughter to Wife. She brought me no Portion,
« but Liberty, Chaſtity, and a Fruitfulneſs ſufficient for the richeſt Houſes.
© We have fix Sons, and two Daughters, both married. Of my Sons four
« have taken the Robe of Manhood, the other two are ftill Infants. I began
« to bear Arms in the Conſulſhip of P. Sulpicius and C. Aurelius, and ſerved
ce two Years as a private Soldier in the Army ſent into Macedonia againſt King
& Philip. The third Year T. Quintius Flamininus, to reward me for my Ser-
te yices, made me Captain of a Century in the tenth Maniple of the Haffati.
« I ſerved afterwards as a Volunteer in Spain, under Cato; and that General,
*
« who is ſo excellent a Judge of Merit, made me firſt Centurion of the firſt
« Maniple of the Haſftati. In the War againſt the Ætolians and King Antio-
« chus, I roſe to the ſame rank amongſt the Principes. I afterwards made
ce ſeveral Campaigns, and in a very few Years have been four times Primipilus :
ce I have been four and thirty times rewarded by the Generals, have received
5 | fax
I”
EN
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
« fx Civic Crowns, have ſerved two and twenty Campaigns, and am above
« fifty. Years old. Tho' I had not completed the number of Years required
« by the Law, and my Age did not diſcharge me, ſubſtituting four of my
Children in my place, I ſhould deſerve to be exempt from the neceſſity of
« ſerving. But by all I have ſaid, I only intend to ſhew the juſtice of my
« Cauſe. For the reſt, as long as thoſe who levy the Troops ſhall judge me ca-
&« pable of bearing Arms, I ſhall not refuſe the Service. The Tribunes may
« rank me as they pleaſe, that is their Buſineſs : mine is to act, that none be
« ranked above me for Valour; as all. the Generals under whom I have had
« the honour to ſerve, and all my Comrades can witneſs for me, I have hi-
te therto never failed to do. For you, Centurions, notwithſtanding your Ap-
« peal; as even during your youth you have never done any thing contrary
ce to the Authority of the Magiſtrates and Senate, in my Opinion, it would be-
« come your Age, to ſhew yourſelves ſubmiſſive to the Senate and Conſuls,
© and to think every Station honourable, that gives you opportunity to ſerve
ce the Republick.”
XIII. IT is eaſy to diſcern in this Speech, the Spirit and Magnanimity of a
true Roman; and particularly a certain Boldneſs and Confidence, derived from
a ſenſe of his many Services, and the Rewards and Honours with which they
had been attended. And if this be ſo conſpicuous in the inferior Officers, what
may we not expect in thoſe of a more eminent degree? If Civic and Mural
Crowns, Collars, Chains, Bracelets, and ſuch like, were ſufficient to rouſe
theſe Sentiments of Heroiſm among the lower Order of Troops, what would
not the proſpect of a Triumph effect in the Mind of the General? This Ho-
nour was granted only to Dictators, Conſuls, and Prætors. After the General
had diſtributed a part of the Spoils to the Soldiers, and performed ſome other
Ceremonies, the Proceſſion began, and entered the City thro' the Triumphal
Port, to aſcend to the Capitol. At the head of it were the players upon mu-
ſical Inſtruments, who made the Air reſound with their Harmony. They were
followed by the Beaſts that were to be ſacrificed, adorned with Fillets, and
Flowers, many of them having their Horns gilt. After them came the whole
Booty, and all the Spoils, either diſplayed upon Carriages, or born upon the
Shoulders of young Men in magnificent Habits. The Names of the Nations
conquered were written in great Characters, and the Cities that had been taken
repreſented. Sometimes they added to the Pomp extraordinary Animals,
brought from the Countries ſubjected, as Bears, Panthers, Lions, and Elephants.
But what moſt attracted the Attention and Curioſity of the Spectators, were
the illuſtrious Captives, who walked in Chains before the Victors Chariot:
t Officers of State, Generals of Armies, Princes, Kings, with their Wives
| —Y Children. The Conſul followed upon' a magnificent Chariot, drawn by
four Horſes, and robed with the auguſt Habit of Triumph, his Head incir-
cled with a Crown of Laurel, holding alſo a Branch of the ſame Tree in his
Hand, and ſometimes accompanied with his young Children ſitting by him.
Behind the Chariot marched the whole Army, the Cavalry firſt, then the In-
fantry. All the Soldiers were crowned with Laurel, and thoſe who had received
particular Crowns, and other Marks of Honour, did not fail to ſhew. them on
ſo great a Solemnity. They emulated each other in celebrating the Praiſes of
their General, and ſometimes threw in Expreſſions, ſufficiently offenſive, of
Rallery and Satire againſt him, which favoured of the military Freedom; but
the Joy of the Ceremony entirely blunted their Edge, and abated their Bitter-
' neſs, When the Proceſſion arrived at the Capitol, ' the Conſul 1mmediately
upon
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
upon his entering the Temple, made this very remarkable Prayer to the God.
« Filled with Gratitude and with Joy, I return you thanks, O moſt good
« and moſt great Jupiter, and you Queen Juno, and all the other Gods, the
« Guardians and Inhabitants of this Citadel, that to this Day and Hour you
« have vouchſafed by my Hands, to preſerve and guide the Noman Republick
« happily. Continue always, I implore you, to preſerve, guide, protect, and
« favour it in all things.” This Prayer was followed by ſacrificing the Vic-
tims, and a magnificent Feaſt, given in the Capitol, ſometimes by the Pub-
lick, and ſometimes by the Perſon himſelf who triumphed. It muſt be al-
lowed, that this was a glorious Day for a General of an Army; and it is not
ſurpriſing that all poſſible Endeavours ſhould be uſed to deſerve ſo grateful a
Diſtinction, and ſo ſplendid an Honour. Nome had not any thing more ma-
jeſtick and magnificent than this pompous Ceremony, which ſeemed to raiſe
the Perſon in favour of whom it was granted, above the Condition of
Mortals. | |
XIV. THE Romans, in War, knew how to make uſe of Puniſhments, as
well as Rewards. The ſteddineſs of a Dictator with reſpect to his General of
Horſe, who could not be faved from death but by the Intreaties and urgent
Prayers of all the People: the inexorable Severity of the Conſul Manlius to his
own Son, whom he unmercifully put to death, tho' victorious, for fighting
_ contrary to his Orders: theſe Examples made a terrible Impreſſion of Fear upon
the People, which became for ever the firm Bond of military Diſcipline.
Wherefore never was it obſerved in any Nation ſo inviolably as among the Ro-
mans, nor did any thing contribute ſo much to render them victorious over all
their Enemies. How ſhould they have been otherwiſe than victorious with
Troops formed as we have ſeen, and above all guided in their Operations by
Principles the moſt proper to make Conquerors ? One of which was, not to
know any other end of War but Victory, and for its ſake to ſurmount by an
indefatigable Perſeverance, all the Obftacles and all the Dangers by which it
can be retarded. The greateſt Misfortunes, the moſt deſperate Loſſes, were in-
capable of daunting their Courage, or making them accept a baſe and diſhonour-
able Peace. To grant nothing by compulſion, was a fundamental Law of the Ro-
man Policy, from which the Senate never departed ; and in the moſt melancholy
Junctures, weak Counſels, inſtead of prevailing, were not ſo much as heard.
As far back as Coriolanus, the Senate declared, that no Agreement could be
made with the Yo//c;, ſo long as they remained on the Roman Territory.
They proceeded in the ſame manner with Pyrrhus. After the bloody Battle
of Cannæ, wherein above fifty thouſand Romans lay dead on the Field, it was
reſolved no Propoſal of Peace ſhould be liſtened to. The Conſul Varro, who
had been the Occaſion of the Defeat, was received at Rome as if he had been
victorious, - becauſe in ſo great a Misfortune he had not deſpaired of the Roman
Affairs. Thus, inſtead of diſheartening the People by an unſeaſonable Inſtance
of Severity, theſe generous Senators taught them by their Example, to bear
up againſt ill Fortune, and aſſume in Adverſity the Haughtineſs with which
others are inſpired by Proſperity.
XV. ONE thing indeed has been generally conſidered, as tending greatly
to obſtruct the Conqueſts of the Roman People: I mean the too limited ſpace
of the Conſulſhip, which often afforded not the General time to finiſh a War
he had begun, a good part of the Year being ſometimes ſpent in Preparations.
This Inconvenience was afterwards remedied, as far as poſſible, by prolonging
the |
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Iii
4A DISCOURSE: CONCERNING
the Command to the General as Proconſul, and ſometimes continuing him in
the Conſulſhip itſelf. But this was practiſed ſparingly in the wiſer Ages of the
Republick ; the danger of infringing the publick Liberty, making the frequent
change of General appear neceſſary to the ſafety of the State. If the Generals
had been long continued at the head of the Armies, they might have been able
to uſurp all the Authority, and become maſters of the Government, as hap-
pened under Cz/ar in the latter end of the Commonwealth. We are like-
wiſe to call to mind, that theſe annual Commands were well enough ſuited
to the earlier times of Rome, when Wars ſeldom laſted above one Campaign;
and though perhaps they might not be without their Inconveniences afterwards,
yet they had this one manifeſt Advantage attending them, that thereby a a
number of great Generals was formed in the State, and the Romans were not
often reduced to the neceſlity of placing all their Hopes in the Abilities of a
ſingle Perſon. For this quick circulation of Authority, by raiſing many in
their turns to the higheſt Offices of the Republick, excited an incredible Emu-
lation among Individuals, to qualify themſelves for the conduct of Armies; and
at the ſame time furniſhed them with frequent Opportunities of acquiring Ex-
perience in ſupreme Com mand, which is one of the moſt requiſite Accom-
pliſhments in a great General.
XVI. THUS every thing at Rome led to great Conqueſts : the Conſtitution
of the Government; the admirable political Principles on which it was
founded ; the nature of the Troops ; the ability of the Generals ; and above
all, the ſteddineſs of the Senate, in an attachment to the ancient Maxims of
the State. This laſt Particular leads me to the ſecond thing I mentioned, as
the cauſe of that noble Spirit which we ſo much admire in the Roman Ar-
mies, namely, the ſucceſſion of great Men that for ſeveral Ages prevailed in
the Commonwealth, and who ſupported, invigorated, and from time to time
gave new Life to the fundamental Principles of the Conſtitution, Happy is the
State that is bleſſed with this Privilege ! and it was the good Fortune of the
Romans to enjoy it in a ſupreme degree. It .were endleſs to recount all the
Names that Hiſtory furniſhes on this Subject. I ſhall therefore content myſelf
with mentioning only two; Maniius Torquatus, and Valerius Corvinus; the
one famed for his Severity, the other for his Clemency. Manlius commanded
with Rigor, excuſed his Soldiers from no Labour, and never remitted any
Puniſhment. Valerius, on the other ſide, uſed them with as much Gentleneis
and Familiarity. Manlius, to ſupport the Vigour of military Diſcipline, exe-
cuted his own Son. Valerius acted upon Principles fo different, that he is ſaid
never to have offended any Man. Vet in this great diverſity of Conduct, the
Effects were the ſame, both as to the Enemy, the Commonwealth, and them-
ſelves. For none of their Soldiers ever declined fighting, none of them re-
belled, none ſo much as diſputed their Orders, tho the Diſcipline of Marlins
was ſo ſevere, that afterwards all exceſſive and arbitrary Commands were from
him called Manliana Imperia. If Manlius be conſidered as he is repreſented
by Hiſtorians, we find him to have been very valiant, pious to his Father and
Country, and ſubmiſhve to his Superiors. This appears by his defence of his
Father, at the hazard of his own Life, againſt a Tribune who accuſed him; by
his readineſs to offer himſelf to ſingle Combat with a Gaul, where he thought
the Honour of his Country concerned; and by his firſt applying to the Conſul
for Leave, before he would accept the Challenge. Now when a Man of this
Conſtitution arrives at Command, he deſires that all Men may be as punctual
as himſelf; and being naturally brave, he commands brave things, and when
they
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they are once commanded, requires that they be executed exactly; this being
a certain Rule, that where great Things are commanded, ſtrict Obedience
muſt be exacted; in which Caſe Mildneſs and Gentleneſs will not always pre-
vail. But where a Man has not this Greatneſs and Magnificence of Mind, he
is by no means to command extraordinary Things, and may therefore fafely
exerciſe - the Virtue of Clemency, with which ordinary Puniſhments are
compatible enough, becauſe they are not imputed to the Prince, but to the
Laws and Cuſtoms of the Place. Manlius then was a ſevere Man, and kept
up the Roman Diſcipline exactly; prompted firſt by his own nature, and then
by a ftrong defire to have that obeyed, which his own Inclination had
conſtrained him to command. Valerius Corvinus, on the other hand, might
exerciſe his Gentleneſs without Inconvenience, becauſe he commanded nothing
extraordinary, or contrary to the Cuſtoms of the Romans at that time. For,
as thoſe Cuſtoms were good, and not very troubleſome to obſerve, he was ſel-
dom neceſſitated to puniſh Offenders, becauſe there were but few of that
ſort ; and where they were, their Puniſhment was imputed" to the Laws, and
not to his Cruelty. Hence Valerius had an Opportunity by his Gentleneſs, to
gain both Affection and Authority in the Army; which was the Cauſe, that
the Soldiers being equally obedient to the one as the other, tho' their Tempers
and Diſcipline were ſo very different, they could yet do the ſame things, and
their Actions have the ſame effects. I ſhall only add, that could a State be ſo
happy, as to have always Perſons ſucceeding one another within a reaſonable
time, who however different in Inclination and Temper, would yet by their
Examples renew the Laws, reſtrain Vice, and remove every thing that tended
to its Ruin or Corruption, that State muſt be immortal. 2
XVII. IN thus aſcribing the Bravery and Succeſſes of the Romans, to the
the excellent Principles of their Conſtitution, and the great Men by whom
theſe Principles were ſupported, I do no more than follow the Opinion of their
own Writers upon this Subject. Salut tells us, * that after much Reading
« and Reflexion, upon the Cauſes of the Growth and Grandeur of the Romans,
« he found reaſon to conclude, that the diftinguiſhed Virtue of a few Citizens
« had effected all that mighty run of Proſperity.“ Cicero too, in his Re-
flexions upon that Verſe of the Poet Emu,
Moribus antiquis res flat Romana, viriſque,
makes the ſame Obſervation. It is, /ays he, the union of theſe two Advan-
ce tages, which has produced all the Grandeur of Rome on the one hand,
« the good Manners, the wiſe. political Principles eftabliſhed from the begin-
e ning: on the other, a ſucceſſion of great Men formed upon theſe Princi-
te ples, and employed by the State in the adminiſtration of Affairs. Before
« our times, that happy Union was always the ſame, and theſe two Advan-
ce tages ever exiſted together; otherwiſe a Republick ſo powerful and extenſive
« as ours, could not have ſubſiſted ſo long with Honour, nor fo conſtantly kept
« up its Reputation amongſt all Nations.” I omit the Complaints Cicero ſub-
Joins, of the degeneracy of the Age in which he lived, and of the total decay
of ancient Manners. Every one knows, that theſe ſoon after occaſioned the
ruin of the Republick. Mean-while it may not be improper to obſerve, that
' theſe two Advantages were not only the chief Cauſes of the Roman Greatneſs,
but likewiſe produced that flow and gradual increaſe of Power, ſo neceſſary to
lay a folid Foundation of Strength, and ſupport the weight of their many
and extenſive Conqueſts. |
; 1 | XVIII.
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A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
XVIII. FOR there never was an Empire, either more floyriſhing, or more
extenſive than the Roman. From the Eupbratet and Tanais to Herculess Pil-
lars, and the elantick Ocean, all the Lands, and all the Seas, were under
their Obedience. It is aſtoniſhing to conſider, that the Nations which at pre-
ſent make Kingdoms ſo conſiderable, all Gaul, all Spain, almoſt the whole
Iſland of Great-Britain, Illyria to the Danube, Germany to the Elbe, Africa
to the frightful and impaſlable Deſarts, Greece, Thrace, Syria, Eg ypr, all the
Kingdoms of Afia Minor, and thoſe between the Euxine and Caſpian Seas,
with many others, became Roman Provinces, almoſt all before the end of the
Republick. I have often wondered to obſerve in Hiſtorians a certain Affecta-
tion of aſcribing the Succeſſes of the Romans to Fortune, as if that, rather
than Valour and Wiſdom, had been the Occaſion of their Proſperity. To me
it evidently appears, thro the whole courſe of their Hiſtory, that the unuſual
pitch of Grandeur to which they arrived, was the neceſſary reſult of the Ta-
lents and Accompliſhments of which they were poſſeſſed, whether they are
conſidered with regard to moral Virtues, or to political Government, or to
martial Merit and the Art of War. For, as Livy obſerves in the Preface to
his Hiſtory, there never was a Republick more religious, or more abounding
in good Examples, or where Avarice and Luxury gained ground ſo late, or
where Simplicity and Poverty were ſo much and fo long held in honour, All
the Debates and Tranſactions of the Senate, ſhew to a Demonſtration, how
much wiſdom of Counſel, love of the Publick, ſteddineſs to the Maxims of
the State, Lenity and Moderation with regard to the conquered Nations,
prevailed in that auguſt Aſſembly. Courage, Boldneſs, Intrepidity in the
midſt of the greateſt Dangers, an invincible Patience in the hardeſt Labours,
an inexorable Firmneſs to maintain the military Diſcipline in its utmoſt Rigor,
a ſettled Reſolution to conquer or die, a greatneſs of Soul, and a Conſtancy *
proof againſt all Misfortunes, have at all times conſtituted the Character of
the Romans, and rendered them in the end victorious over all other Nations.
Cyrus and Alexander, it is true, founded great Empires: but the Qualities
proper for the execution of ſuch a Deſign, being confined to the perſons of
theſe two illuſtrious Conquerors, and not inherited by their Deſcendants ; the
Grandeur to which they gave a beginning, did not. ſupport itſelf long with
any Reputation. It was very different with the Romans. Their Empire was
not founded, nor raiſed to the ſtate of Grandeur it attained, by the rare En-
dowments, or rapid Conqueſts of a fingle Perſon. The Roman People
themſelves, the Body of the State, formed that Empire by flow degrees,
and at ſeveral times. The great Men that helped, each in their time,
to eſtabliſh, enlarge, and preſerve it, had all different Characters, tho' in the
main they followed all the ſame Principles: and hence the Empire itſelf,
was both more extenſive, and of longer duration, than any that had ever
gone before it.
CHAP,
7E ROMAN ART of WAR.
— —
—— — — — ———
Of Marcuss.
L HAT we have hitherto ſeen, relating to the raiſing of Troops, their
Diviſions and Subdiviſions, Armour, Diſcipline, and Exerciſes, is in
a manner only the Mechaniſm of War, There are other ſtill more im-
portant Cares, which conſtitute what is called the higher detail of the Service,
and depend more immediately upon the General's Ability and Experience.
To him it belongs to ſettle the general diſpoſition of Marches; to encamp the
Troops advantageouſly ; to draw them up in order of Battle, provide againſt
the Exigencies of the Field, purſue with Caution, or retreat with Judgment;
and laſtly, in conducting an Attack or Defence, to put in practice all the
Arts, Stratagems, and Addreſs, that long Experience in the Service, and a
conſummate Knowledge in all the parts of War, are jointly able to ſuggeſt.
I ſhall offer ſome Reflexions upon the Practice of the Roman Generals in all
theſe great Points of military Conduct, and begin with that which follows im-
mediately after the rendezvous of the Troops, I mean the marching of an
Army. This Subject naturally divides itſelf into three Branches: the general
Order of Marches in advancing againft an Enemy ; the Knowledge and Choice
of Poſts; and laſtly, the Diſpoſition and Conduct of a Retreat. We ſhall
ſpeak of each in order. |
IL THE marching againſt an Enemy ſuppoſes many preliminary Cares in
the General, and many previous Steps taken, in order to his own Safety, and
the ſucceſs of his Deſigns. I ſhall ſuppoſe the Plan of the War ſettled, as
likewiſe the manner of acting, and Meaſures concerted accordingly. Vet ſtill
it is incumbent up6n a wiſe Commander, before he puts his Troops in mo-
tion, to provide every thing neceſſary for their Accommodation and Subſiſ-
tence ; to acquire an exact knowledge of the Country thro' which he marches ;
to inform himſelf of the Number and Quality of the Enemy's Forces; to pe-
netrate, if poſhble, into his Defigns; to ſtudy the Character of the Generals
employed againſt him; and by a wiſe Forefight to be prepared for all the
Events and Contingencies that may happen in the courſe of a Campaign.
Now tho theſe things come not fo properly under fixed Rules, but depend in
a great meaſure upon the Ability and Prudence of the Commander in chief
yet we find every where in Hiſtory, that the Ro-zans had many Regulations
about them, and always treated them with particular Attention. To begin
with the care of Proviſions, which is of principal account in an Army; it
appears to have been the conſtant Practice, to furniſh the Soldiers with a cer-
tain proportion of Corn, which they were obliged to carry along with them in
their Marches. This on extraordinary Occaſions amounted to four Buſhels, or
a Month's Allowance, and ſeldom was leſs than what might ſerve for fifteen
or twenty Days. They choſe rather to give them Corn than Bread, becauſe
it was lighter, and might therefore be carried with greater caſe. Indeed this
put them to the trouble of grinding and baking it themſelves; but then they
were uſed to it, and could upon Occafion make it into I know not what va-
riety of Diſhes. Beſides the common Bread, they made a kind of ſoft y
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BY
be ſaid of the Romans. The care of ſubſiſting the Troops was infinitely leſs
A DISCOURSE'CONCERNING
Food of it, very agreeable to the Troops: they mingled it with Milk, Roots,
and Herbs, and made Pancakes of it, upon a ſmall Plate laid over the Fire,
or upon the hot Aſhes, as was anciently the manner of regaling Gueſts, and
is ſtill practiſed throughout the Eaſt, where theſe kind of thin Cakes are
much preferred to our beſt Bread. Their Drink was anſwerable to this Diet,
being no more than a mixture of Vinegar and Water. It was called Po/ea,
could at all times be eaſily procured,” and was particularly ſerviceable to quench
the Thirſt immediately.
III. I have heard it obſerved, that nothing gives greater Difhculty to mili-
tary Men, in the reading of ancient Hiſtory, than the Article of Proviſions.
Cato's Maxim, that the War feeds the War, holds good in plentiful Countries,
and with regard to ſmall Armies: yet ſtill it is more generally true, that the
War does not furniſh Proviſions upon command, or at a fixed time. They
muſt be provided both for the preſent and the future. We do not however
find, that either the Greeks or Romans had the precaution to provide Maga-
zines of Forage, to lay up Proviſions, to have a Commiſſary-General of Stores,
or to be followed by a great number of Carriages. But then we are to conſi-
der, that in the Wars of the Greeks againſt each other, their Troops were little
numerous, and accuſtomed to a ſober Life: that they did not remove far
from their own Country, and almoſt always returned regularly every Win-
ter: ſo that it is plain, it was not difficult for them to have Proviſions in
abundance, eſpecially the Atbeniant, who were maſters at Sea. The ſame may
weighty with them, than it is at preſent with moſt of the Nations of Europe.
Their Armies were much leſs numerous, and they had a much ſmaller num-
ber of Cavalry. A Conſular Army conſiſted of near ſeventeen thouſand Foot,
to which they had not above eighteen hundred Horſe. In our Days, to ſeven-
teen thouſand Foot, we have often more than fix thouſand Horſe. © What a
© vaſt difference muſt this make in the conſumption of Forage and Proviſions |
Let me add, that the ſober manner of Life in the Army, confined to mere
Neceſſaries, ſpared them an infinite multitude of Servants, Horſes, and Bag-
gage, which now exhauſt our Magazines, ſtarve our Armies, retard the exe-
cution of Enterpriſes, and often render them impra&ticable. Nor was this
the manner of living only of the Soldiers, but likewiſe of the Officers. and
Generals. Not only Conſuls and Dictators in the early Ages of the Common-
wealth, but even Emperors themſelves ; Trajan, Adrian, Peſcennius, Severus,
Probus, Julian, and many others, not only lived without Luxury, but con-
tented themſelves with boiled Flour or Beans, a piece of Cheeſe or Bacon,
and made it their Glory to level themſelves, in this reſpect, with the meaneſt
of the Soldiers. It is eaſy to conceive how much this muſt contribute to dimi-
niſh the Train of an Army, to ſupport the Taſte of Frugality and Simpli-
city amongſt the Troops, and baniſh all Luxury and idle Shew from the
Camp. | |
IV. BUT tho' the care of Proviſions was leſs burdenſom to the Ancients,
we find that both it, and all the other Accommodations proper for the march
of an Army, were not leſs attended to by their Generals. Xenophon, who was
himſelf a Soldier, and whoſe Writings abound with Maxims of War, is fre-
quent in his Reflexions upon this Article. One of the principal Inſtructions
he makes Cambyſes King of Perſia give his Son Cyrus, who afterwards became
fo glorious, was, not to imbark in any Expedition, till he had firſt informed
| himſelf,
*
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR wi
himſelf, whether Subſiſtence were provided for the Troops. In his Account
of the Behaviour of the ſame Cyrus, after his arrival in the Camp of his Uncle
Cyaxares, he enters into an immenſe Detail, with reſpect to all the Neceſſaries
of an Army. That Prince was to march fifteen Days thro Countries that had
been deſtroyed, and in which there were neither Proviſions nor Forage. He
ordered enough of both for twenty Days to be carried, and that the Soldiers,
inſtead of loading themſelves with Baggage, ſhould exchange that Burden for
an equal one of Proviſions, without troubling themſelves about Beds and Co-
verlets for ſleeping, the want of which their Fatigues would ſupply. T hey
were accuſtomed to drink Wine; and as a ſudden and total diſuſe of it might
be attended with ill Conſequences, he ordered them to carry a certain quantity
with them, and to uſe themſelves by degrees to do without it, and be con-
tented with Water. He adviſed them alſo to carry ſalt Proviſions along with
them, Hand- mills for grinding Corn, and Medicines for the ſick: to put into
every Carriage a Sickle and a Mattock, and upon every Beaſt of burden an
Ax and a Scythe: and to take care to provide themſclves with a thouſand
other Neceſſaries. He carried alſo along with him Smiths, Shoemakers, and
other Workmen, with all manner of Tools uſed in their Trades. For the reſt,
he declared publickly, that whoever would charge himſelf with the care of 2
ſending Proviſions to the Camp, ſhould be honoured and rewarded by himſelf 2
and his Friends, and even ſupplied with Money for that Service, provided they
would give Security, and engage to follow the Army.
V. THE Reader will here be pleaſed to obſerve, that as I am now en-
tered upon the higher Detail of War, I ſhall not ſo intirely confine myſelf to
the Romans, as not from time to time to mention the Practices of other Nati-
ons, where they any way tend to illuſtrate the Point in hand. For as the
Roman Writers upon this Subject are but few, and have not entered very cir-
cumſtantially into Matters, we are often at a loſs with regard to ſome of the
moſt important parts of their Diſcipline. This however we may be certain of,
that as they excelled particularly in the Art of War, and readily adopted the
Improvements: of other Nations; the more we know of the Progreſs and At-
tainments of the Ancients in this reſpect, the better we ſhall be able to judge
of the uncommon Proficiency of the Royzans. We have already ſeen ſome
of their wiſe Precautions with regard to the Subſiſtence and Accommodation
of the Troops, for which they provided no leſs by fixed and general Regula-
tions, than Qrus does in the particular Inſtance recorded by Xenophon. I ſhall
only add, that Hiſtory abounds with Examples of this prudent Care and
Foreſight in their Generals. Paulus Amilius would not ſet out for Macedonia,
till he had fully ſettled every thing relating to Proviſions. Czſar, in all his
Wars, was extremely attentive to the ſafety. of his Convoys, and the keeping
up a free communication with . thoſe Countries, whence he received his Sup-
plies. We find that he regularly diſtributed Corn to the Army, and always
took care, before the time for a new Diſtribution arrived, to have it brought
to the Camp by means of his Allies: or, if he chanced to be diſappointed
here, ſo contrived his March, as to paſs by ſome great Town, where he could
readily be furniſhed with whatever he ſtood in need of.
VI. BUT. beſides the care of Proviſions, it is further incumbent upon a
wiſe General, to acquaint himſelf throughly with the nature of the Country
thro which he is to march. I take it for granted that the Romans omitted "
none of the uſual and obvious Methods for this Purpoſe: that they furniſhed
4 p | themſelves
Iviii
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
themſelves with Guides; interrogated the Natives; and, where ſuch were to be
had, | procured. exact Maps of the Country, delineating the Towns, their
number and diſtance, the Roads, the Mountains, the Rivers, the Fords, and
the nature and qualities of them all. But what particularly deſerves our No-
tice in the Roman Policy; they ſcarce ever entered into a War with any diſtant
State, till they had firſt contracted an Alliance with ſome contiguous Power,
who might unite his Forces to theirs in the intended Invaſion. This Practice
was attended with numberleſs Advantages. They had hereby timely Notice
of the Enemy's Deſigns: they were made acquainted with the number and
quality of his Forces: and when they approached with their Army, were not
only plentifully ſupplied with all kind of military Stores, but joined by a con-
ſiderable Body of Troops perfectly acquainted with the Country, and able to
inform them where they might make their Impreſſion with greateſt probabi-
lity of Succeſs. Thus when they invaded Philip King of Macedon, they
took care to ſecure the Friendſhip of the MAtoliant, whole Troops were of
unſpeakable Service to them in that War. In their Expedition againſt Anzio-
chus they made uſe of the fame Policy, having previouſly contracted Amity
with ſeveral of the petty Princes and States of {ja Minor. Every one knows
what uſe Cz/ar made of the pretended Alliance with the Æduan, and that it
was one of the principal Engines by which he compleated the reduction of Gaul.
Indeed nothing can fall out more fortunately for an Army, about to invade a
Country to which they are ſtrangers, than to act in conjunction with Troops
contiguous to the Territories they attack : becauſe as by this means they make
War with all the Advantages of Natives, they are not only the better enabled
to guard againſt Ambuſcades and Surpriſes, but can in their turn make uſe of
all thoſe Stratagems and favourable Opportunities of Action, which the parti-
cular nature of the Country furniſhes. Whoever therefore conſiders the artful '
Conduct of the Romans in this reſpect, will find himſelf neceſſitated to own,
that Deſigns concerted with ſo much Wiſdom and Foreſight merited all the
Succeſs with which they were for the moſt part attended, |
VII. THESE preliminary Cares ſettled, it is now time to put the Troops |
in motion. The Romans were very exact in the Order of their Marches. In
the Morning, at the firſt ſounding of the Trumpet, every one took down his
Tent, and began to make up his Baggage: at the ſecond ſounding; every one
loaded his Baggage: and at the third, the Legions moved out of their Quar-
ters, and put themſelves in the form and order they were that Day to march
in. But none were to take down their Tents, till the Conſul and mili
Tribunes had firſt taken down theirs; whether for the greater Reſpect, or be-
cauſe their Tents and Baggage being larger than the reſt, -it was neceſſary they
ſhould be the firſt at work, that their Baggage might be in a readineſs to
march at the third ſound of the Trumpet, as well as that of the private Sol-
dier. For Commanders, who give Rules to all the reſt, ought to be very exact
in obſerving them themſelves ; ſince, if they break their own Orders, they
encourage others to do the like; Example always operating more ſtrongly than
Precept. Hence that conſtant care in the Roman Generals, to be themſelves
Patterns to the Troops, with regard to all the Duties of the Service; nor do
we meet with any thing in their whole Diſcipline, more truly deſerving of
imitation, or better calculated to promote Submiſſion and Obedience inthe
Army. For when Soldiers find the General keeps ſtrictly to the Rules he
gives, they are the more careful to obſerve them likewiſe, concluding, that as
he therein grants no Indulgence to himſelf, he certainly will not do it to
others :
THE ROMAN ART OF VAR.
others: nay they implicitly believe ſuch Orders good and neceſſary, becauſe lie
that. gave them is ſo punctual an obſerver of them. |
VIII. As to the particular Form and Diſpoſition of the Roman March; we
meet with very little on that Subject in ancient Authors. In the general it
appears, that whether they marched in a Friend's or Enemy's Countty, whe-
ther they believed the Enemy near or far off, they proceeded with the ſame
Care and Circumſpection: and this certainly was a very wiſe Policy. Fora
General may be miſtaken in his Intelligence or Intelligencers ; nay, may think
thoſe Friends, who want but an advantageous Opportunity of declaring them-
ſelves Foes : ſo that all imaginable Caution ought to be obſerved, in all Times,
and in all Places. To which let me add, that were there nothing elſe as a
Motive to it, but the keeping up exactly the military Diſcipline, yet for that
Reaſon ſingly, it ought conſtantly to be done. The Method followed moſt
commonly by the Romans in their Marches ſeems to have been this. They had
always ſome Troops of Horſe ſcouting abroad in order to the diſcovery of the
Roads. After them followed the right Wing, with all its Carriages immedi-
ately in the rear. Then came a Legion with its Carriages ; after that another ;
and fo a third, a fourth, &c. in order. Laſt of all came the left Wing and its
Baggage, with a Party of Horſe in their rear. If, during the March, the Ar-
my happened to be aſſaulted in the front, or in the rear, they cauſed all their
Carriages to withdraw to the right Wing or the left, as they found it conveni-
ent, and moſt agreeable to the nature of the Place: and then, when they were
cleared and difincumbered of their Baggage, all of them unanimouſly made head
againſt the Enemy. If they were aſſaulted in the flank, they drew their Car-
riages on that fide where they were like to be moſt ſafe, and then addreſſed
themſelves to the Fight.
IX. THIS, I fay, was the moſt common order of their Marches : for as
to any fixed and ftanding Rule, none could poſlibly be eſtabliſhed ; becauſe
the Form muſt vary, according to the Country you are in, and the Enemy
you have to do with. Julius Cz/ar, when he marched againſt the Vervians,
ſo long as he thought the Enemy at a diſtance, proceeded exactly according to
the Diſpoſition here deſcribed. But upon a nearer approach he changed it
entirely. For then all the Cavalry were ſent before. After them followed fix
Legions without Baggage: and laſt of all the Carriages, guarded by two
new raiſed Legions. This was an excellent Method, as he was ſure the Ene-
my could only attempt him in the van; but might be of ill Conſequence,
where the rear of the Army was liable to be attacked. One thing the Romans
particularly attended to, and that was, that the Troops did not ftraggle, or
march unequally, ſome too faſt, others too ſlow, which very much weakens
an Army, and expoſes it to great Diſorder. Hence their Care, in training up
their Men, to inure them to the -2i/itary Pace; that is, to the walking over a
certain ſtated ſpace of Ground within a fixed and limited time. This, as we have
already obſerved, amounted to twenty miles in five Hours, which made the
uſual Day's March of a Roman Army. To accuſtom the Soldiers to it, three
times a Month, the Foot as well as Horſe were obliged to take this March.
Upon extraordinary Occaſions they were wont to march four and. twenty Miles
in the ſame ſpace of time. By an exact Calculation of what Gz/ar relates of
a ſudden March, which he made at the time he beſieged Gergovia, we find
that in four and twenty Hours he marched fifty Miles. This he did with the
| 6 «TOR utmoſt
lix
IXx 4 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
utmoſt expedition. In reducing it to leſs than half, it makes the uſual
rate of an extraordinary Day's March. = pick |
X. II is remarkable with regard to modern Wars, that they not only im-
poveriſh the Princes that are overcome, but even the Conquerors themſelves:
for as one loſes his Country, ſo the other loſes his Money. In ancient times
the caſe was otherwiſe ; it appearing that the Conqueror always enriched him-
ſelf by the War. The reaſon of this difference ſeems to be, that in our times
no publick account is taken of the Plunder; or indeed rather, that the bar-
barous Cuſtom of pillaging the conquered Countries, is not now ſo much
practiſed as formerly. Amongſt the Romans, all the Spoil was delivered in
and appropriated to the Publick, which afterwards diſtributed it as it ſaw
cauſe. To this purpoſe they had their Quæſtors, in whoſe hands all the Pil-
lage and Taxes were depoſited, of which the General diſpoſed as he thought
good, for the payment of his Soldiers, the curing of the wounded or ſick,
and diſcharging the other Neceſſities of the Army. *Tis true the Conſul had
wer to give the plunder of a Town to his Soldiers, and he frequently did
it ; but that Liberty never bred any Diſorder. For when a Town was taken,
or an Army defeated, all the Spoil was brought into a publick Place, and dif-
- tributed Man by Man, according to every ones Merit. This Cuſtom made
the Soldiers more intent upon Victory than Plunder. The Practice of the Ro-
man Legions was, to break and diſorder an Enemy, but not to purſue; for
they never went out of their Ranks upon any Occaſion whatever. Only the
Horſe, the light-armed Troops, and what other Soldiers were not of the Le-
gions, followed the Chace. But had the Plunder of the Field belonged to
whoever could catch it, it would have been neither reaſonable nor poſſible to
have kept the Legions to their Ranks, or to have expoſed them to ſo many
Dangers. Hence it was, that upon a Victory, the Publick was always inriched.
For when a Conſul entered in triumph, he brought with him great Riches
into the Treaſury of Rome, conſiſting of Taxes, Contributions, Ranſoms, and
Plunder. The Romans had likewiſe another Cuſtom: well contrived for the
preſervation of Diſcipline; and that was, to depoſit a third part of every Sol-
dier's pay, with the Enſigns of their reſpective Companies, who never reſtored
it till the War was at an end. This ſerved two very excellent Purpoſes: Firſt,
every Soldier had a Stock of his own, which without this Precaution would
have been ſquandered away, as they were .moſt of them young and profule.
Secondly, knowing their Stocks to be in their Enſign's hands, they were the
more careful to defend and keep by him, whether in the Camp, in the Field
of Battle, or upon a March. This Cuſtom contributed much to their Valour,
and is neceſſary to be obſerved by any General, who would reduce his Soldiers
to the Diſcipline of the Romans. x
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XI. AMONG the various orders of the Roman Marches, one particularly
deſerves our Notice, which is frequently mentioned by Hiſtorians, and which
they term forming the Army itineri & prælio. It was, when the Line of
March was ſo contrived, as to correſpond exactly with the Line of Battle; or,
to expreſs myſelf a little more clearly, when the Columns of Horſe and Foot
were diſpoſed in ſuch a manner, that upon the ſudden appearance of an Ene-
my they could fall immediately into an Order proper for fighting. There is
not perhaps any thing in the Science of Arms more ſubtle and uſeful than
this, and the Romans ſeem to have made it their particular ſtudy. I do not
at
THE ROMAN ART OF FAR.
at preſent recolle& in any of their Hiſtorians, a minute and circumſtantial Ac-
count of a March of this kind, where the diſpoſition of the Columns is ex-
actly marked, and the manner in which they formed in order of Battle, upon
the approach of the Enemy. What moſt readily occurs to my Memory 1s,
the fine March of Hamilcar againſt Spendius, which has been fo judiciouſſy
explained by the Chevalier Fo/ard, in his admirable Comment upon Polybius:
As the whole Art of War furniſhes nothing more compleat in its kind, whe-
ther we regard the boldneſs of the Attempt, or the well-concerted Motions
by which it was accompliſhed, I'am fatisfied I ſhall do the Reader a
particular Pleaſure, in laying a full and diſtinct Account of it before him.
XII. UPON the concluſion of the firſt Punic: War, the Carthaginian
Mercenaries revolting, choſe Matho and Spendius for their Leaders. Han 0
was ſent againſt them with an Army; but receiving a conſiderable Check, the
Rebels blocked up Carthage on every fide, and poſſeſſed themſelves of all the
Paſſes leading to the Peninſula on which it ſtood. In this Exigence the Car-
thaginians had recourſe to Hamilcar the Father of Hannibal, who had given
eminent proof of his Abilities when he commanded their Armies in Sicily.
Accordingly he took the Field with ten thouſand Men, and ſeventy Ele-
phants ; but was for ſome time at a loſs how to meet with the Enemy upon
equal Ground. For beſides the other Places of Advantage which the Merce-
naries had ſeized, Hanno had ſuffered them to get poſſeſſion of the only Bridge
by which the River Bagradas was paſſable to thoſe who were to travel from
Carthage into the Continent. This River had not many Fords, and the few
it had were ſo well watched, that it was not eaſy for even a ſingle Man to get
over without being ſeen. As for the Bridge itſelf, the Enemy guarded it with
the utmoſt Care, and had built a Town cloſe by it, for the more commodious
lodging of the Troops that were appointed to that Service. Hamiltar having
in vain tried all means poſhble to force a Paſſage, at length bethought him-
ſel. of an Expedient to gain one by ſtealth. He had obſerved, that upon the
blowing of certain Winds, the Mouth of the Bagradas uſed to be choked
up. with Sand and Gravel, which formed a kind of Bar acroſs it, and ren-
dered it fordable. Remaining therefore in his Camp between the Sea and the
Mountains, he waited the Oppertunity of theſe Winds; which no ſooner ar-
rived, than marching ſuddenly in the night, he paſſed the Stream unperceived,
and the next morning appeared in the Plain, to the great Aſtoniſhment both
of the Carthaginians and the Enemy.
XII. HAMILCAR by this Step put all to the hazard. Had he failed
in his Attempt againſt Spendius, his whole Army muſt inevitably have been
deſtroyed, for a Retreat was now become impoſſible. But neither was the
Danger leſs great to his Country by continuing inactive: and therefore he
wiſely conſidered, that in ſuch an Extremity, it was better to try ſome way
where Fortune and his own ability in War offered a proſpect of Succeſs, than
by a timorous diffident Conduct expoſe himſelf to the ſame Ruin, without a
ſingle Effort to evade it. He was now upon the other fide the Bagraaae.
The Plains were favourable to him, becauſe he had a conſiderable Body of
Horſe. The River itſelf too was of no ſmall Advantage, as it ſerved to ſe-
cure his Baggage, and cover one of his Flanks. Spendius was advancing to
meet him at the head of ten thouſand Men. Beſides theſe, he underſtood that
a Detachment of fifteen thouſand was marching with all diligence from rica;
and as it was their buſineſs to come upon his flank and rear, rather than to
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A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
join Sþendius, he made no doubt of their proceeding accordingly. Upon theſe
Conſiderations he regulated his order of Battle, and the diſpoſition of his
March. To make head againſt Spendius, he placed his Elephants in the farſt
Line, and immediately behind them his Cavalry, intermixed with Platoons of
light-armed Foot. The heavy-armed Infantry formed the third Line, in order
to oppoſe the Detachment he expected upon his rear from Mica. By this Diſ-
fition he was enabled to make head on all ſides. For as he made no doubt
on his firſt Line of Elephants, of which Spendius was totally unprovided,
would be ſufficient to break the Body he commanded ; and that the Cavalry,
aided by the light-armed Foot, falling in immediately, would ſerve to compleat
the rout: ſo his third Line conſiſting of the flower of his African In-
fantry, he thought himſelf ſtrong enough likewiſe to deal with the Rebels
from Utica.
XIV. EACH of theſe Lines marched in four Columns, the Columns of
Cavalry following immediately behind the Elephants, and thoſe of the Infantry
immediately behind the Cavalry. The diſtance between the Columns was
equal to the ſpace they were to occupy in the Line of Battle. By this Diſpo-
ſition, upon the firſt appearance of the Enemy, the Army could form in an
Inſtant. For the Columns being commanded to halt, and wheel at once into
their place in the Line, were in order of Battle preſently. Hamilcar conti-
nuing his March, perceived, as the Enemy approached, that the Detachment
from Utica, inſtead of coming in upon his rear, had actually joined Spendius,
and formed a ſecond Line of Foot behind that he commanded. As he had
foreſeen that this might happen, his order of March was contrived to furniſh
a ſpeedy Remedy. It now became neceſſary to change his whole Diſpoſition, -
and oppoſe a ſtrong front of Infantry to the Enemy, with the Elephants at the
head of all, according to the uſual Cuſtom. To that end the Columns were
ordered to halt, and the Elephants forming in front, the\ Cavalry mean-while
fell back between the intervals of the Foot, ranging themſelves in two Divi-
ſions behind the two extremities of the Line of Infantry, which was formed
in an inſtant by the wheeling of the Columns. The Rebels deceived by this
artful Motion, and miſtaking the Retreat of the Cavalry for a real Flight, ad-
vanced briskly to the Attack, broke thro' the Elephants, and charged the Car-
thaginian Foot. Mean-while the Cavalry, which, as we have already ob-
ſerved, had ranged itſelf in two Columns behind the two Wings of the Infan-
try, wheeling to the right and left from the rear, appeared all on a ſudden in
the ſame Line with the Foot, covering the Flanks of the Carthaginian Army,
and conſiderably overwinging the Enemy. The Rebels aſtoniſhed at this ex-
traordinary Motion, quickly fell into Diſorder, and at laſt betook themſelves
to flight. Hamilcar purſued them with his Horſe and Elephants, and fol-
lowing them quite to the Town and Bridge, eaſily got poſſeſſion of that im-
portant Paſs. |
? ,
XV. FROM this Recital it appears, to what a degree of Perfection the
Ancients had arrived in the Science of Marches, which is a capital Article in
the grand Operations of War. And tho the Inſtance here given be of an
African Commander, and therefore does not ſo immediately regard the Noman
People, yet if we conſider, that theſe laſt are allowed to have excelled all
Nations in the knowledge of Arms, and that they often regulated their
Marches upon this Plan, it ſeems reaſonable to believe, that had their Hiſtori-
ans entered into particular Details of this kind, we ſhould have met with
many
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR xiii
many Examples of military Conduct in their Generals, no leſs ſurpriſing than
that now before us. Indeed as it frequently happens in War, that the Enemy,
tho not actually in fight, is yet hourly expected, this way of ordering an Ar-
my ſeems very neceſſary; and the General who excels in it, and is at the
' fame time ſufficiently on his guard againſt Surpriſes, will ſeldom or ever be
worſted. I have often admired, in reading Cz/ar's Commentaries, the con-
ſummate Prudence and Circumſpection of that great Man, eſpecially in rela-
tion to Surpriſes. Tho' he was the ableſt General of his time, and commanded
the fineſt Army that perhaps ever appeared in the World, yet he always pro-
ceeded with the utmoſt Caution, and was extremely careful of believing any
thing too eaſily, that was not reaſonably to be ſuppoſed. If a great number
of the Enemy was beaten and purſued by a few of his Men, if a few of them
attacked a greater Party of his, if they ran unexpectedly, and without any
viſible Cauſe, on theſe Occaſions he was always very much upon his guard,
and never fancied his Enemy fo weak, as not to underſtand” his own Buſineſs.
It ſeems in the general a good Rule, the weaker and more careleſs an Enemy
appears to be, the more to apprehend and dread him. In Caſes of this kind,
an experienced Commander will comport himſelf in two different manners.
He will fear the Enemy in his own Thoughts, and order his Affairs accord-
ingly ; but in his Words and outward Behaviour, he will affe& to deſpiſe him.
This laſt way gives courage to the Soldiers, and makes them confident of Vic-
tory. The other keeps the General upon his guard, and renders him leſs li-
able to be circumvented : for to march thro' an Enemy's Country is more
dangerous, and requires greater Addreſs and Foreſight, than to fight a pitched
Battle.
XVI. WE proceed now to the ſecond Particular mentioned on the head of
Marches, namely, the knowledge and choice o Poſts. As this will again all
under our notice in the next Chapter concerning Incampments, we need fa
the leſs of it here. It has however a ſtrict and neceſſary Connection with the
marching of an Army. For whether we are to retreat or advance, or which
way ſoever our Rout lies, it often happens, that the ſafety of the Army de-
pends upon ſeizing ſome advantageous Poſts, that command the Country thro
which we march. The Romans applied themſelves with particular Attention
to this part of War, and we meet with ſeveral very early traces of it in their
Hiſtory. Livy relates an Example of this kind in the perſon of Publius De-
cius, who being a military Tribune in the Army which the Conſul Cornelius
commanded againſt the Samnites, and finding the Conſul and Army falling
by accident into a Vale, where they might have been encompaſſed and cut off
by the Enemy: © Do you. ſee, (ſaid he to Cornelius,) that Eminence which
« commands the Enemy's Camp? there lies our Hope. It is a Poſt that may
te ſerve to extricate us out of the preſent Danger, if we are careful only to
e ſeize it quickly, and avail ourſelves of the blindneſs of the Samnites, who
« have neglected it. The Hiſtorian had before informed us, that Decius ob-
ſerved a Hill over the Enemy's Camp, not eaſy to be aſcended by thoſe who
were compleatly armed, but to thoſe lightly armed, acceſſible enough. The
Conſul ordered him to take poſſeſſion of it with three thouſand Men. He
obeyed the Order, ſecured the Roman Army, and deſigning to march away in
the night, and fave both himſelf and his Party, addreſſed himſelf in theſe
Words to ſome of his Companions. -< Follow me, Fellow-Soldiers, that whilſt
« we have yet Light, we may explore where the Enemy keeps his Guards,
« and which way we may make out Retreat,” Accordingly he went out in
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A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
perſon upon this Deſign, and habited like a Soldier, that the Enemy might
not know his rank in the Army, took an exact view of the Ground, and the
ſituation of their Camp. Whoever attentively conſiders this Relation, will find
how uſeful and neceſſary it is for a Commander, to be acquainted with the
nature of Coaſts and Countries, and that not only in a general, but in an
exquiſite and more particular way. For had not Decius underſtood thoſe
things very well, he could not ſo ſuddenly have diſcerned the advantage of
that Hill, and of what importance it would be to the preſervation of the Roman
Army. Neither could he have judged at that diſtance, whether it was accef-
ſible or not: and when he had poſſeſſed himſelf of it, and was to draw off
afterwards; as the Enemy environed him on every fide, he could never have
found out the beſt way for his retreat, nor have gueſſed fo well where the
Enemy kept his Guards. abius Maximus is another Example of a conſum-
mate Knowledge this way. He commanded the Roman Army, fix Months
againſt Hannibal, and by a ſeries of well-concerted Motions, and a judicious
choice of Poſts, conducted himſelf ſo happily, that during all that time he
never ſuffered any conſiderable Diſaſter, nor could be compelled to fight againſt
his Will, tho' the artful Carthaginian left no Stratagem untried, to draw him
to an Engagement, or intangle him in an Ambuſcade. But of all the Ro-
nan Generals, none ſeems to have been a greater maſter in this part of War
than Julius Ceſar. We meet with many Inſtances of it in his Commentaries,
particularly 1n that famous Campaign in Spain, where by a happy choice of
Poſts, and an exquiſite Addreſs in improving the Advantages the nature of the
Country afforded, he compelled a veteran Army to ſurrender themſelves Priſo-
ners of War without ſtriking a Blow.
XVII. THE third and laſt Particular we mentioned in relation to Marches,
was the Diſpoſition and Conduct of a Retreat. This is, without diſpute, the
niceſt Point in the whole Buſineſs of War. For beſides all the Attentions re-
quiſite in ordinary Marches, you are under the Diſadvantage of being con-
tinually preſſed by an Enemy, commonly ſuperior in Force, and fluſhed with
Succeſs. The fineſt Retreat we meet with in ancient Hiſtory, is that of the
ten thouſand Greeks under the conduct of Xenophon, who has left us a parti-
cular Account of that famous Expedition. We there ſee that the hollow
Square, which was invented purpoſely for a Retreat, is very incommodious
when the Enemy is directly in your rear. Aenopbon fays ſo in expreſs terms,
and that the Greeks were obliged to diſcontinue that Order, and march in two
Columns, with a Body of Reſerve of fix hundred Men, who were not con-
fined to the ſpace between the Columns, ſo as to compleat the figure of the
Square, but formed ſometimes the Van, ſometimes the Rear, filed off by the two
Flanks where the Columns were obliged to approach, or poſted themſelves in
the interval when they extended to the right and left; in a word, without
being tied down to any fixed Poſt, ran wherever their aſſiſtance was wanted.
What ſurpriſes moſt in this Retreat is, that upon a computation of the wa
made by the Troops, which Aenopbon regularly ſets down, we find their Day's
Marches one with another, to fall but little ſhort of twenty-four Miles. Our
Armies ſeldom advance half the way, even when they have no Enemy upon
their hands, nor any of thoſe other Diſadvantages the Greeks laboured under.
We find likewiſe in the Roman Hiſtory, ſeveral Examples of well conducted
Retreats, in which their Generals have happily extricated themſelves out of
' Dangers that ſeemed to threaten their Armies with unavoidable Deſtruction,
Quintus Lutatius having the Cimbri upon his Heels, and being arrived at a
River q
THE ROMAN ART OF-WAR.
River; that the Enemy might give him time to paſs, pretended a reſolution. to
fight them, pitched his Camp, intrenched himſelf, ſet up his Standard, and
ſent out parties of Horſe to provide Forage. The Cimbri believing. he meant
ta incamp there, came and incamped by him, and divided themſelves into
ſeveral Parties, to go in queſt of Proviſions, Lutatius having notice of this,
ſeized the Opportunity ſo favourable to his Deſign, and throwing Bridges over
the River, paſſed it before the Enemy could have time to diſturb him. Lucius
Minucius a Roman Conſul was in Liguria with an Army, and ſhut up by the
Enemy between two Mountains, inſomuch that he could not diſengage him-
ſelf.. Being ſenſible of the danger he was in, he ſent certain Vumidians -
which he had in his Army, upon ſmall ill-conditioned Horſes, towards the
places where the Enemy had their guard. At firſt fight they put themſelves
into a poſture to defend the Paſſes: but when they obſerved the Mumidians
in ill order, and ill mounted in reſpe& of themſelves, they began to deſpiſe
them, and to be more remiſs in their guard ; which was no ſooner perceived
by the Niumidians, than clapping Spurs to their . Horſes, and charging them
ſuddenly, they paſſed on in ſpite of all oppoſition, and by the Miſchief and
Devaſtation they made every where in the Country, conſtrained the Enemy to
give free paſſage to the whole Army. I ſhall mention only one Inſtance more,
and that is the Retreat of Marc Antony, when he was purſued into Syria by a
great Body of Parthian Horſe. He obſerved that every Morning by break of
day they were upon his back as ſoon as he moved, and continued skirmiſh-
ing and moleſting him quite thorough his March. In order to deceive them,
and obtain ſome reſpite, he reſolved not to remove beſore Noon; which the
Parthians . obſerving, concluded he would not ſtir that Day, and returned
to their Poſts, inſomuch that he had opportunity of marching all the reſt of
the Day without interruption. But this was only a temporary Expedient, cal-
culated for preſent Relief ; and therefore to ſcreen himſelf from the Arrows of
the Parthians, with which the Army was greatly incommoded, he made uſe
of the following Device, practiſed often by the Romans on other occaſions.
He ordered the Soldiers, when the Enemy came near them, to caſt themſelves
into the figure of the Teſfudo, ſo that their Targets thould cloſe altogether
above their Heads, and defend them from the miſſive Weapons diſcharged at
them. In this caſe the firſt Rank ſtood upright on their Feet, and the reſt
ſtooped lower and lower by degrees, till the laſt Rank kneeled down upon
their Knees; ſo that every Rank covering with their Targets the Heads of all
in the Rank before them, they repreſented a Tortoiſe-ſhell, or a fort of Pent-
houſe. By this Contrivance he made good his Retreat, and arrived in Syria
without conſiderable loſs.
XVIII. BEFORE I conclude, this Chapter, it will naturally be expected
1 ſhould explain what was the Practice and Diſcipline of the Romans, when
they had finiſhed the Day's march, and were arrived near the place of in-
campment. In this caſe the military. Tribunes and Centurions appointed for
that Service, advanced before all the reſt, diligently to view and conſider the
ſituation of the Place. When they had choſen the Ground, they began by
marking the General's Quarter with a white Flag or Streamer, and diſtinctly ſet
out its Boundaries. Then the Quarters of the ſeveral Tribunes were ap
pointed, and afterwards thoſe of the Legions, all with diſtinct Flags of
ſeveral Colours. Every Legion, as well of the Allies as of the Romans, had
their portion of Ground aſſigned and marked out, for drawing the Line round
the Camp, which was ſet about immediately, part of the Troops continuing
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mean-while under Arms, to defend thoſe that were at work upon the In-
trenchment, in caſe of any ſudden Surpriſe. All this was finiſhed in a very
ſhort ſpace, the Romans being remarkably expert in it by conſtant Practice;
for they never altered the figure of their Camp, nor omitted to fortify it in all
the forms, tho but for one Night's continuance. But this naturally leads me
to the ſubject of the next Chapter.
„ H A M
Of INCAMPMENTS.
J. NE of the moſt neceſſary and beneficial Parts of the military Art is,
to know how to incamp well, and to practiſe it conſtantly. No
wonder therefore that the Romans, among whom military Diſcipline was car-
ried to ſuch a degree of Perfection, and who exacted the moſt rigorous Sub-
miſſion to all the Laws and Rules of it, were particularly attentive to this
Article. And indeed the Armies of that People, tho' ſtill in the Territory of
Rome, and tho they had only one Night to paſs in a place, incamped ne-
vertheleſs in all the forms, with no other difference, than that the Camp was
leſs fortified there perhaps than in the Enemy's Country. It was always of a
ſquare form, contrary to the cuſtom of the Greeks, who made theirs round.
The Ditch and Rampart, which conſiſted of four equal fides, was equally
diſtributed to be raiſed by the two Roman Legions, and the two Legions of
the Allies, who perfeted it without intermiſſion. If the Enemy were neat,
part of the Troops continued under arms, whilſt the reſt were employed in
throwing up the Intrenchments. They began by digging Trenches of greater
or leſs depth, according to the occaſion. They were at leaſt eight Foot
broad by fix deep: but we often find them twelve Foot in breadth, and
ſometimes more, to fifteen or twenty. Of the Earth dug out of the Trenches,
and thrown up on the fide of the Catnp, they formed the Rampart; and to
make it the firmer, mingled it with Turf cut in a certain fize and form.
Sometimes they drove double rows of Stakes into the Earth, eaving ſo much
of the length above Ground, as the height of the Work was to be of; and
then interweaving them with Twigs, in the manner of Basket-work, filled
the ſpace between with the Earth riſing out of the Ditch. This was an
expeditious and ſafe way of forming the Line, and appears to have been al-
ways 8 when they incamped in places where theſe Materials were
to be found. Upon the brow of the Rampart the Paliſades were planted. P-
lybius, f peaking of the Order given by 9. Flamininus to his Troops, to cut Stakes
againſt there ſhould be occaſion for them, offers ſeveral very curious Remarks
upon this Subject: and as that judicious Hiſtorian, who was himſelf an ex-
pert Warrior, ſeems to lay great ftreſs upon the Conduct of the Romans in
this Pon I ſhall beg leave to lay ſome of his Obſervations before the
Reader. | | |
II. THIS Cuſtom, ſays Pohbius, which is eaſy to put in practioe amongſt
the Romans, paſſes for impoſſible with the Greeks. They can hardly ſupport
their own weight upon their Marches, whilſt the Romans, notwithſtanding
es. | ="
3 -
EE ROMAN ART OF WAR,
the Buckler which hangs at their Shoulders, and the Javelins which they carry
in their Hands, load themſelves alſo with Stakes or Palifades, which are very
different from thoſe of the Greeks. © With the latter thoſe are beſt, which
have many ſtrong Branches about the trunk. The Romans, on the con-
trary, leave but three or four at moſt) upon it, and that only on one fide, In
this manner a Man can carry two or three bound together, and much more
uſe may be made of them. Thoſe of the Greeks are more caſily pulled up.
Tf the Stake be fixed by itſelf ; as its Branches are ſtrong, and in great num-
ber, two or three Soldiers will eafily pull it away, and thereby make an open-
ing for the Enemy, without reckoning that the neighbouring Stakes will be
" looſened, becauſe their Branches are too ſhort to be interwoven with each other.
But this is not the caſe with the Romans. The Branches of their Paliſades
are fo ſtrongly inſerted into each other, that it is hard to diſtinguiſh the
Stake they belong to: and it is as little practicable to thruſt the Hand thro'
theſe Branches to pull up the Paliſades ; becauſe being well faſtened and twiſted
together, they leave no opening, and are carefully ſharpened at their ends.
Even tho they could be taken hold of, it would not be eaſy to pull them
out of the Ground, and that for two Reaſons. The firſt is, becauſe they are
driven in fo deep, that they cannot be moved: and the ſecond, becauſe their
Branches are interwoven with each other in ſuch a manner, that one cannot
be ſtirred without ſeveral more. Two or three Men might unite their
ſtrength in vain to draw one of them out, which however if they effected,
by drawing it a great while to and fro till it was looſe, the opening it would
leave would be almoſt imperceptible. Theſe Stakes therefore have three Ad-
vantages. They are every where to be had; they are eaſy to carry; and are
a ſecure Barrier to a Camp, becauſe very difficult to break thorough. In my
Opinion, adds the Hiſtorian, there is nothing practiſed by the Romans in War,
more worthy of being imitated. _
III. THE form and diſtribution of the ſeveral parts of the Roman Camp,
admits of great Difficulties, and has occaſioned many Diſputes amongſt the
learned. The following Deſcription is taken chiefly from Palybius, who of
all the Ancients is the moſt full and explicit upon this Article. He ſpeaks of
a conſular Army, which in his time conſiſted of two Roman Legions, and
two Legions of the Allies. A Roman Legion contained four thouſand two
hundred Foot, and three hundred Horſe. A Legion of the Allies was equal
in the number of Infantry, and generally double in Cavalry. All together
therefore, Romans and Allies, they made eighteen thouſand fix hundred Men.
| After the place for the Camp was marked out, which was always choſen for
its convenience in reſpect to Water and Forage, a part of it was allotted for the
General's Tent, called otherwiſe the Prætorium, becauſe the ancient Latins
ſtiled all their Commanders Prætoret. The Ground pitched upon for this
purpoſe was generally higher than the reſt of the Camp, that he might with
the greater eaſe fee all that paſſed, and diſpatch the neceſſary Orders. A
Flag was planted upon it, and round that a ſquare ſpace marked out in fuch
manner, that the four ſides were an hundred Feet diſtant from the Flag, and
the Ground occupied by the Conſul about four Acres. Near this Tent were
erected the Altar on which Sacrifices were offered, and the Tribunal for diſ-
penſing Juſtice, The two Roman Legions had each fax Tribunes, which made
twelve in all. Their Tents were placed in a right Line parallel to the front
of the Pretorium, at the diſtance of fifty Foot. In this ſpace of fifty Foot
were the Horſes, Beaſts of burden, and the whole Equipage of the Tribunes.
Their
IxXvii
xvii A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
Their Tents were pitched in ſuch a manner, that they had the Prætorium in
the rear, and in the front all the reſt of the Camp. The Tents of the Tri-
bunes, at equal diſtances from each other, took up the whole breadth of the
Ground upon which the two Roman Legions were incamped. -
IV. BETWEEN the Tents of the Legions and Tribunes, a ſpace of an NA
hundred Foot in breadth was left, which formed a large Street called Princi- "=
pia, that ran acroſs the whole Camp, and divided it into two parts, the up-
per and the lower. Beyond this Street were placed the Tents of the Legi-
ons. The ſpace which they occupied was divided in the midft into two equal
parts by a Street of fifty Foot broad, which extended the whole length of the
Camp. On each fide of this Street, in ſo many ſeveral Lines, were the Quar-
ters of the Horſe, the Triarii, the Principes, and the Haſftati, The Yelites
had no diſtin Quarters, but were variouſly mingled with the reſt of the Foot,
1 four hundred and eighty of them being joined to the Haſtati, a like number
Fil to the Principes, and two hundred and forty to the Tiarii. To form a
| diſtin& idea of the Roman Camp, we muſt call to mind, that the Cavalry of
| i| cach Legion was divided into ten Troops, thirty Men to a Troop; and that
170 the Triarii, Principes, and Haſtati, were likewiſe ſeverally divided into ten
wy Maniples of an hundred and twenty Men each, except thoſe of the 7riariz,
which conſiſted only of half that number. In conformity to this diftribution,
4 the Lines on which theſe ſeveral Bodies incamped, were each divided into ten
1 Squares, extended length · wiſe from the Tents of the Tribunes. Theſe Squares
2 | were an hundred Foot every way, except in the Lines of Tiarii, where, be-
Fs cauſe of the ſmaller number of "Troops, they. were only fifty Foot broad by
3 8 an hundred long, and may therefore more properly be termed half Squares.
: "Fl : Acroſs the middle of theſe Lodgments, between the fifth and faxth Squares,
1 ran a Street of fifty Foot broad, cutting the Lines at right Angles, and ex-
Tu | tending from one fide of the Camp to the other. It was called Quintana, be-
28-1 cauſe it opened beyond the fifth Maniple. |
o 2 * 2
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V. THE order and diſpoſition of the ſeveral Lines was as follows. On
each fide the middle Street, that ran according to the length of the Camp,
the Cavalry of the two Legions were quartered facing each other, and ſepa-
rated by the whole breadth of the Street. As there were ten Squares, on each
fide, / and every Square lodged thirty Horſe, the twenty together contained juſt
fix hundred, which made the intire Cavalry of two Legions. Adjoining to
* the Cavalry the Triarii were quartered, a Maniple behind a Troop bf Horſe,
both in the ſame form. They joined as to the Ground, but faced difterently,
the Triarii turning their Backs upon the Horſe. And here, as we have al-
ready obſerved, becauſe the Triarii were leſs in number than the other Troops,
the Ground | aſſigned to each Maniple was only half as broad as long.
Fronting the 7r:ar:i on each fide, was a Street of fifty Foot broad, running
parallel to that between the Quarters of the Horſe. On the oppolite fide of
this Street was the Line of Lodgments belonging to the Principes. Behind the
Principes the Haſtati were quartered, joining as to the Ground, but fronting
the other way. | |
VI. THUS far we have deſcribed the Quarters of the two Roman Legions.
It remains that we diſpoſe of the Allies. Their Infantry equalled that of the
Romans,” and their Cavalry was twice the number. In removing for. the
'Extraordinarii a fiſth part of the Foot, or ſixteen hundred and eighty Men,
1:58) 4 and
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
and a third of the Horſe, or four hundred Men, there remained in the whole
ſeven thouſand five hundred and twenty Men, Horſe and Foot, to quarter.
Theſe were diſpoſed upon the two Wings of the Legions, being ſeparated from
the Haſtati on each fide, by a Street of fifty Foot. The Cavalry were directly
oppoſite to the Haſtati, upon a breadth of an hundred and thirty-three Foot,
and ſomething more. Behind them, and on the ſame Line, the Infantry
were incamped, upon a breadth of two hundred Foot. The Præfecti were
| lodged at the ſides of the Tribunes, over-againſt their reſpective Wings. At
the head of every Troop and Maniple, were the Tents of the Captains of
Horſe and Centurions. On the right fide of the Prætorium ſtood the Quæ lo-
rium, aſſigned to the Quæſtor, or Treaſurer of the Army, and hard by the
Forum. This laſt ſerved not only for the fale of Commodities, but alſo for
the meeting of Councils, and giving audience to Ambaſſadors. On the other
fide of the Prætorium were lodged the Legati, or Lieutenant-Generals. On
the right and left, ſtill in the ſame Line with the Prætorium, and directly
behind the Præfects of the Allies, were the Quarters of the extraordinary
Cavalry Evocatorum, and of the other volunteer Roman Horſe, Sele&orum.
All this Cavalry faced on one fide towards the Forum and place of the Ou
tor, and on the other towards the Lodgments of the Legari. They not only
incamped near the Conſul's perſon, but commonly attended him upon
Marches, that they might be at hand to execute his Orders. The exraordi-
nary and volunteer Roman Foot adjoined to the Horſe laſt ſpoken of, forming
the extremities of the Line towards the two ſides of the Camp. Above this
Line was a Street of an hundred Foot broad, extending the whole breadth of
the Camp, and beyond that the Quarters of the extraordinary Horſe of the
Allies, facing the Prætorium, Treaſury, and the Tents of the Legati. The
extraordinary Foot of the Allies were directly behind their Horſe, fronting the
Intrenchment and upper extremity of the Camp. The void ſpaces that re-
mained on both ſides were allotted to Strangers and Allies, who came later
than the reſt.
VII. BETWEEN the Rampart and the Tents, there was an open Place
or Street of two hundred Foot in breadth, which was continued all along the
four equal ſides of the Camp. This Interval was of very great uſe, either for
the entrance or departure of the Legions. For each Body of Troops advanced
into that Space by the Street before it, ſo that marching thither different ways,
they were in no danger of crowding and breaking each other's Ranks. Beſides
which, the Cattle, and whatever was taken from the Enemy, was placed
there, where a Guard was kept during the night. Another conſiderable Ad-
vantage of it was, that in Attacks by night, neither Fire nor Dart could do
any great execution in the Camp; the Soldiers being at ſo great a diſtance, and
under cover of their Tents. But the principal Intention of it ſeems to have
been, for the drawing up of the Troops who were to defend the Line, and to leave
ſufficient room for the Cavalry to ſcour it. My Lord Orrery however is of
opinion, that it was rather too narrow to anſwer both theſe Services. If it was
only deſigned for the Foot, they loſt the benefit of their Horſe, which Expe-
rience teaches us to be of ſingular uſe on ſuch Occaſions. For whatever Foot
ſtorm a Line, muſt enter it in great Confuſion and Diſorder, and can very
hardly indeed reſiſt ſmall Squadrons of Horſe, who are ready to receive them,
and charge them all along the inſide of the Line. For theſe Reaſons he con-
ſiders the narrowneſs of this Space as a defect in the Roman method of in-
camping, and thinks that a breadth of three hundred Foot at leaſt ought to
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IxXx
upon the very point of carrying the Roman Lines. The Night-Guards were
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A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
have been allowed for the defence and ſcouring of the Line. It is probable
the Romans would have done fo, had they not found the other ſufficient ; and
we have this to ſay in their favour, that tho their Camps were frequently
attacked, we meet with but few Inſtances in Hiſtory of their being
forced. . |
VIII. THE Gates were only four in number, one to each fide. Livy ſays
ſo in expreſs Terms. Ad quatuor Portas exercitum inſtruxit, ut, figno dato,
ex omnibus Portubus eruptionem facerent. He drew up his Men facing the
« four Gates, that, upon a fignal given, the Army might fally from all the
et ſeveral Gates at once.” Theſe are afterwards called by the ſame Author,
the Extraordinary, the right Principal, the left Principal, and the Quæ florian.
They have alſo other Names, about which it is not a little difficult to recon- -
cile Authors. It is believed that the Extraordinary Gate was fo called, be-
cauſe near the Place where the extraordinary Troops incamped ; and that it was
the ſame as the Prætorian, which took its Name from its nearneſs to the Præto-
rium. The Gate oppolite to this, at the other extremity of the Camp, was
called Porta Decumana, becauſe near the ten Maniples of each Legion; and
without doubt is the ſame with the Rue/forian, mentioned by. Livy in the
Place above cited. As to the right and left Principals, they had their Name
from being on the rigbt and left of the Camp, fronting the Street called
Principia. I ſhall conclude this Deſcription of the Roman” Camp with ob-
ſerving, that when a Conſular Army conſiſted of more than four Legions, they
were lodged till in the fame order, only the figure of the Camp was a long
Square, in proportion to the additional Forces which were to be contained in
it. When both the Conſular Armies were united, they took up the Ground
of two ſuch perfect Squares. | 2
IX. A wonderful Order was obſerved Night and Day throughout the
Camp, in reſpect to the Watch - word, Centinels, and Guards; and it was in
this its Security and Quiet conſiſted. To render the Guard more regular and
leſs fatiguing, the Night was divided into four Parts or Watches, and the
Day into four Stations. There ſeems to have been aſſigned one Company of
Foot, and one Troop of Horſe, to each of the four Gates every Day. The
Raman Diſcipline was extremely ſtrict in this particular, puniſhing with an
exemplary Severity ſuch as deſerted their Poſt, or abandoned their Corps of
Guard. Polybius takes notice of the excellent Effects of this Diſcipline, upon
occaſion of the Siege of Agrigentum in Sicily, during the firſt Punick War.
The Roman Guards had diſperſed themſelves a little too far in queſt of Forage.
The Carthaginians laying hold of the Opportunity, made a vigorous Sally
from the Town, and had well nigh forced the Camp; when the Soldiers, ſen-
fible of the extreme Penalty they had incurred by neglecting their Duty, re-
ſolved to repair the Fault by ſome remarkable Behaviour; and accordingly
rallying together, they not only ſuſtained the Shock of the Enemy, to whom
they were far inferior in number, but in the end made ſo great a ſlaughter
among them, as compelled them to retreat into the Towh, tho' they were
four out of every Manipulus, who continued on Duty three Hours, and were
then relieved by thoſe next in turn, To keep the Soldiers alert, they had the
Circuitio V. 7 or Patrols, performed commonly four times in the N ight,
by ſome of the Horſe. Upon extraordinary Occaſions, the Tribunes and
Lieutenant-Generals, and ſometimes the General himſelf made theſe Gir-
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THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
cuits' in perſon, and took a ſtrict view of the Watch in every part of the
Camp.
X WHAT we have hitherto ſaid regards only the Plan, Diſpoſition, and
well ordering of the Roman Camp, But there are many other Particulars to
be taken into conſideration, in incamping an Army to advantage: the choice
of the Ground; the convenience of Proviſion and Forage ; the ſecurity of
Convoys; and the Precautions needful to prevent Surpriſe, or the being taken
at a Diſadvantage. We cannot however here enter into a particular Detail of
the Roman Practice, with relation to theſe ſeveral Articles; becauſe not being
ſubject "i fixed and invariable Rules, they depend in a manner intirely
upon the Prudence and Diſcretion of the General, who muſt therein be
guided by the nature of the Country, the poſture of the Enemy, and his own
Strength. Two things in particular they were more than ordinarily attentive
to; Health, and, Safety. The firſt they endeavoured to ſecure, by avoiding
all Moraſſes and fenny Places, or where the Wind was cold and unwholſom ;
which Unwholſomneſs they did not ſo much compute from the ſituation of
the Place, as from the Appearance and Complexion of the Inhabitants. Ex-
erciſe contributes greatly to Health, and therefore the Romans took care to
keep their Troops always employed, either in caſting up new Works round
the Camp, or in hunting after Proviſion and Forage, or in performing thoſe
ſeveral Exerciſes, that tend to render the Body robuſt and active. It is ob-
ſerved in our Days, that the immoderate Labour Soldiers are obliged to un-
dergo, deſtroys our Armies: and yet it was by incredible Labour that the Romans
preſerved themſelves. The reaſon of the difference I take to be this: their
Fatigues were continual and without reſpite ; whereas our Men are perpetually
ſhifting from the extremes of Labour to the extremes of Idleneſs, than which
nothing can be more deſtructive. Who could believe, that there was nothing,
even to Cleanlineſs, of which particular care was not taken in the Roman
Camp. As the great Street ſituated in the front of the Prætorium was
much frequented by the Officers and Soldiers, who paſſed through it to re-
ceive and carry Orders, and upon their other Occaſions; a number of Men
were appointed to ſweep and clean it every Day in Winter, and to water it
in Summer to prevent the Duſt.
XI. BUT beſides Health, Safety was likewiſe another important Conſide-
ration with the Romans. To this end, in chooſing a Place of Incampment,
they always had a particular eye to the convenience of Water, Proviſions,
and Forage. We ſee evidently in Cz/ar's Commentaries, that there was no-
thing about which he was more ſolicitous, than the contriving his Marches in ſuch
manner, as to have his Camp ſeated near ſome navigable River, and a Coun-
try behind him, whence he could be eaſily, and at a reaſonable rate, ſupplied
with every thing neceſfary for the ſubſiſtence of his Army. Other Inconve-
niences may find a Remedy in time, but Hunger, the longer it laſts, the
more infallibly it deſtroys. And hence it was, that where the above-mentioned
Advantages could not be obtained, the Romans made it their firſt Care, after
fortifying their Camp, to lay in ſuch a quantity of all neceſſary Stores, as
might be ſufficient for the time of their continuance in it. Nor were they
leſs attentive to the ſtrength of their Camp, and the Precautions neceſſary for
its defence. This is a part of the Art of War in which they inconteſtibly ex-
celled all Nations. Conſtant Practice made them expert in it; for they never
quartered their Troops in Towns and open Villages, but always in ſtanding Camps,
DS which
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{xx11
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
which were carefully intrenched and fortified, in proportion to the Danger to
which they fancied themſelves expoſed. And here we may obſerve, that
whereas the Greeks choſe always to incamp where there was ſome River, or
Wood, or Bank, or other natural Rampart to defend them; the Romans, on
the contrary, ſtood not ſo much on the ſtrength of Situation, as on their own
ways of fortifying. Hence the Grecian Camps were often without Intrench-
ments, and varied in their form, according to the nature of the Place; but
among the Romans one conſtant Method was inviolably obſerved, nor would
they ever lodge in a Camp, that was not ſurrounded with a Ditch and a
Rampart.
XII. THIS Practice of intrenched and fortified Camps was attended with
many ſolid and defireable Advantages. The Army was hereby kept ſafe, and
freed from the Danger of having any of its Quarters beat up, by Surpriſe or a
ſudden Attack. It was eaſed of the trouble of keeping many and great
Guards, ſince a few ſerves the turn for all, when all are at hand in caſe of
an Attempt. It could never be compelled to fight againſt its will, than which
no greater Misfortune can befal an Army. In fine, as the ſucceſs of Arms is
uncertain, it had always a ſecure Retreat in caſe of the worſt. Theſe things
conſidered, it will not appear wonderful, that the Romans were ſo ſtrict in this
Article, and conſidered the Cuſtom of fortifying Camps regularly, as one of the
moſt eſſential parts of military Diſcipline. In the War with the Gawuls, the
Commanders of the Roman Army were reproached with having omitted this
wiſe Precaution, and the loſs of the Battle of Mlia was in part attributed to it.
Hence it was, that to avoid the like Misfortune for the time to come, it be-
came in a manner an eſtabliſhed Law amongſt them, never to hazard a Battle
till they had finiſhed their Camp. Paulus AEmilius, in the ſecond Mace-
donian War, ſuſpended and arreſted the Ardor of his whole Army to attack
Perſeus, for no other Reaſon, but becauſe they had not formed their Camp.
The fortified Camp, in caſe of a Diſaſter, put a ſtop to the Enemy's Victory,
received the Troops that retired in ſafety, enabled them to renew the Battle
with more Succeſs, and prevented their being intirely routed ; whereas without
the refuge of a Camp, an Army, tho' compoſed of good Troops, was expoſed
to a final Defeat, and to being inevitably cut in pieces. I may add to all
theſe Advantages, that an intrenched Camp, by reaſon of the open Air, the
healthineſs of its Situation, which always muſt be minded, and the cleanlinefs,
which may and ought to be kept in it, is exceedingly leſs ſubje& to Infection
and Sickneſs, than Villages and ſtrong Towns; inſomuch that ſome great
Captains have concluded, an Army will be likelier preſerved, and kept ſound'
and untainted three Months in a well ſeated and regulated Camp, than three
Weeks in the ordinary Villages and Country Towns.
XIII. I have the longer and more particularly inſiſted on this Practice of
intrenched Camps, becauſe it appears evident from Hiſtory, that the Romans
owed as many of their Victories to their Ability in this part of War, as to
their other excellent military Diſcipline and Valour. It would be almoſt end-
leſs to enumerate, what Kingdoms and Provinces they kept in obedience by.
their ſtanding Camps; and how often they warded off Dangers, and brought
their Wars to a fortunate iſſue by the ſame Proceeding. For having firſt
wearied out their Enemies by ſafe and beneficial Delays, they would on ſome
great Advantage give them Battle and defeat them ; which artful Method of
making War they neither could have effected nor rationally attempted, but
by
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR. Ixxiii
by their thoroughly knowing how to incamp advantageouſly, by conſtantly
practiſing it, and by a timely providing of Food and Forage. Pegetius ob-
ſerves, that one of the principal Cauſes of the ruin of the Roman Empire was,
that they had loſt the Art of fortifying their Camp; by which Negligence
they were eaſily overwhelmed by the Barbarian Horſe. And indeed when un-
der the Emperors, they had aſcertained the Limits of their Dominion, reſolving
to extend their Conqueſts no farther, but to reſt ſatisfied with maintaining the
poſſeſſion of what they had acquired; it is well known, that they effectually
accompliſhed this deſign by means of the ſtanding Camps, which they kept
upon the Euphrates, the Danube, and the Rhine. And fo dogg as this Me-
thod was followed, the bordering Nations found it impoſſible to break through
the Roman Barriers, or hurt the Tranquillity of their Empire. But when in
proceſs of time, the military Diſcipline began to decline, and the Art of in-
camping, in particular, was loſt, or grew into diſuſe ; the Romans, by aban-
' doning the Banks of theſe ſeveral Rivers, opened a free paſſage to the Barbari-
ans, who meeting now with no reſiſtance, poured in upon them like a Tor-
rent, and eaſily overwhelmed a feeble race of Men, whom Luxury,
and an undiſturbed Peace of many Ages, had rendered utterly unfit for
War.
XIV. AND here, as it falls ſo naturally in my way, and has a ſtrict Con-
nexion with my Subject, I cannot forbear obſerving, that in the laſt Age, the
French, who had many excellent Commanders, if not the moſt of any one
Nation, and to whom the Art of War owes much of its preſent Improvement,
began to revive, and with great Benefit to themſelves, this almoſt obſolete part
of it. For when the Prince of Orange, the Imperialiſis under the Count de
Souches, and the Flemiſb Forces were united; the Prince of Conde, one of the
greateſt Captains that any Age. has produced, being ſent to oppoſe them,
would not give them Battle, but incamped himſelf advantageouſly on the
French Frontiers, ſo that they were juſtly afraid to enter them, and leave him
at their Backs. By this Management he kept them long at bay, and when he
found his Opportunity, gave them at Seneff ſo confiderable a Blow, that the
French, from having been on the defenſive, became afterwards the Aſſaulters,
and cloſed that Campaign with taking ſome of the Enemy's Towns. The
Marſhal de Turenne alſo, who was ſent General to the War in Germany, and
who in the military Art had hardly a ſuperior, having there to do with the
Count de Montecuculi, one of the (greateſt Captains of his time; would ftill
by intrenched Camps, when the Germans were the ſtrongeſt, preſerve himſelf
and Army, ſpin out the War, and cover thoſe Territories and Places he had
+ won, while he himſelf had been the moſt powerful. |
XV. AND here it is particularly worthy of notice, that when- upon the
Marſhal de Turenne's death, the French King ſent the Prince of Conde to
command 1n his ſtead, he alſo by intrenched Incampments weathered that
Storm, which in itſelf was ſo threatning, not only by the ſudden loſs of fo
great a Captain, but alſo by the Germans being led by the Count de Montecu-
culi, and the Duke of Lorain, two Perſons as conſiderable as the very Forces
they headed. I fay it particularly deſerves our obſervation, that two ſuch
juſtly celebrated Commanders, as the Prince of Conde, and Monſieur Turenne,
ſhould obſerve the very ſame Methods, in managing the ſame War; whereas
uſually when one General ſucceeds another, in heading the ſame Army, and
ordering the ſame War, the laſt comer judges it a kind of dimunution to his
1 | Cott | own
—
tir A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
own Skill, to, tread in the very Paths of his Predeceſſor. But as the Prince
of Conde obſerved a quite different Conduct on this occaſion, we may thence
naturally gather the three following Particulars. Firſt, that he judged him-
ſelf fo juſtly ſecure in his own Reputation, that it could receive no diminu-
tion, by his following the Steps of the dead General, more eſpecially as he
had done the like before, and ſucceſsfully, in Flanders. Secondly, that a wiſe
and great Captain will rather, by imitating his Predeceſſor, confirm that
Courſe to be the beſt which he knows to be ſo in itſelf, than try new Methods
of War, whereby out of a mere Hope to do the like thing by a different
way, he may hazard his Reputation, his Army, and the Country he is to
cover and protect. Thirdly, what two ſuch Generals have practiſed, all Cir-
cumſtances conſidered, amounts to little leſs than a Demonſtration, that by
Camps intrenched and well poſted, a Country may be beſt ſecured, an in-
vading Enemy beſt reſiſted, and in time, all Advantages being judiciouſſy
taken, defeated or made to retire. |
XVI. THESE Examples ancient and modern, ſufficiently evince the Be-
nefit of this Practice, and with what Judgment the Romans made it an effen-
tial part of their military Diſcipline. I ſhall only add, as an indiſputable Ar-
ment in its favour, that the great Cz/ar himſelf has given his ſanction to it,
by conſtantly following it in his Wars with the Gauls. He had to do with a
brave and a warlike Nation, paſſionately fond of Liberty, and therefore ex-
tremely averſe to the Roman Yoke, To keep them in awe, he eſtabliſhed
ſtanding Camps in different parts of the Country, where the Soldiers were
uartered in large Bodies, and ſurrounded with ſtrong Intrenchments. This
he thought the likelieſt Method to prevent Inſurrections, or ſuppreſs them
ſpeedily when they ſhould happen, as the Troops would be always in a readi-
neſs to march, and in condition to act. It was likewiſe the beſt ſecurity
againſt Treachery and Surpriſe. - Accordingly we find, that all the Efforts of
the Gauls to recover their Liberty were without effect, the Roman Camps
ſanding as ſo many Bulwarks, againſt which tho' they made frequent Attacks,
they were yet never able to prevail.
— —
GC N D 1 ATT:
Of BAT TLEõò.
I. AVING raiſed-our Troops, armed and diſciplined them, | put them
upon the March, and lodged them in a Camp; it is now time to
draw them out into the Field, that we may ſee how they acquitted themſelves
on a Day of Battle. It is in this view military Merit appears in all its extent.
To know whether a General were worthy of that Name, the Romans examined
| the Conduct he obſerved on this critical Occaſion, They did not expect Suc-
ceſs from the number of Troops, which is often a Diſadvantage, but from
his Prudence and Valour, the ' Cauſe and Aſſurance of Victory. They conſi-
dered him as the Soul of his Army, that directs all its Motions, whoſe
Dictates every thing obeys, and upon whoſe good or bad Conduct the iflue of
the Battle depends. The farſt Conſideration, and that which demands the
greateſt
-
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR,
| greateſt force of Judgment is, to examine whether it be proper or no to come
to an Engagement, and to balance exactly the Advantages with the Diſadvan-
tages. The blind Temerity of Varro, notwithſtanding his Collegue's Remon-
ſtrances, and the Advice of Fabius, drew upon the Republick the unfortunate
Battle of Cannæ; whereas a delay of a few Weeks, would probably have
ruined Hannibal for ever. Perſeus, on the contrary, let ſlip the Occaſion of
fighting the Romans, in not taking advantage of the Ardor of his Army, and
attacking them inſtantly after the defeat of their Horſe, which had thrown
their Troops into Diſorder and Conſternation. Cæſar had been loſt after the
Battle of Dyrrhachium, it Pompey had known how to improve his Advantage.
Great Enterpriſes have their deciſive Moments. The important Point lies, in
wiſely reſolving what to chooſe, and in ſeizing the preſent Occaſion, which
never returns when once neglected.
II. BUT not to infiſt any longer upon this, which reſts intirely in the
Breaſt of the General; we ſhall ſuppoſe the Reſolution te fight taken, and
proceed to examine, what Precautions the Ro-ans made uſe of, in order to
ſecure the Victory. Theſe may in the general be reduced to two. Hi, the
inſpiring their Troops with Courage and Confidence. Secondly, the ranging
them judiciouſly in order of Battle. To inſpire their Troops with Confidence,
they began by conſulting the Gods, and endeavouring to incline them in their
favour. They conſulted them either by the flight or ſinging of Birds, by the
inſpection of the Entrails of Victims, by the manner in which the ſacred
Chickens pecked their Corn, and by things of the like nature. They laboured
to render them propitious by Sacrifices, Vows, and Prayers. Many of the Ge-
nerals, eſpecially in the earlier times, diſcharged theſe Duties with great So-
Ixxy
lemnity and Sentiments of Religion; and would never hazard an Engagement,
until by ſome favourable Omens they had brought the Troops to believe that
the Gods were on their fide. Paulus Amilius, before he gave Perſeus Battle,
ſacrifioed twenty Oxen ſucceſſively to Hercules, without finding any favourable
Sign in all thoſe Victims. It was not till the one and twentieth, that he be-
lieved he faw ſomething which promiſed him the Victory. This attention to
Religion was highly neceſſary among a People ſtrongly addicted to Superſti-
tion, and over whom the Omens of which we ſpeak, however trifling in
themſelves, had yet a very powerful Influence. Hence the Generals who neg-
lected this Precaution, had often but too juſt cauſe to repent of their Folly ;
as it tended greatly to diſpirit the Troops, and begot an ill Opinion of their
Conduct; inſomuch that we ſeldom find them ſucceſsful in their Undertakings.
The wiſeſt and beſt Commanders choſe always to comply with the Prejudices
of the Vulgar, and even where they deſpiſed theſe Ceremonies in their Hearts,
affected yet a great Veneration for them in publick.
III. AF T ER having paid theſe Duties to the Gods, they applied themſelves
to Men, and the General exhorted his Soldiers. It ſeems to have been an eſta-
bliſhed Cuſtom with all Nations among the Ancients, to harangue their
Troops before a Battle; nor can we deny that the Cuſtom was very reaſonable
in itſelf, and might contribute greatly to the Victory, When an Army is
upon the point of engaging an Enemy, what can be more proper, than to op-
poſe the fear of a ſeemingly approaching Death with the moſt powerful Rea-
ſons, and ſuch as, if not capable of totally extinguiſhing it, may yet in ſome
meaſure allay and overcome it. Such Reaſons are the love of our Country,
the Obligation to defend it at the price of our Blood, the remembrance 4
1725 8 | pa
Kyi 4 DISCOURSE'CONCERNING
paſt Victories, the neceſſity of ſupporting the Glory of our Nation, the Injuſ-
tice of a violent and cruel Enemy, the Dangers to which the Fathers, Mo-
thers, Wives, and Children of the Soldiers are expoſed: theſe Motives, I ſay,
and many of the like nature, repreſented from the Mouth of a General, be-
loved and reſpected by his Troops, may make a very ſtrong Impreſſion upon
their Minds. Not, as Cyrus in Xenophon obſerves, that ſuch Diſcourſes can in
an Inſtant change the Diſpoſition of the Soldiers, and from timorous and ab-
ject as they might be, make them immediately bold and intrepid: but they
awaken, they rouſe the Courage Nature had before given them, and add a
new Force and Vivacity to it. To judge rightly of this Cuſtom of haranguing
the Troops, as conſtantly practiſed among the Romans, we muſt go back to
the Ages wherein they lived, and conſider their Manners with particular At-
tention. Their Armies were compoſed of the ſame Citizens, to whom, in the
City, and in time of Peace, it was cuſtomary to communicate all the Affairs
of the State. The General did no more in the Camp, or in the Field of Bat-
tle, than he would have been obliged to do in the Roſtrum or Tribunal of
HFarangues. He did his Troops Honour, and attracted their Confidence and
Affection in imparting to them his Deſigns, Motives, and Meaſures. Add to
this, that the ſight of the Generals, Officers, and Soldiers aſſembled, commu-
nicated a reciprocal Courage and Ardor to them all. Every one piqued him-
ſelf at that time upon the, goodneſs of his Aſpe& and Appearance, and obliged
his Neighbour to do the ſame. The fear of ſome was abated or intirely ba-
niſhed by the Valour of others. The Diſpoſition of particular Perſons became
that of the whole Body, and gave Affairs their Aſpect.
IV. LET me obſerve here, that there were many Occaſions beſides Battles,
when it was neceſſary to excite the Good-will and Zeal of the Soldier: if, for
inſtance, a difficult and haſty March was to be made, to extricate the Army
out of a dangerous fituation, or obtain one more commodious : if Courage,
Patience, and Conſtancy were required, for ſupporting Famine, and other Diſ-
treſſes, painful to Nature: if ſome difficult, dangerous, but very important
Enterpriſe was to be undertaken : if it was neceſſary to conſole, encourage,
and reanimate the Troops after a Defeat: if an hazardous Retreat was to be
made in view of the Enemy, in a Country he was maſter of : in fine, if only
a generous Effort was wanting to terminate a War, or ſome important Under-
taking. Upon theſe and the like Occaſions, the Generals never failed to ſpeak
in publick to the Army, in order to ſound their Diſpoſitions by their Acclama-
tions more or leſs ſtrong; to inform them of their Reaſons for ſuch and ſuch
Conduct, and conciliate them to it; to diſpel the falſe Reports, which exag-
_ gerated Difficulties, and diſcouraged them; to let them ſee the "Remedies
preparing for the Diſtreſſes they were under, and the Succeſs to be expected
from them; to explain the Precautions it was neceſſary to take, and the Mo-
tives for taking them. It was the General's Intereſt to flatter the Soldier, in
making him the Confident of his Deſigns, Fears, and Expedients, in order to
engage him to ſhare in them, and act in concert, and from the ſame Motives
with himſelf. The General in the midſt of Soldiers, who, as well as himſelf,
were all not only Members of the State, but had a ſhare in the Au thority
of the Government, was conſidered as a Father in the midſt of his Family. |
V. IT may not be eaſy to conceive how he could make himſelf heard by
the Troops: but if we call to mind, that the Armies of the Roman People were
not very numerous, that Difficulty will in a great meaſure vaniſh. Beſides, I
pretend
3 ALS
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4 IK l
> 9 9 x re
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR: Ixxvii
pretend not to ſay that the Generals were heard diſtinctly, or in any other
manner than the Orators in the publick Aſſemblies. All People did not hear:
yet the whole People were informed, the whole People deliberated and de-
cided, and none of them complained of not having heard. It ſufficed that
the moſt ancient, the moſt conſiderable, the principals of Companies and
Quarters were preſent at the Harangue, of which they afterwards gave an ac-
count to the reſt. On the Column of Trajan, the Emperor is ſeen haranguing
the Troops from a T ribunal of Turf, raiſed higher than the Soldiers Heads,
with the principal Officers around him upon the Platform, and the Multi-
tude forming a Circle at a diſtance, The great Men at Rome accuſtomed
themſelves from their youth to ſpeak upon occaſion with a ſtrong and clear
Voice; and as theſe Harangues were made in the Camp to the Soldiers quiet
and unarmed, it is not eaſy to conceive in how little room a great number
of them could ſtand upright, when they preſſed cloſe to each other. I inſiſt
the longer upon this, becauſe many blame the Hiſtorians of Antiquity,
for the ſuppoſititious Harangues, as they call them, which they have inſerted in
their Works. It muſt indeed be owned, that the Diſcourſes made by Generals
on the Occaſions of which we ſpeak, were not always exactly the ſame as
Hiſtorians have repeated them. For moſt Authors, writing in the time when the
Art of Eloquence was highly in eſteem, have endeavoured, in adorning and in-
larging the Harangues they record, to leave Proofs to Poſterity, that they
were not leſs excellent Orators than Hiſtorians. But the Fact itſelf, that Gene-
rals frequently ſpoke in publick to their Troops, is evident beyond difpute.
Cz/ar, whoſe Commentaries are a plain and naked relation of what he him-
ſelf performed at the head of his Army, furniſhes many Examples of this
kind, When he marched againſt 4riovifus, a ſudden Conſternation ſeizing
the Soldiers, which was like to be attended with very diſagreeable Effects, he
aſſembled them, reprehended them in a long and ſevere Speech, and thereby
put a ſtop to the growing Evil. In like manner, upon occaſion of a conſider-
able Check received before Gergovia, owing to the too forward Valour of the
Troops, and their neglect of his Injunctions, he judged it neceſſary to call
them together, expoſtulate with them upon their ill timed Bravery, and for-
tity them againſt any Damp their late Diſaſter might have thrown upon their
Spirits. I could eaſily produce other Inſtances of the ſame kind, but theſe are
abundantly ſufficient to evince the Point in 18
VI. WHEN the Armies were numerous, and upon the point of giving
Battle, the Ancients had a very ſimple and natural way of haranguing the
Men. The General on horſeback rode thro' the Ranks, and ſpoke ſomething
to the ſeveral Bodies of Troops in order to animate them. Where he had
to do with different Nations, as very often happened, he addreſſed thoſe of
his own Language in perſon, and made known his Views and Deſigns to the
reſt by Interpreters. Hannibal ated in this manner at the Battle of Zama in
Africa. He thought it incumbent on him to exhort his Troops: and as
every thing was different among them, Language, Cuſtoms, Laws, Arms,
Habits, and Intereſts, ſo he made uſe of different Motives to animate them.
To the auxiliary Troops, he propoſed an immediate Reward, and an aug-
mentation of their Pay out of the Booty that ſhould be taken. He inflamed
the peculiar and natural Hatred of the Gauli againſt the Romans. As for the
Ligurians, who. inhabited a mountainous and barren Country, he ſet belore
them the fertile Valleys of Haly, as the fruit of their Victory. He repreſented
u to
IxXXviii A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
to the Moors and Mumidians, the cruel and violent Government of Mafiniſſa,
to which they would be ſubjected, if overcome. In this manner he animated
theſe different Nations, by the different views of Hope and Fear, As to the
Carthaginians, he omitted nothing that might excite their Valour, and ad-
dreſſed himſelf to them in the warmeſt and moſt pathetic Terms. He put
a them in mind of their Country, their Houſhold Gods, the Tombs of their
Anceſtors, the Terror and Conſternation of their Fathers and Mothers, their
Wives and Children; in fine, that the Fate of Cartbage depended upon that
Battle, the Event of which would either ruin and reduce her into perpetual
Slavery, or render her Miſtreſs of the Univerſe, every thing being extreme
which ſhe had either to hope or fear. This is a very fine Diſcourſe; but
how did he make theſe different Nations underſtand it? Livy informs us:
He ſpoke to the Carthaginians himſelf, and ordered the Commanders of each
Nation to repeat to their reſpective Troops what he had faid. In this man-
ner the General ſometimes aſſembled the Officers of his Army, and after
having explained what he defired the Troops might be told, he ſent them
back to their ſeveral Brigades or Companies, in order to report what they had
heard, and animate them for the Battle. Arrian obſerves this particular of
Alexander the Great, before the famous Battle of Arbela.
VIL AFTER infpiring the Troops with Reſolution and Confidence, and
diſpoſing them to act courageouſly againſt the Enemy, the next care of the
General was, to range them judiciouſly in order of Battle. The manner of
drawing up the Infantry in three Lines, continued long in uſe among the
Romans, and with uniformity enough. The Haſtati were placed in the
front, in thick and firm Ranks; the Principes behind them, but not altoge- 4
ther ſo cloſe; and after them the TTiarii in ſo wide and looſe an order, that
upon occaſion, they could receive both the Principes and Haſtati into their
Body in any Diſtreſs. The Velites, and in latter times the Bowmen and
Slingers, were not drawn up in this regular manner, but diſpoſed of either be-
fore the front of the ZHaftazi, or ſcattered up and down among the void
ſpaces of the ſame Haſtati, or ſometimes placed in two Bodies in the Wings:
but wherever they were fixed, theſe light Soldiers began the Combat, skirmiſh-
ing in flying Parties with the firſt Troops of the Enemy. If they prevailed,
which very ſeldom happened, they. proſecuted the Victory; but upon a re-
pulſe, they fell back by the flanks of the Army, and rallied again in the rear.
When they were retired, the Haſfati advanced againſt the Enemy; and in
caſe they found themſelves overpowered, retiring ſoftly towards the Principes, '
fell into the intervals of their Ranks, and, together with them, renewed the
Fight. But if the Principes and Haſtati thus joined were too weak to
- ſuſtain the fury of the Battle, they all fell back into the wider intervals of
the Triarii, and then all together being united into a firm maſs, they made
another Effort, much more impetuous than any before. If this Aſſault
proved ineffectual, the Day was intirely loſt as to the Foot, there being no
farther reſerves. This way of marſhalling the Foot, was exactly like the or-
der of Trees, which Gardiners call the Quincunx; as appears from the beau-
tiful compariſon between them in Virgil's ſecond Georgick. And as the rea-
ſon of that poſition of the Trees, is not only for Beauty and Figure, but
that every particular Tree may have room to ſpread its Roots and Boughs,
without intangling and hindering the reſt ; ſo in this ranking of the Men,
the Army was not only ſet out to the beſt advantage, and made the greateſt
a {how,
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THE ROMAN ART OF VR. Ixxix
ſhow, but every particular Soldier had free room to uſe his Weapons, and to
withdraw himſelf between the void ſpaces behind him, without occaſioning
any Confuſion or Diſturbance.
VIII. THE Stratagem of rallying thus thtee times, has been reckoned
almoſt the whole Art and Secret of the Roman Diſcipline ; and twas almoſt
impoſſible it ſhould prove unſucceſsful, if duly obſerved. For Fortune, in
every Engagement, muſt have failed them three ſeveral times, before they
could be routed; and the' Enemy muſt have had the Strength and Reſolution
to overcome them in three ſeveral Encounters, for the deciſion of one Battle:
whereas moſt other Nations, and even the Grecians themſelves, drawing up
their whole Army as it were in one front, truſted themſelves and fortunes to
the ſucceſs of a fingle Charge. The Roman Cavalry was poſted at the two
Corners of the Army, like the Wings on a Body; and fought ſometimes on
foot, ſometimes on horſeback, as occaſion required, in the ſame manner as
our Dragoons. - The confederate or auxiliary Forces compoſed the two Points
of the Battle, and covered the whole Body of the Romans. As to the Stati-
ons of the Commanders, the General commonly took up his Poſt near the
middle of the Army, between the Principes and the Triarii, as the fitteſt
place to give Orders equally to all the Troops. The Legati and Tribunes
were uſually poſted by him; unleſs the former were ordered to command the
Wings, or the others ſome particular Part of the Army, The Centurions ſtood
every Man at the head of his Century, to lead them up; tho' ſometimes,
out of Courage and Honour, they expoſed themſelves in the van of the Ar-
my, or were placed there for particular Reaſons by the General: as Sa{uff
reports of Catiline, that he poſted all his choice Centurions, with the Evo-
cati, and the flower of the common Soldiers, in the front of the Battle, But
the Primipili, or chief Centurions, had the Honour to ſtand with the Tri-
bunes near the General's perſon. The common Soldiers were placed in ſeveral
Ranks, at the diſcretion of the Centurions, according to their Age, Strength,
and Experience, every Man having three Foot ſquare allowed him to manage
his Arms in; and it was moſt religiouſly obſerved in their Diſcipline, never
to abandon their Ranks, or break their Order upon any account.
IX. BUT beſides the common Methods of drawing up a Roman Army,
which are ſufficiently explained by every Hiſtorian of any note; there were
ſeveral other very fingular Methods of forming their Battle into odd Shapes,
according to the nature of the Body they were to oppoſe. Of this kind was
the Cuneus, when the Army was ranged in the figure of a Wedge, the moſt
proper to pierce and break the Order of the Enemy. This was otherwiſe
called Caput Porcinum, which it in ſome meaſure reſembled. And here 1
beg leave to obſerve, that this laſt Name ſeems to confirm the Conjecture of
the Chevalier Folard, who maintains that the Cuneus was no other than the
Column, or a Battalion drawn up with a ſmall front and great depth. The
triangular Order he looks upon as childiſh and abſurd, and ſuch as never was
nor could be practiſed with Succeſs, becauſe of the extreme weakneſs of the
Angles. The Authors, however, who give that form to the Cyners, have in-
vented another Order of Battle in oppoſition to it, which they term the For-
fer. This was when the Army was drawn up in the figure of a Pair of
Sheers, as it were on purpoſe to receive the Cuneus, in caſe the Enemy ſhould
make uſe of that Diſpoſition. For while he endeavoured to open, and as it were
| tO
* 1 C22.
IXXx
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
to cleave their Squadrons with his Wedge, by keeping their Troops extended
like the Sheers, and receiving him in the middle, they not only hindered the
Damage deſigned to their own Men, but commonly cut the adverſe Body in
pieces. The Globus was when the Soldiers caſt themſelves into a circular Or-
der, upon an apprehenſion of being furrounded. Cæſar, in the fifth Book
of his Commentaries, ſpeaks of this Diſpoſition as very proper in caſes of
Danger and Extremity. The Turris repreſented an oblong Square, after the
faſhion of a Tower, with very few Men in a File, and the Ranks extended
to a great length. This ſeems of very ancient Original, as being mentioned
in Homer. The laſt Order I ſhall take notice of is the Serra, or Saw; when
the firſt Companies in the front of the Army, beginning the Engagement,
ſometimes proceeded, and ſometimes drew back; ſo that by the help of a
large Fancy, one might find ſome reſemblance between them and the Teeth
of that Inſtrument,
Xx. IT was uſual enough among the Romans, to raiſe great Cries, and to
firike their Swords againſt their Bucklers, as they advanced to charge an
Enemy. This Noiſe, joined to that of the Trumpets, was very proper to
ſuppreſs in them, by a kind of Stupefaction, all fear of Danger, and to in-
ſpire them with a Courage and Boldneſs, that had no view but Victory, and
defied Death. But tho' ſuch Shoutings were allowed, nay even encouraged
as uſeful, going towards the Enemy, yet a deep Silence was obſerved by the
Soldiery, when they were about to engage, that the Orders of the Officers,
and the Words of Command, might be clearly heard, and punctually obeyed.
*Tis obſerved that the Greeks went always filently to Battle, alledging for it,
that they had more to do than to ſay to their Enemies. But the Shoutings
of which we ſpeak, is in reality a kind of Doing, as it ſtirs up the Men, and
often damps the Enemy. The Troops marched ſometimes ſoftly and coolly
to the Charge, and ſometimes, when they approached the Enemy, they
ſprung forward with impetuoſity as faſt as. they could move. Great Men
have been divided in Opinion upon theſe different Methods of attacking. It
ſeems. however to be generally agreed, that where two Armies engage in a
plain Field, a Commander ought never to allow, much leſs order his Men to
receive the Charge, but ſtill to meet the Enemy in giving it. Pompey, in
the decifive Battle of Phar/alia, by the advice of Triarius, commanded his
Soldiers to receive Cz/ar's Aſſault, and to undergo the Shock of his Army,
without removing from the place whereon - they ſtood, as by this means
Cæſars Men would be diſordered in their advance, and Pompey's, by not
moving, keep their Order. But Cz/ar himſelf obſerves upon it, that accord-
ing to his Judgment, the Advice was againſt all Reaſon; becauſe there is a
-certain keenneſs and alacrity of Spirit naturally planted in every Man, who
is inflamed with a defire to fight, and therefore no Commander ſhould
Tepreſs or reſtrain it, but rather increaſe and ſet it forward. The Event juſ-
tified Cz/ar's Opinion, and ſhowed that it was well- grounded.
XI. HITH ERTO we have contented ourſelves with general Obſerva-
tions: but as it is impoſſible from theſe alone, to give any tolerable -Idea of
the Addreſs and Ability of a Commander in a Day of Battle, becauſe his
Conduct muſt vary according to Circumſtances ; I ſhall now beg leav- to lay
before the Reader, an Account of ſome celebrated Actions of Antiquity, taken
from the Deſcriptions of ſuch Hiſtorians, as being themſelves military Men,
5 | have
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7
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR lx
have traced them with the utmoſt Exactneſs, and diſtinctly explained the Rea-
ſons of the ſeveral Steps taken. The firſt Inſtance of this kind that we meet
with in Hiſtory, is the famous Battle of Thymbra, between Creſus and Cyrus,
which transferred the Empire of Afia from the Aſſyrians of Babylon to the
Medes and Perfians. Tho' this Action does not fo immediately and ſtrictly
regard the Subject we are upon, as having no Relation to the Roman Hiſtory, I
ſhall yet give a particular Deſcription of it here, not only becauſe it is the firſt
itched Battle, of which we have any full and cirèumſtantial Account, but
becauſe Cyrus being looked upon as one of the greateſt Captains of Antiquity,
thoſe of the Profeſſion may be glad to trace him in all his Steps, thro' this im-
portant Engagement ; and the rather, as what we ſhall preſent them with on
this Subject is taken from Aenopbon, one of the greateſt Commanders, as well
as fineſt Writers, of the Age in which he lived. ep toes
XII. IN Cyrus's Army the Companies of Foot conſiſted of a hundred Men
each, excluſive of the Captain. Each Company was ſubdivided into four Parts,
which conſiſted ſeverally of four and twenty Men, not including the Perſon
who commanded the Platoon. Each of theſe Subdiviſions was again divided
into two Files, conſiſting in conſequence of twelve Men. Every ten Compa-
nies had a particular ſuperior Officer to command them, who ſufficiently an-
ſwers to what we call a Colonel, Over ten of theſe again was another ſupe-
rior Commander, whom we ſhall term a Brigadier. When Cyrus came at the
Head of the thirty thouſand Perfans, who had been ſent to the Aid of his
Uncle Cyaxares, he made a conſiderable Change in the arms of his Troops.
Till then, two thirds of them made uſe only of Javelins and Bows, and there-
fore could not fight but at a diſtance from the Enemy. Inſtead of theſe, Cyrus
armed the greateſt part of them with Cuirafles, Bucklers, and Swords or Battle-
_ axes, and left only a few of his Soldiers in light Armour. The Perſians did
not know at that Time what it was to fight on horſe-back. Cyrus, who was
convinced that nothing was of fo great Importance towards the gaining of a
Battle as Cavalry, was ſenſible of the great Inconvenience he laboured under
in that reſpect, and therefore took wiſe and early Precautions to remedy that
Evil, He ſucceeded in his Deſign, and by little and little formed a Body of
Perſian Cavalry, which amounted to ten thouſand Men, and were the beſt Troops
in his Army. | : |
XIII. XENOPHOYM has not acquainted us with the preciſe Number of
Troops on both ſides, but as this may be in ſome fort collected, by putting to-
gether certain ſcattered Paſſages of our Author, we ſhall endeavour to fix it in
the beſt manner we can. Cyrus's Army amounted in the whole to an hundred
and ninety fix thouſand Men, Horſe and Foot. Of theſe there were ſeventy
thouſand natural born Per/frans, viz. ten thouſand Cuiraſſiers of Horſe, twenty
thouſand Cuiraſſiers of Foot, twenty thouſand Pikemen, and twenty thouſand
light-armed Soldiers. The reſt of the Army, to the number of one hundred
and twenty fix thouſand men, conſiſted of an hundred thouſand Median, Ar-
menian, and Arabian Foot, and twenty fix thouſand Horſe of the ſame Na-
tions. Beſides theſe Troops, Cyrus had three hundred Chariots of Wat, armed
with Scythes, each Chariot drawn by four Horſes a-breaſt, covered with Trap-
pings that were ſhot- proof; as were alſo the Horſes of the Perſian Cuiraſſiers.
He had likewiſe ordered a great Number of Chariots to be made of a larger
ſize, upon each of which was placed a Tower of about eighteen or twenty
| Xx | Foot
IXXxii A DISCOURSE CONCERNING.
Foot high, in which were lodged twenty Archers. Each Chariot was drawn
upon Wheels by ſixteen Oxen yoked in a breaſt. There was moreover a con- -
ſiderable Number of Camels, upon each of which were two Arabian Archers,
back to back; fo that one looked towards the Head, and the other towards
the Tail of the Camel. wy gt 7 4 |
XIV. CROESUS' Army was above twice as numerous as that of Ora,
amounting in all to fout hundred and twenty thouſand Men, of which fix-
ty thouſand were Cavalry. The Troops conſiſted chiefly of Babyonians, Ly-
dians, Phrygians, Cappadocians, of the Nations about the Te/le/porr, and of
Egyptians, to the number of three hundred and fixty thouſand Men. The
Eg yptians alone made a Body of an hundred and twenty thouſand. They
had Bucklers that covered them from head to ſoot, very long Pikes, and ſhort
Swords, but very broad. The reſt of the Army was made up of Cyprians,
Cilicians, Lycaonians, Paphlagionians, Thracians, and Tonians. + The Army in
Order of Battle was ranged in one Line, the Infantry in the Centre, and the
Cavalry on the two Wings. All the Troops, both Foot and Horſe, were thirty
Mien deep: But the Egyprians, who, as we have taken notice, were an hun-
dred and twenty thouſand in number, and who were the principal Strength of
Grefus's Infantry, in the Centre of which they were poſted ; were divided into
twelve large Bodies or ſquare Battalions, of ten thouſand Men each, which had
an hundred Men in front, and as many in depth, with an Interval or Space
between every Battalion, that they might act and fight independent of, and
without interfering with one another. Cræſus would gladly have perſuaded
them to range themſelves in lefs depth, that he might make the wider Front.
For the Armies being in an immenſe Plain, which gave room for extending
their Wings to right and left, he was in hopes by this means of ſurrounding
and hemming in the Enemy. But he could not prevail with the Ho ypriansito
change the Order of Battle to which they had been accuſtomed. His Army,
as it was thus drawn out into one Line, took up near forty Stadia, or - fave
XV. ARASPES, who under pretence of Diſcontent had retired to CY
Army, and had received particular Orders from Cyrus, to obſerve well the Man-
ner of that General's ranging his Troops, returned to the Peas Camp the
Day before the Battle. Cyrus in drawing up his Army, governed himſelf by
the Diſpoſition of the Enemy, of which that young Median Nobleman had
given him an exact account. The Perfian Troops had been generally wfed
to engage four and twenty Men deep, but 'Cyrws thought tit to change that
Diſpoſition. It was neceſſary for him to form as wide a Front as poſſible,
without too much weakening his Phalanx, to prevent his Army's being incloſed
and hemmed in. His Infantry was excellent, and moſt advantageouſly armed
with Cuiraſſes, Partizans, Battle-axes, and Swords; and provided they could
join the Enemy in cloſe Fight, there was but little reaſon to believe the Lydian
Phalanx, that were only armed with light Bucklers and Javelins, could ſupport
the Charge. Cyrus therefore thinned the Files of his Infantry one half, and ranged
them only twelve Men deep. The Cavalry was drawn. out on the two Wings,
the Right commanded by Cbryſantes, and the Left by Hyſlaſpes. The whole
Front of the Army took up but thirty two Stadia, or four Miles in Extent,
and conſequently was at each end near four Stadia, or half a Mile ſhort of
the Enemy 's Front. Behind the firſt Line at a little diſtance, Cyrus placed
a . 1 1 b 4 the
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR Ixxxiii
the Spear men, and behind them the Archers. Both the one and the other
were covered by the Soldiers in their Front, over whoſe Heads they could fling
their Javelins, and ſhoot their Arrows at the Enemy. |
XVI. BEHIND all theſe he formed another Line, to ſerve for the Rear,
which conſiſted of the Flower of his Army. Their Buſineſs was to have their
Eyes upon thoſe that were placed before them, to encourage thoſe that did their
Duty, to ſuſtain and threaten thoſe that gave way, and even to kill thoſe as
Traitors that perſiſted obſtinately in flying; by\ that means to keep the Cow-
| ards in awe, and make them have as great aq terror of the Troops in the
Rear as they could poſſibly have of the Enemy. Behind the Army were
placed thoſe moving Towers which I have already deſcribed. Theſe formed a
Line equal and parallel to that of the Army, and did not only ſerve to annoy
the Enemy by the perpetual Diſcharges of the Archers that were in them, but
might likewiſe be looked upon as a kind of moveable Forts or Redoubts, un-
der which the Perfian Troops might rally, in caſe they were broken and puſhed
by the Enemy. Juſt behind theſe Towers were two other Lines, which alſo
were parallel and equal to the Front of the Army: The one was formed of
the Baggage, and the other of the Chariots which carried the Women, and
ſuch other Perſons as were unfit for Service. To cloſe all theſe Lines, and to
ſecure them from the Inſults of the Enemy, Cyrus placed in the Rear of all
two thouſand Infantry, two thouſand Horſe, and the Troop of Camels, which
was pretty numerous. Cyruss Deſign in forming two Lines of the Baggage
was, not only to make his Army appear the more numerous, but likewiſe to
oblige the Enemy, in caſe they were reſolved to ſurround him, as he knew
they intended, to make the longer Circuit, and conſequently to weaken their
Line, by ſtretching it out ſo far. We have ſtill the Perfan Chariots of War
armed with Sc to ſpeak of. Theſe were divided into three Bodies of an
hundred each. One of theſe Bodies, commanded by Abradates, King of Su-
frana, was placed in the Front of the Battle, and the other two upon the
Flanks of the Army. |
CP EI Q 1 Ss 4x7. 3
N ARE 3
XVII. WHEN the two Armies were in ſight of each other, and the
Enemy had obſerved how much the Front of theirs exceeded that of Cyrus, they
made the Centre of their Army halt, whilſt the two Wings advanced projecting
to the right and left, with deſign to incloſe Cyrus's Army, and begin their
Attack on every ſide at the ſame time. This Movement did not at all alarm
Gyrus, becauſe he expected it; but obſerving that many of his Officers, and
even Abradates himſelf, diſcovered ſome uneafy Apprehenſions; theſe Troops
diſturb you, ſays he; believe me they will be the firft routed, and to you
Albratlates 1 give that as a Signal, for the falling upon the Enemy with
your Chariots. When the two detached Bodies of the Lydians were ſuffi-
ccierttly extended, Craſus gave the Signal to his main Battle to march up directly
to the front of the Penſan Army, whilſt the two Wings, that were wheeling round
upon their Flanles, advanced on each Side; ſo that Gyrus's Army was incloſed
on three Bides; and, as Kenophon expreſſes it, looked like a ſmall Square drawn
within a great one. In an inſtant, on the firſt Signal Cyrus gave, his Troops
faded about on every (fide, keeping a profound ſilence in expectation of the
rent. The Prince himſelf at the head of ſome Horſe, briskly followed by
a Body of Foot, fell upon the Forces that were marching to attack his right
Flank, and put them inte great diſorder. The Chariots then driving furi-
1 3 ouſly
Ixxxiv A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
ouſly upon the Lydians compleated the Defeat. In the ſame moment the
Troops of the left Flank, knowing by the Noiſe that Cyrus had begun the
Battle on the Right, advanced to the Enemy; and immediately the Squadron,
of Camels was made to advance likewiſe, as Cyrus had ordered. The Ene
my's Cavalry did not expect this, and their Horſes at a diſtance, as foon as.
they were ſenſible of the Approach of thoſe Animals, whoſe Smell they can-
not endure, began to ſnort and prance, to run, foul upon and overturn one
another, throwing their Riders, and treading them under their feet. Whilſt)
they were in this confuſion, a ſmall Body of Horſe, commanded by Aruageſes
uſhed them very warmly to prevent their rallying; and the Chariots armed
5 with Scythes falling furiouſly upon them, they were intirely routed; with a
dreadful ſlaughter. Re: oe
XVIII. This being the Signal which Cyrus had given Abradates for attack-
ing the front of the Enemy's Army, he drove like Lightning upon them with
all his Chariots. Their firſt Ranks were not able to ſtand fo violent a Charge,
but gave way and were diſperſed. - Having broken and overthrown them,
Abradates came up to the Eg yptian Battalions, which being covered with their
Bucklers, and marching in ſuch cloſe order, that the Chariots had not room
to pierce amongſt them, gave him much more trouble, and would not have
been broken, had it not been for the violence of the Horſes that trod upon
them. Twas a moſt dreadful Spectacle to ſee the Heaps of Men and Horſes,
[i FAT overturned Chariots, broken Arms, and all the direful Effects of the
[ Scythes, which cut every thing in pieces that came in their way. But Abra-
j dates's Chariot having the misfortune to be overturned, he and his Men were
| | killed, after they had fignalized their Valour in a very extraordinary manner.
|
The Eg yptians then marching forward in cloſe Order, and covered with their
| Bucklers, obliged the Perſian Infantry to give way, and drove them beyond
| their fourth Line, as far as to their Machines. There the Egyptiam met with
| a freſh ſtorm of Arrows and Javelins, that were poured upon their Heads from
the rolling Towers; and the Battalions of the Perſſan Rear-guard advancing
; ſword in hand, hindered their Archers and Spear-men from retreating any far-
ther, and obliged them to return to the Charge.
[ XIX. CYRUS in the mean time having put both-the Horſe and Foot to
_ : Flight on the left of the Eg yptians, did not amuſe himſelf in purſuing the
= | Runaways, but puſhing on directly to the Centre, had the mortification to find
| his Perſian Troops had been forced to give way; and rightly judging that the
| only means to prevent the Eg yþ/ians from gaining farther ground, would be
j | to attack them behind, he did fo, and fell upon their Rear. The Cavalry
1 came up at the ſame time, and the Enemy was puſhed with great Fury. The
BM Eg yptians being attacked on all fides, faced about every way, and defended
| (| themſelves with wonderful bravery. Cyrus himſelf was in great danger; his
| Horſe, which a Soldier had ſtabbed under the Belly, ſinking under him, he
fell in the midſt of his Enemies. Here was an Opportunity, ſays Xenephon;
of ſeeing how important it is for a Commander to have the Affection of his
Soldiers. Officers and Men, equally alarmed at the danger in which they ſaw
= their Leader, ran headlong into the thick foreſt of Pikes to reſcue and fave
[| | him. He quickly remounted another Horſe, and the Battle became more
| | bloody than ever. At length Cyrus, admiring the Valour of the Eg yptians,
and being concerned to ſee ſuch brave Men periſh, offered them honourable
Conditions,
EE ROMAN ART OF WAR: Ixxxy
Conditions, if they would ſurrender, letting them know at the ſame tinie that
all their Allies had abandoned them. The Eg yptians accepted the Conditions,
after which the Per/ans meeting with no farther oppoſition, a total Rout of
the Enemy enſued.
XX. Tis allowed that Cyrus's Victory was chiefly owing to his Perſaan
Cavalry, which was a new Eſtabliſhment, and entirely the Fruit of that
Prince's Care and Activity in forming his People, and perfecting them in a
part of the military Art, of which till his Time they had been utterly igno-
rant. The Chariots armed with Scythes did good Service, and the uſe of them
was ever after retained among the Per/frans. The Camels too were not unſer-
viceable in this Battle, tho Aenophon makes no great account of them, and
obſerves, that in his time they made no other uſe of them, than for carrying
the Baggage. I ſhall riot undertake here to enlarge upon Cyrus's Merit. Tis
ſufficient to obſerve, that in this affair we ſee all the qualities of a great Ge-
neral ſhine out in him. Before the Battle, an admirable ſagacity and foreſight
in diſcovering and diſconcerting the Enemy's meaſures ; an infinite exactneſs
in the detail of affairs, in taking care that his Army ſhould be provided with
every thing neceſſary, and all his Orders punctually obeyed at the time pre-
fixed; a wonderful application to gain the hearts of his Soldiers, and to in-
ſpire them with confidence and ardor: in the heat of Action, what a Spirit
and Activity? what a preſence of mind in giving Orders as Occaſion requires?
what courage and intrepidity, and at the fame time what humanity. towards
the Enemy, whoſe Valour he reſpects, and whoſe Blood he is unwilling to
fhed? I have met with but one Objection to the Manner in which he drew
up his Troops in Order of Battle, namely, his placing no Troops to cover
his Flanks, to ſuſtain his armed Chariots, and to oppoſe the two Bodies of
Troops which CY ſus had detached to fall upon the Flanks of his Army. But
it is very poſſible that ſuch a Circumſtance might eſcape Aenopbon in deſcribing
the Battle; tho' it muſt be owned, that the Fall of Abradates, which was im-
mediately followed by the Attack of the Perſſan Infantry, hardly leaves room
for ſuch a Conjecture.
XXI. I ſhall now preſent the Reader with the Deſcriptions of two Battles
in which the Romans were concerned, thoſe of Cannæ and Zama, diſtin-
guiſhed by the importance of their Conſequences, and the abilities of the Ge-
nerals who commanded in them. Hannibal having defeated the Romans in
three ſucceſſive Engagements, and deſirous of bringing them to another gene-
ral Action, that by one deciſive Blow he might put an end to the War, re-
moved his Camp to the neighbourhood of Cannæ, an open champian Country,
and fit for Cavalry to act in, in which he was greatly ſuperior to the Enemy. The
Romans, headed by the Conſuls Paulus Amilius and Varro, followed him
thither, where after ſome Diſputes Paulus was at laſt obliged to give way
to the Obſtinacy of his Collegue, who was reſolutely bent upon fighting.
The two Armies were very unequal as to number. There was in that of the
Romans, including the Allies, fourſcore thouſand Foot, and ſomething more
than fix thouſand Horſe; and in that of the Carthaginians, forty thouſand
Foot, all well diſciplined and inured to War, and ten thouſand Horſe. Varro,
at day-break, having made the Troops of the great Camp paſs the Aufidus, :
drew them up immediately in Battle, after having joined them with thoſe of |
the little Camp. The whole Infantry were upon one Line, cloſer and of
y greater
Ixxxvi A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
greater depth than uſual. The Cavalry was upon the two Wings: that of
the Romans on the right, defended by the Aufidus; and that of the Allies on
the left Wing. The light-armed Troops were advanced in the front of the
Battle to ſome diſtance. Paulus Amilius commanded the right Wing of the
Romans, Varro the left, and Servilius Geminus, the Conſul of the preceding
year, was in the Centre. |
XXII HANMWNIBAL immediately drew up his Army in one Line.
He poſted his Spaniſh and Gallick Cavalry on the left, ſuſtained by the Au-
fidus, to oppoſe the Roman Horſe; and upon the fame Line, half his heavy-
armed African Infantry: then the Spaniſh and Gallick Infantry, which pro-
perly formed the Centre; on their right the other half of the African Infan-
try; and laſtly the Mumidian Horſe, who compoſed the right Wing, The
light-armed Troops were in the Front, facing thoſe of the Romans. Aſdrubal
had the left, Hanno the right; Hannibal, having his Brother with him, re-
ſerved the command of the Centre to himſelf. The African Troops might
have been taken for a Body of Romans, ſo much did they reſemble them by
their Arms, which they had gained in the Battles of Trebia and Thraſy-
menus, and which they now employed againſt thoſe who had ſuffered them
to be taken from them. The Spaniards and Gauls had Shields of the ſame
form; but their Swords were very different. Thoſe of the former were
equally proper for cutting and thruſting, whereas thoſe of the Gault cut
only with the edge, and at a certain diſtance. The Soldiers of thoſe two
Nations, eſpecially the Gau/s, had a dreadful aſpect, in conſequence of their
extraordinary ſtature. The latter were naked from their Belts upwards. The
Spaniards wore linen Habits, the extreme whiteneſs of which, exalted by a
border of a purple colour, made a ſurpriſingly ſplendid appearance. Han-
nibal, who knew how to take his advantages as a great Captain, forgot no-
thing that could conduce to the Victory. A Wind peculiar to that Region,
called in the Country YVulturnus, blew always at a certain period. He took
care to draw up in ſuch a manner, that his Army, facing the North, had it
in their Backs, and the Enemy fronting the South, had it in their Faces;
ſo that he was not in the leaſt incommoded with it, whereas the Romans,
whoſe Eyes it filled with Duſt, ſcarce ſaw before them. From hence we may
judge how far Hannibal carried his attention, which nothing ſeems to eſcape.
XXIII. THE two Armies marched againſt each other, and began the
Charge. After that of the light-armed Soldiers on beth fides, which was
only a kind of Prelude, the Action began by the two Wings of the Cavalry
on the fide of the Aufidus. Hannibals left Wing, which was an old Corps,
to whoſe Valour he was principally indebted for his ſucceſſes, attacked that
of the Romans with ſo much force and violence, that they had never expe-
rienced the like. This Charge was not made in the uſual manner of attacks
of Cavalry, by ſometimes falling back, and ſometimes returning to the aſ-
fault; but in fighting man to man, and very near, becauſe they had not
room enough to extend themſelves, being pent up on one {ide by the River,
and on the other by the Infantry. The ſhock was furious, and equally ſuſ-
tained on both fides; and whilſt it was ſtill doubtful to which fide the Vic-
tory would incline, the Romam Horſe, according to a Cuſtom uſual enou gh
in their Corps, and which was ſometimes ſucceſsful, but was now very ill ap-
plied, difmounted and fought on foot. When Hannibal was informed of this,
he
THE ROMAN ART OF VAR. Ixxxvii
he cried out: I am as well pleaſed with them in that Poſture, as I ſhould be
to have them all delivered up to me bound hand and foot. Accordingly,
after having defended themſelves with the utmoſt valour, moſt of them fell
upon the ſpot. A/drubal purſued thoſe that fled, and made a great ſlaughter
of them.
XXIV. WHILST the Horſe were thus engaged, the Infantry of both
Armies advanced alſo againſt each other. The Battle began at firſt in the
Centre. As ſoon as Hannibal perceived that his leſt Wing began to have the
advantage, he made the Gaule and Spaniards move that were in the main
Body, and whom he commanded in perſon. In proportion as he advanced,
he rounded his front in form of a Halt-moon, with its convex fide towards
the Enemy. At firſt, the oppoſite Centre of the Romans charged them. Af-
ter ſome reſiſtance the Spaniards and Gauls began to give way, and to loſe
ground. The reſt of the Roman Intantry alſo moved on in order to take them
in flank. They fell back according to the Orders they had received, conti-
nuing to fight, and regained the ground where they had at firſt been drawn
up in Battle. The Romane, ſeeing that the Spaniards and Gault continued
to retreat, continued alſo to purſue them. Hannibal, well pleaſed to ſee every
thing ſucceed according to his deſign, and perceiving the moment was come
for acting with all his Forces, gave orders, that his Africans ſhould wheel
to the right and left upon the Romans. Thoſe two Bodies, which were freſh,
well armed, and in good order, having wheeled about ſuddenly towards the
ſpace or hollow, into which the Romans had thrown themſelves in diſorder
and confuſion, charged them on both ſides with vigour, without giving them
time to look about them, or leaving them ground to form themſelves.
XXV. IN the mean time the Mumidian Cavalry on the right Wing, was
engaged alſo with the Enemy oppoſite to them, namely the Cavalry of the
Allies of the Romans. Tho' they did not diftinguith themſelves in this Battle,
and the advantage was equal on both fides, they were however very uſeful :
for they found the Enemies which they had in their front ſufficient employ-
ment, to prevent them from having time to aſſiſt their own People. But
when the left Wing where 4/aruba/ commanded had routed, as we have ſaid,
the whole Horſe of the right Wing of the Romans, and had joined the M-
midians, the Cavalry of the Allies did not wait to be attacked by them, but
fled with the utmoſt precipitation. It is ſaid, that Aſdrubal then did a thing,
which no leſs ſhews his prudence, than it contributed to the ſucceſs of the
Battle. As the Mumidians were very numerous, and never did their duty
better than when an Enemy fled, he ordered them to purſue the Romans to
prevent their rallying, and led on the Spaniſh and Gallick Horſe to the Charge,
to ſupport the African Infantry. Accordingly he fell upon the Roman Foot
in the rear, which being attacked at the fame time in the flanks, and ſur-
rounded on all fides, was intirely cut to pieces, after having acted prodi-
gies of valour. :
XXVI. The Battle of Zama, between Hannibal and Scipio, is one of the
moſt memorable recorded in Hiſtory ; the diſpoſition on both ſides being the
maſterpiece of two of the greateſt Generals that ever the World produced.
Scipio drew up his Troops in the following manner. He poſted the Hafari in
the front Line, leaving intervals between the Cohorts. In the ſecond Line he
| placed
£3 Iexxvidi A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
14 placed the Principes, with their Cohorts not behind the ſpaces of the firſt Line,
||| as was the cuſtom of the Romans, but behind the Cohorts of that front Line,
I | in order to leave openings for the Elephants of the Enemy which were ver
numerous. The Triarii formed the third Line in the ſame order, and ſerved
as a Body of reſerve. He placed Lælius on the left Wing with the 1:a/ian
Cavalry, and Maſiniſſa on the right with his Mumidians. In the ſpaces
of the firſt Line he placed the light-armed Soldiers, and ordered them to
begin the Battle in ſuch a manner, that if they could not ſuſtain the
charge cf the Elephants, they ſhould retire; ſuch of them as were moſt
ſpeedy, behind the whole Army, thro' the ſpaces that divided it in right
i Lines; and thoſe who ſhould find themſelves too much preſſed, thro' the
8 ſpaces between the Lines on the right and left, in order to leave thoſe Ani-
= mals a paſſage, in which they would be expoſed to the Darts diſcharged upon
them on all ſides. As to Hannibal, in order to give the Enemy more ter-
ror, he placed in the front his fourſcore Elephants, a number which he ne-
ver had before in any Battle. In the firſt Line he poſted the auxiliary Troops
of the Ligurians and Gas, with the Baleareans and Moors, who amounted
in all to twelve thouſand Men, The ſecond Line, in which the principal
force of the Army conſiſted, was compoſed of Africans and Cartbaginians.
He poſted the Troops he had brought with him from Italy in the third Line,
and placed them above a ſtadium from the ſecond Line. The Vumidian
Cavalry were upon the left Wing, and the Cartbaginian upon the fight.
XXVII. EVERY thing being ready for the Battle, and the Wumidian
Cavalry on both fides having long skirmiſhed, Hannibal gave orders for the
Elephants to move againſt the Enemy. The Romans immediately made the
Trumpets ſound, and at the ſame time raiſed ſuch great cries, that the Ele-
phants which advanced againſt the right of the Romans, turned back, and
put the Moors and Mumidians that formed Hannibals left into Diſorder.
Maſiniſſa ſeeing their Confuſion, eaſily put them intirely to the rout. The reſt of
the Elephants advanced between the two Armies into the Plain, and fell upon the
light-· armed Romans, a great number of whom they cruſhed to death, not-
withſtanding the continual ſhower of Darts diſcharged upon them from all
ſides. At length being terrified, ſome of them ran thro' the ſpaces Scipio had
prudently left, and others in their flight returned upon their own right Wing,
purſued by the Roman Horſe, who with their Spears drove them quite out of
the Field of Battle. Lælius took this inſtant for charging the Carthaginian
Cavalry, who turned about and fled full ſpeed. He purſued them warmly,
whilſt Mafniſſa did the ſame on his fade. f 2
XXVIII. THE Army of the Carthaginians was uncovered on the right
and left by its Cavalry. The Infantry then on both fides advanced ſlowly and in
good order, except that which Hannibal had brought from Traly, which formed
the third Line, and continued in its firſt Poſt. When they were near each
other, the Romans railing great Cries according to their Cuſtom, and ſtriking
their Swords upon their Shields, charged the Enemy with vigour. On' the
fide of the Carthaginians, the Body of foreign Troops that formed the front
Line, alſo raiſed great Cries, but confuſed, and diſſonant from each other, be-
cauſe they were of different Nations. As they could uſe neither Swords nor
Javelins, but fought hand to hand, the Strangers at firſt had ſome advantage
ever the Romans by their agility and boldneſs, and wounded a great number.
However,
THE ROMAN ART OF VAR. 114
However, the latter having the ſuperiority by their good Order, and the nature
of their Arms, gained ground, ſupported by the ſecond Line who followed,
and inceſſantly encouraged them to fight with Valour; whereas the Strangers
being neither followed nor aſſiſted by the Cartbaginians, whoſe inaction on
the contrary intimidated them, loſt courage, gave way, and believing them-
ſelves openly abandoned by their own Troops, fell, in retiring, upon their
ſecond Line, and attacked it in order to open themſelves a paſiage. The
latter found themſelves obliged to defend their Lives courageouſly : ſo that the
Carthaginians attacked by the Strangers, contrary to their Expectation, ſaw
they had two Enemies to fight, their own Troops, and the Romans. Quite
out of their Senſes, and in a manner tranſported with fury, they made a
great {laughter of both, and put the Haſtati into diſorder. Thoſe who com-
manded the Principes having made their Troops advance, rallied them with-
out difficulty. The greateſt part of the Strangers and Carthaginians fell in
this Place, partly cut in pieces by ane another, and partly by the Romans.
Hannibal would not ſuffer thoſe that fled to mingle with thoſe who remained,
leſt full of Terror as they were, and covered with Wounds, they might in-
duce Diſorder among thoſe who had received no Blow hitherto : he even or-
dered the front Rank to preſent their Pikes, which obliged them to retire
along the Wings into the Plain.
»
XXIX..THE Space between the two Armies being then covered with
Blood, and with the dead, Scipio was in Perplexity enough; for he did not
know how to make his Troops move in good Order, over that confuſed heap
of Arms and dead Bodies, ſtill bleeding and lying upon each other. He
ordered the wounded Men to be carried behind the Army ; the Retreat to
be ſounded for the Haſtati, who were purſuing the Enemy ; poſted them op-
ſite to the Centre of the Cartbaginians in expectation of a new Charge;
and made the Principes and Triarii advance on both Wings, When they
were upon the ſame front with the ZHaftati, a new Battle began between the
two Armies. The Infantry alternately gave way, and returned to the Charge
with great Courage and Vigour. As Number, Reſolution, and Arms were
equal on both fides, and they fought with ſuch obſtinacy that they fell in
their Poſts rather than give way, the fate of the Battle was long doubtful, and
it could not be conjectured which fide would remain maſters of the Field.
Things being in this ſtate, Lælius and Maſiniſſa, after having purſued the
Enemy's Cavalry a conſiderable time, returned very opportunely for attacking
the Infantry in the rear. This laſt Charge decided the Victory. A great
number of the Carthaginians were killed upon the Field of Battle, where
they were ſurrounded on all fides. Many of them having diſperſed in the
Plains round about, were cut off by the Roman Cavalry that occupied all the
Country, The Carthaginians left above twenty thouſand dead upon the ſpot,
as well of their own Citizens as Allies. Almoſt as many were taken, with
an hundred and thirty Enſigns and Standards, and eleven Elephants. Han-
nibal eſcaped with a ſmall number of Horſe to Adrumetum, after having tried,
both before and during the Battle, all poſſible means for obtaining the Victory.
The Romans loſt only fifteen hundred Men.
XXX. HAVING thus given an Account of ſome of the moſt memo-
rable Battles of Antiquity, explained the Conduct of the Generals, and laid
open the Reaſons of that Conduct; I ſhall conclude this Chapter with a few
general Remarks, tending ſtill farther to illuſtrate this great Branch of War,
2 2 and
XC
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
and which in fome meaſure offer themſelves in conſequence of what has been
already ſaid. The firſt is, that tho moſt Nations had a. certain fixed and
particular form of giving Battle, yet they never adhered to it ſo cloſely, as
not to vary when Circumſtances required it. The drawing up an Army to
the very beſt advantage, is doubtleſs a great furtherance to the gaining of
the Victory. But the doing fo depends much, not only on the Wiſdom and
Skill of the General, the Nature of the Ground, and the Quality of his own
Forces, but alſo on thoſe of his Enemies, and on the Diſpoſition of him who
commands them. Hence the greateſt Captains of older times, whoſe military
Knowledge and Practice the Moderns. ſo juſtly value, always acted herein ac-
cording to their own Judgment, without confining themſelves to any ſtanding
Rules. We have ſeen that Cyrus being to fight againſt Cre/us in a large
Plain, where he found the Enemy taking meaſures to ſurround him, drew up
his Men but twelve deep in File, whereas formerly the File was twenty-four
deep. By this means he augmented the front of his Army double, prevented
his being too much over-winged by Cre/us, and won the Victory. It is ob-
ſervable too of Scipio at the Battle of Zama, that he placed the Battalions of
his ſeveral Lines directly behind one another, and not facing the Intervals of
the Lines before them, as was the common Cuſtom, His Deſign in this was,
to give free iſſue to the Elephants, whoſe Shock might otherwiſe have diſor-
dered his Men, and renderd them incapable of making any reſiſtance.
Cæſar, at the Battle of Phar/alia againſt Pompey, quite altered the manner of
the Roman Imbattelling. For having found that Pompey exceedingly out-
numbered him in Horſe, he covered one. of his Flanks with a little. River,
and drew all his Cavalry to the other Flank ; among the Squadrons whereof
he placed Bodies of his beſt Infantry, and there began the Battle. By this
means, having all his Horſe in one Wing, and thoſe accompanied with ſe-
le& legionary Foot, he ſoon routed that half of Pompeys Horſe. which
oppoſed all his, and then falling into the flanks and rear of his Enemy, gained
the Victory.
XXXI. THE drawing up the Army in ſeveral Lines, as the nature of the
Ground, and the number of the Forces would allow, is what was moſt
culiar to the Roman Diſcipline, and has been found ſo conſonant to Reaſon.
and Experience, that it is eſtabliſhed as a ſtanding Maxim of War at
this Day. In effect theſe Lines are ſo many Armies: and the ſecond
Line being intire, tho the firſt ſhould be broken, oſten recovers the Day;
eſpecially if the ſecond Line be at ſo juſt a diſtance. from the firſt, as not
to be diſordered by it when overthrown; and alſo fo near, that ſome Bat-
tallions of the ſecond Line can come up timely enough to redreſs any begin-
nings of a breach in the firſt, without too much jc itſelf, It has
likewiſe been often obſerved, that whoever in a Battle keeps together a Body
of Men, that are not led to fight until all the Enemies Squadrons have
fought, rarely miſſes to carry away the Victory; and that he who has the
laſt Reſerves, is the likelieſt in the end to have the Honour of the Day.
One ſignal Illuſtration of this Truth among many I ſhall inſtance. At the
Battle of Dreux in France, where the Conſtable Montmorency, and Francis.
Duke of Guiſe, the greateſt Captains of that Age, commanded the Roy-
aliſts ; and Lewis Prince of Conde, and the Admiral Chatillon the Proteſtants -
the two laſt defeated all the Forces they ſaw, took the Conſtable Priſoner,
paſt over the Bellies of the Switgers, who made almoſt a miraculous re-
ſiſtance, and concluded they had therefore won the Victory. In the mean
while
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
while the Duke of Gui/e, who led the left Wing of. the French King's
Army, either by deſign, as his Enemies faid, or as an Act of. high Conduct,
ſo covered his Troops with the Village of Blainville, and the Trees and
Shrubs about it, that he was not ſo much as ſeen by the Proteſtants ; nor
moved from thence, until the Conſtable was taken Priſoner, the Marſhal
de St. Andre killed, and all thoſe Forces which were conſidered by the Pro-
teſtants as the whole Army of the Royaliſts, intirely routed, and ſo con-
fuſedly flying, that he was in no danger of having his Squadrons diſordered
by the Runaways of his own Party. But then, advancing with his Troops
which were intire, he ſoon turned the fortune of the Day, -took the Prince
of Conde Priſoner, and overthrew all that oppoſed him. For 'tis a tedious
and difficult, if not an impoſſible Task, to put into good Order again an
Army that has newly fought, ſo as to bring it ſuddenly to renew the Charge ;
ſome being buſied about the Pillage and Priſoners they have taken, or are
purſuing ; others being loth to return to new Dangers ; and all in effect being
ſo heated and diſordered, that they do not, or will not hear the Commands of
their Superiors.
XXXII. ONE thing among the Romans particularly deſerves our Notice,
and that is, that tho' they ſtrove with incredible Emulation to obtain the firſt
Poſts in the Army, yet that Ambition once gratified, they did not diſdain to
accept of inferior Offices after the higher, and to ſerve under thoſe over
whom they had commanded. It is amazing to conſider what a multitude of
conſular Senators fell in the Battle of Cannæ. We have ſeen that Fabius,
who had been thrice Conſul, and Dictator, ſerved as Lieutenant under his
own Son: and that the great Scipio accepted the ſame Character from his
Brother. Nor are theſe to be conſidered as Inſtances fingular in their kind, for
it was in reality the common Practice. Hence it was always in the power of
a Roman General, to have expert, vigilant, and valiant Commanders, at the
head of thoſe ſeveral larger Diviſions, of which an Army is uſually compoſed
in a Day of Battle: Men of Judgment, Authority, and Preſence of Mind,
to remedy all Diſorders, and to improve all Advantages in the critical Moment;
than which there is nothing of greater importance in general Engagements,
as the leaſt Delay or Remiſſneſs is but too often irreparable. I believe it will
readily be allowed, that the moſt able and conſummate General, neither is nor
can be of himſelf ſufficient to redreſs all Diſorders, and lay hold of all Ad-
vantages in an inſtant, when Armies are once engaged. The utmoſt he can
do is, to chooſe well the Field of Battle, to draw up his Army according
thereto to moſt advantage, to give his general Orders with Prudence and Fore-
| fight, and to give the beſt Orders wherever he is in perſon: but he cannot be
every where, nor ſend his Orders timely enough to every Place to have them
ſucceſsfully obeyed. And therefore tis indiſputably neceflary, that he have
under him expert chief Officers, at the head of all the great Diviſions of the
Army, who may ſupply what is impoſſible for him ſingly to command. For
he can be well obeyed but to the time he ſends his Troops to the Charge :
After that, thoſe only who lead them, and; are with them, can actuate them
according to the general Orders, or as the Occaſion requires; which thoſe un-
der him muſt have the Judgment to lay hold of, as it were in the twinkling
of an Eye, fo ſhort are the Moments to acquire the Victory
XXXIII. THE placing the beſt Men in the Wings of an Army, is very
ancient, and ſeldom has been omitted, but to the loſs of thoſe who were guilty
of
xci
XC
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
and which in fome meaſure offer themſelves in conſequence of what has been
already ſaid. The firſt is, that tho moſt Nations had a certain fixed and
particular form of giving Battle, yet they never adhered to it ſo cloſely, as
not to vary when Circumſtances required it. The drawing up an Army to
the very beſt advantage, is doubtleſs a great furtherance to the gaining of
the Victory. But the doing ſo depends much, not only on the Wiſdom and
Skill of the General, the Nature of the Ground, and the Quality of his own
Forces, but alſo on thoſe of his Enemies, and on the Diſpoſition of him who
commands them. Hence the greateſt Captains of older times, whoſe military
Knowledge and Practice the Moderns. ſo juſtly value, always acted herein ac-
cording to their own Judgment, without confining themſelves to any ſtanding
Rules. We have ſeen that Cyrus being to fight againſt Crz/us in a large
Plain, where he found the Enemy taking meaſures to ſurround him, drew up
his Men but twelve deep in File, whereas formerly the File was twenty-four
deep. By this means he augmented the front of his Army double, prevented
his being too much over-winged by Cre/us, and won the Victory. It is ob-
ſervable too of Scipio at the Battle of Zama, that he placed the Battalions of
his ſeveral Lines directly behind one another, and not facing the Intervals of
the Lines before them, as was the common Cuſtom. His Deſign in this was,
to give free iſſue to the Elephants, whoſe Shock might otherwiſe have diſor-
dered his Men, and render d them incapable of making any reſiſtance.
Cæſar, at the Battle of Phar/alia againſt Pompey, quite altered the manner of
the Roman Imbattelling. For having found that Pompey exceedingly out-
numbered him in Horſe, he covered one of his Flanks with a little River,
and drew all his Cavalry to the other Flank ; among- the Squadrons whereof
he placed Bodies of his beſt Infantry, and there began the Battle. By this
means, having all his Horſe in one Wing, and thoſe. accompanied with ſe-
le& legionary Foot, he ſoon routed that half of Pompeys Horſe. which
oppoſed all his, and then falling into the flanks and rear of his Enemy, gained
the Victory.
XXXI. THE drawing up the Army in ſeveral Lines, as the nature of the
Ground, and the number of the Forces would allow, is what was moſt
culiar to the Roman Diſcipline, and has been found ſo conſonant to Reaſon.
and Experience, that it is eſtabliſhed as a ſtanding. Maxim of War at
this Day. In effect theſe Lines are fo many Armies: and the ſecond
Line being intire, tho the firſt ſhould be broken, oſten recovers the Day ;
eſpecially if the ſecond Line be at fo juſt a diſtance. from the firſt, as not
to be diſordered by it when overthrown; and alſo ſo near, that ſome Bat-
tallions of the ſecond Line can come up timely enough to redreſs any begin-
nings of a breach in the firſt, without too much N itſell. It has
likewiſe been often obſerved, that whoever in a Battle keeps together a Body
of Men, that are not led to fight until all the Enemies Squadrons have
fought, rarely miſſes to carry away the Victory; and that he who has the
laſt Reſerves, is the likelieft in the end to have the Honour of the Day.
One ſignal Illuſtration of this Truth among many I ſhall inſtance. At the
Battle of Dreux in France, where the Conſtable Montmorency, and Francis
Duke of Guiſe, the greateſt Captains of that Age, commanded the Roy-
alifts ; and Lewis Prince of Conde, and the Admiral Chatillon the Proteſtants -
the two laſt defeated all the Forces they ſaw, took the Conſtable Priſoner,
paſt over the Bellies of the Swizzers, who made almoſt a miraculous re-
ſiſtance, and concluded they had therefore won the Victory. In the mean
while
THE ROMAN ART OF VAR.
while the Duke of Gui/e, who led the left Wing of. the French King's
Army, either by deſign, as his Enemies faid, or as an Act of. high Conduct,
ſo covered his Troops with the Village of Blainville, and the Trees and
Shrubs about it, that he was not ſo much as ſeen by the Proteſtants ; nor
moved from thence, until the Conſtable was taken Priſoner, the Marſhal
de St. Andre killed, and all thoſe Forces which were conſidered by the Pro-
teſtants as the whole Army of the Royaliſts, intirely routed, and ſo con-
fuſedly flying, that he was in no danger of having his Squadrons diſordered
by the Runaways of his own Party. But then, advancing with his Troops
which were intire, he ſoon turned the fortune of the Day, took the Prince
of Conde Priſoner, and overthrew all that oppoſed him. For 'tis a tedious
and difficult, if not an impoſſible Task, to put into good Order again an
Army that has newly fought, ſo as to bring it ſuddenly to renew the Charge;
ſome being buſted about the Pillage and Priſoners they have taken, or are
purſuing ; others being loth to return to new Dangers ; and all in effect being
ſo heated and diſordered, that they do not, or will not hear the Commands of
their Superiors.
XXXII. ONE thing among the Romans particularly deſerves our Notice,
and thap is, that tho' they ſtrove with incredible Emulation to obtain the firſt
Poſts in the Army, yet that Ambition once gratified, they did not diſdain to
accept of inferior Offices after the higher, and to ſerve under thoſe over
whom they had commanded. It is amazing to conſider what a multitude of
conſular Senators fell in the Battle of Cannæ. We have ſeen that Fabius,
who had been thrice Conſul, and Dictator, ſerved as Lieutenant under his
own Son: and that the great Scipio accepted the ſame Character from his
Brother. Nor are theſe to be conſidered as Inſtances fingular in their kind, for
it was in reality the common Practice, Hence it was always in the power of
a Roman General, to have expert, vigilant, and valiant Commanders, at the
head of thoſe ſeveral larger Diviſions, of which an Army is uſually compoſed
in a Day of Battle: Men of Judgment, Authority, and Preſence of Mind,
to remedy all Diſorders, and to improve all Advantages in the critical Moment ;
than which there is nothing of greater importance in general Engagements,
as the leaſt Delay or Remiſſneſs is but too often irreparable. I believe it will
readily be allowed, that the moſt able and conſummate General, neither is nor
can be of himſelf ſufficient to redreſs all Diſorders, and lay hold of all Ad-
vantages in an inſtant, when Armies are once engaged. The utmoſt he can
do is, to chooſe well the Field of Battle, to draw up his Army according
thereto to moſt advantage, to give his general Orders with Prudence and Fore-
ſight, and to give the beſt Orders wherever he is in perſon: but he cannot be
every where, nor ſend his Orders timely enough to every Place to have them
ſucceſsfully obeyed. And therefore tis indiſputably neceflary, that he have
under him expert chief. Officers, at the head of all the great Diviſions of the
Army, who may ſupply what is impoſſible for him ſingly to command. For
he can be well obeyed but to the time he ſends his Troops to the Charge :
After that, thoſe only who lead them, and, are with them, can actuate them
according to the general Orders, or as the Occaſion requires; which thoſe un-
der him muſt have the Judgment to lay hold of, as it were in the twinkling
of an Eye, fo ſhort are the Moments to acquire the Vidtory | |;
XXXIII. THE placing the beſt Men in the Wings of an Army, is very
ancient, and ſeldom has been omitted, but to the loſs of thoſe who were guilty
of
xci
xcii 4 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
of ſuch Omiſſion. The Reaſon is, that the Troops on the Wings are not
wedged in, as the Troops in the main Battle are; but are at liberty to take all
Advantages, which Accident, the good Conduct of the Commander in chief,
or the ill Conduct of the Enemy, throw in their way: nor can a General ſo
much as rationally hope to fall into the flank and rear of his Enemy, but
by attacking one of his Wings; becauſe he cannot overwing him, but only by
falling upon one of his outward Flanks. Hence an able Commander chooſes
always to begin the Battle on that ſide, where he judges himſelf the ſtrongeſt,
and his Enemy the weakeſt; advancing with thoſe Troops as expeditiouſly as
he can, whilſt the reſt of the Army moves as {lowly as they may. For if his
firſt Impreſſion be ſucceſsful, he may fall into the flank and part of the rear
of the Enemy, while the reſidue of the whole Army is marching to attack
them in front: but then the motion of the Army muſt be quicker, as ſoon as
ever. they ſee that the advanced Wing is ſucceſsful, Such was the Conduct of
"Epaminondas, at the famous Battles of Leuctra and Mantinea. Such too was
the Method followed by Julius Cæſgar, when he fought againſt Arioviſſus and
the Germans. Hannibal, ſo juſtly celebrated for his Skill in drawing up an
Army, at the famous Battle of Cannæ, placed, as we have ſeen, all his beſt
Men in his two Wings, and his worſt Men in the Centre; whereby, when the
Romans came to the Charge, who had placed their choiceſt Men in their main
Battle, they ſoon pierced into the Body of Hannibal's Army, which was the
very thing he deſigned they ſhould do: for then with his two Wings, in which
were the flower of all his Troops, he immediately wheeled upon the Romans,
and totally defeated them,
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XXXIV. AFTER the Battle was fought, and the Victory apparently won,
the great Danger was, as it ſtill is, to purſue with too much Ardor, without
regard to what pafſed in the reſt of the Army, Hence that Cuſtom ſo in-
violably obſerved among the Romans, of never ſuffering the Legions to follow
the Chace, or break their Ranks upon any Occaſion whatever. Only the Horſe,
the light-armed Men, and what Soldiers were not of the Legions, were ſent
upon this Service; and the Purſuit was conducted with ſo much Caution,
that a certain number of Squadrons always followed in good Order, ready to
to fall upon and break the Enemy anew, ſhould they rally and face about.
How many Victories ſeemingly won, have in an inſtant been loſt, for want of
care in theſe two Particulars of ſuch high Concernment, which therefore ought
never to be omitted. It is certain that nothing more encourages flying Ene-
mies to rally, and fight again, than the ſeeing a diſorderly Purfuit of them.
For in ſuch a Purſuit, all the Advantages of the prevailing Party immediatel
14 vaniſh, if the Chaced do but turn about; ſuch an Evidence of reſtored Va-
Us lour, too often daunting thoſe who are to oppoſe it: nor can any thing more
deter the flying Party from ſuch a Step, than to ſee ſeveral Bodies in good Or-
der following cloſe behind them, and ready to make them repent of their Con-
fidence, ſhould they venture upon any farther Oppoſition. And tho' brave
Officers will not ceaſe preſſing, promiſing, and even threatening their Men
that fly, to face about; yet the private Soldier, who ſees thoſe Bodies ready to
fall on, concludes it is ſafer to run than to reſiſt, and therefore is too oſten deaf
to all Oratory or Menaces of that nature: For where once Terror has ſeized
the Minds of the Troops, they hear no Counſels but thoſe which their own
Fears ſuggeſt. | ES
CHAP.
—
E 3
SY * 0
LE * F A -
ERIC LOST
Grind Ao en
Of the Attack and Defence of Places.
J. HAT we have to offer upon this Subject falls naturally under three
general Heads. Fir, The manner of fortifying Towns in uſe
among the Ancients. Secondly, The Machines of War employed by them in
Sieges. Thirdly, The Nature and Conduct of an Attack and Defence. As to
the firſt, how far ſoever we look back into Antiquity, we find amongſt the
Greeks and Romans, Cities fortified in a regular manner, with their Foſles,
Curtains, and Towers. Vitruvius, in treating of the Conſtruction of Places
of War in his time, ſays, that the Towers ought to project beyond the Walls,
in order that when the Enemy approaches, the Defenders upon the right and
left may take them in flank : that they ought to be round, and faced with
many Stones, becauſe ſuch as are ſquare, are ſoon beat down by the Machines
of War and battering Rams, which eaſily break their Angles : and that near
the Towers the Wall ſhould be cut within- ſide the breadth of the Towers, and
the ways broke in this manner only be joined and continued by Beams laid
upon the two Extremities, without being made faſt with Iron, that in caſe
the Enemy ſhould make himſelf maſter of any part of the Wall, the Beſieged
might remove this wooden Bridge, and thereby prevent his paſſage to the other
parts of the Wall, and into the Towers. The beſt Towns of the Ancients
vere ſituated upon Eminences. They incloſed them ſometimes within two or
tliree Walls and Ditches. Bergſus, cited by Joſephus, informs us, that Vebu-
rhadnezzar fortified Babylon with a triple Incloſure of Brick Walls, of a ſur-
prifing itrength and height. Polybius, ſpeaking of Syringa, the Capital of
Huyrcania, which Antiochus beſieged, ſays, that City was ſurrounded with
three Ditches, each forty-five Foot broad, and twenty-two deep. Upon each fide
of theſe was a double Intrenchment, and behind all a ſtrong Wall. The
City of Feruſalem, ſays Fo/ephus, was ſurrounded by a triple Wall, except on
the fide of the Valleys, where there was but one, becauſe they were inacceſ-
fible. To theſe they had added many other Works, one of which, continues
the Hiſtorian, had it been compleated, would have rendered the City impreg-
nable. The Stones of which it was built, were thirty Foot long by fifteen
broad, which made it fo ſtrong, that it was in a manner impoſſible to fap, or
ſhake it with Machines. The whole was flanked with Towers from Space
to Space of extraordinary ſolidity, and built with wonderful Art. |
II. THE Ancients did not generally. ſupport their Walls on the inſide with
Earth, in the manner of the Talus or Slope, which made the Attacks more
dangerous. For tho' the Enemy had gained ſome footing upon them, he
could not aſſure himſelf of taking the City. It was neceſſary to get down,
and to make uſe of the Ladder by which- he had mounted ; and that deſcent
expoſed the Soldier to very great danger. Vitrubius however obſerves, that
there is nothing renders a Rampart fo ſtrong, as when the Walls both of the
Curtain and Towers are ſupported by Earth.” For then neither Rams, Mines,
nor any other Machines can ſhake them. The Places of War of the Ancients
were not always fortified with Stone Walls, They were ſometimes incloſed
a 4 within
e iv
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
within good Ramparts of Earth, of great firmneſs and ſolidity. The manner of
coating them with Turf was not unknown to them, nor the Art of ſupporting
the Earth with ſtrong Faſcines, made faſt by Stakes, and of arming the top
of the Rampart with a Ruff or Fraiſe of Paliſades, and the foot of the Pa-
rapet, or Pas de Souris, with another. They often planted Paliſades alſo in the
Ditch, to defend themſelves againſt ſudden Attacks. They made Walls alſo
with Beams croſſed over one another, with ſpaces between them in manner of
a Chequer, the void parts of which they filled up with Earth and Stones,
Such almoſt were the Walls of the City of Bourges, which Cæſar, in the
ſeventh Book of his Wars with the Gauls, deſcribes as follows. The Walls of
Bourges, and almoſt thoſe of the Country, were made of pieces of Wood
forty Foot in length, laid along the Earth at the diſtance of two Foot from
each other, and croſſed over by others of equal length and at equal diſtance,
with their ends to the front of the Wall. The ſpaces on the inſide were filled
up with Earth and Faſcines, and on the outſide with ſolid Stones. He adds,
that the Work by this diſpoſition was agreeable to the Eye, and very ſtrong ;
becauſe the Wood was of great force againſt the Ram, and the Stones againſt
Fire: beſides which, the thickneſs of the Wall, which was generally forty
Foot, or the length of the Beams, made it next to impoſſible either to make
a breach in it, or throw it down in any manner.
III. WHAT I ſhall fay in the ſequel, when I come to explain the man-
ner of attacking and defending Places, will ſhew more diſtinctly what kind
of Fortifications thoſe of the Ancients were. It is pretended that the Moderns
excel them very much in this point. But as the method of Attach and De-
ence is intirely different, no juſt Compariſon can be made. The uſe of
Muskets, Bombs, Cannons, and other Fire-arms ſince the invention of Gun-
powder, has occaſioned many alterations in the way of conducting Sieges, the
duration of which has been very much abridged of late. But theſe Changes
are not ſo conſiderable as many imagine, and have added nothing either to
the Merit or Capacity of Generals. The Moderns have imagined nothing that
the Ancients could uſe, and have not uſed. We have borrowed from them
the breadth and depth of Fofles, the thickneſs of Walls, the Towers to flank
the Curtains, the Paliſades, the Intrenchments within the Ramparts and
Towers, the advantage of many Flanks, in multiplying of which conſiſts the
chief Improvement of modern Fortification, and which Fire-arms make the
more eaſy to execute. Theſe are the Remarks of Men of Ability and Judg-
ment, who to a profound knowledge of the manner in-which the Ancients
made War, unite a perfe& Experience of the modern Practice of it.
IV. BUT let us now proceed to the Machines made uſe of by the An-
cients in their Sieges. The principal of theſe were, the Tortoiſe, the Cata-
pulta, the Baliſſa, the Ram, and moving Towers, The Tortoiſe was a Ma-
chine compoſed of very ſtrong and ſolid timber-work. The height of it, to
the uppermoſt Beam, which ſuſtained the Roof, was twelve Foot. The Baſe
was ſquare, and each of its fronts twenty-five Foot. - It was covered with a
kind -of quilted Mattreſs made of raw Hides, and prepared with different
Drugs, to prevent its being ſet on fire by Combuſtibles. This heavy Machine
was ſupported upon four Wheels, and had the name of Jortoiſe from its
ſerving as a very ſtrong covering and defence, againſt the enormous weight
thrown down on it; thoſe under it being ſafe in the ſame manner as a Tor-
toiſe under her Shell. It was uſed both to fill up the Ditch, and for ſapping.
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THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
For the filling up of the Ditch, it was neceſſary to join ſeveral of them toge-
ther in a Line, and very near one another. Diodorus Siculus, ſpeaking of the
Siege of Halicarnaſſus by Alexander the Great, ſays, that he firſt cauſed three
Tortoiſes to approach, in order to fill up the Ditch, and that afterwards he
planted his Rams upon the ſpace filled up, to batter the Wall. This Machine
is often mentioned by Authors. There were, without doubt, Tortoiſes of dif-
ferent forms and ſizes. Some indeed are of Opinion, that becauſe of its enor-
mous weht, it could not be moved from place to place on Wheels, but was
uſhed forwards on Rollers. Under theſe Rollers the way was laid with ſtrong
Planks, to facilitate its motion, and prevent its ſinking into the Ground, from
whence it would have been very difficult to have removed it. The Ancients
have obſerved, that the Roof had a thicker covering of Hides, Hurdles, Sea-
weed, &c. than the Sides, as it was expoſed to much greater Shocks from the
weight thrown upon it by the Beſieged. It had a Door in front, which was
drawn up by a Chain as far as was neceſſary, and covered the Soldiers at work
in filling up the Ditch.
V. THE Maſculus, tho very little underſtood by modern Authors, who
have repreſented it variouſly, was undoubtedly a kind of Tortoiſe, very low,
and with a ſharp Roof. Such was that of Cz/ar at the Siege of Marſeilles.
It was ſixty Foot in length, and was moved forward to the Walls upon Rollers,
where it was fixed over the part of the Ditch filled up. The Tower of Brick
which he built there, communicated with this Muſculus and the Trenches.
Cæſar ſays the Planks of the Roof were covered with Bricks and Mortar,
over which Hides were laid, to prevent the Mortar from diſſolving by the
Water which the Beſieged might pour down upon it: and to ſecure it from
Stones and Fire, it was again covered over with thick quilted Mattreſſes pro-
perly prepared. All this was done under Mantles, after which it was thruſt
forward on a ſudden from the Tower to the Walls. Beſides this, there was
another kind of Muaſculus, that was uſed for levelling the Ground, and laying
the Planks on which the Tortoiſes and moving Towers were to advance to the
Ditch. They were like this, of greater length than breadth, and equal in
breadth to the way they were to level. There were ſeveral other Machines
intended to cover the Soldiers, called Crates, Plutei, Vineæ, which I ſhall not
undertake to deſcribe here, to avoid Prolixity. They may be compriſed in ge-
neral under the Name of Mantles, or Sheds.
VI. THE Catapulta and Baliſtia were intended for diſcharging Darts,
Arrows, and Stones. They were of different fizes, and conſequently pro-
duced more or leſs effect. Some were uſed in Battles, and might be called
Field-pieces: others were employed in Sieges, which was the uſe moſt com-
monly made of them. The Baliſtæ muſt have been the heavieſt and moſt dif-
ficult fo carry, becauſe there was always a greater number of Catapultæ in
the Armies. Livy, in his Deſcription of the Siege of Carthage, ſays, that
there were an hundred and twenty great, and more than two hundred ſmall
Catapulte taken, with thirty-three great Baliſſæ, and fifty-two ſmall ones.
Foſephus mentions the fame difference amongſt the Nomans, who had three
hundred Catapultæ, and forty Baliſtæ, at the Siege of Feruſalem. Theſe
Machines had a force which it is not eaſy to comprehend, but which all good
Authors atteſt. Vegetius ſays, that the Baliſtæ diſcharged Darts with ſo much
rapidity and violence, that nothing could reſiſt their force. Aibeneus tells us,
that Ageſiſtratus made one of little more than two Foot in length, which ſhot
XCV
Darts
xcvi
J a _—
N
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
Darts almoſt five hundred Paces. Theſe Machines were not unlike our Croſs-
bows. There were others of much greater force, which threw Stones of three
hundred weight, upwards of an hundred and twenty-five Paces. We find
ſurpriſing effects of them in 7o/ephus. The Darts of the Catapultæ, he tells
us, deſtroyed abundance of People. The Stones from the Baliſiæ beat down
the Battlements, and broke the Angles of the Towers; nor was there an
Phalanx ſo deep, but one of theſe Stones would ſweep a whole File of it
from one end to the other. Folard, in his Commentary upon PolWius, ſays
their force was very near equal to that of Artillery.
VII. THE Ram was compoſed of a large long Beam, armed at one end
with Iron in the form of a Ram's Head, and of the fame bigneſs with the
Beam. This piece of Wood was ſuſpended by Chains in æquilibrio, in order
to be ſet in motion with the greater eaſe. An hundred Men, more or leſs, -
worked it by main Strength, to ſtrike it againſt a Wall or Rampart, in order to
beat them down after having ſhaken them by repeated Blows. Care was taken
to clothe this Beam with wet Leather, to prevent its being ſet on fire. It
was ſlung under a kind of moving Tortoiſe or Gallery, which covered more
than half of it, in order to ſhelter thoſe who worked the Ram from the
Stones and Darts of the Beſieged. The effects of this Machine were prodigi-
ous. As it was one of thoſe that did moſt hurt, many Methods were con-
trived to render it uſeleſs. Fire was darted upon the Roof that covered, and
the Timber that ſupported it, in order to burn them with the Ram. To
deaden its Blows, Sacks of Wool were let down againſt the Place at which it
was levelled. A Machine was alſo made ule of againſt it, called the Walt,
by way of oppoſition to the Ram, with which they endeavoured to grapple it,
in order to draw it to themſelves, or break it. To/ephus relates a ſurpriſing
action of a Jew, who, at the Siege of Jotophat, threw a Stone of an uncom-
mon ſize upon the Head of the Ram with ſuch violence, that he looſened it
from the Beam, and made it fall down. He leaped afterwards from the top
of the Wall to the bottom, took the Head from the midſt of the Enemy, and
carried it back with him. He received five Arrows in his Body ; and not-
withſtanding thoſe Wounds, boldly kept his Poſt, till through loſs of Blood
and Strength, he fell from the Wall, and the Ram's Head with him, with
which he would never part.
VIII. THE moving Towers were made of an aſſemblage of Beams and
ſtrong Planks, not unlike a Houſe. To ſecure them againſt the Fires thrown
by the Beſieged, they were covered with raw Hides, or with pieces of Cloth
made of Hair. Their height was in proportion to their Baſe. They were
ſometimes thirty Foot {quare, and ſometimes forty or fifty; They were higher
than the Walls or even Towers of the City. They were ſupported upon ſe-
veral Wheels according to mechanick Principles, by the means of which the
Machine was eaſily made to move, how great ſoever it might be. The Town
was in great danger if this Tower could approach the Walls: for it had Stairs
from one Story to another, and included different methods of attack. At bot-
tom it had a Ram to batter the Wall, and on the middle Story a Draw-bridge,
made of two Beams with Rails of Basket-work, which let down eafily upon
the Wall of the City, when within reach of it. The Beſiegers paſſed upon
this Bridge to make themſelves maſters of the Wall. Upon the higher Stories
were Soldiers armed with Partizans, and miſhve Weapons, who kept a perpe-
tual diſcharge upon the Works, When Affairs were in this poſture, a Place
ſeldom
EE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
ſeldom held out long: for what could thoſe hope who had nothing to confide
in but the height of their Ramparts, when they ſaw others ſuddenly appear
which commanded them? The People of Vamur demanded to capitulate,
when Cæſar's Tower, of which they had made a Jeſt whilſt at a diſtance,
was ſeen to move towards them very faſt, They believed this a Prodigy, ſays
Ceſar, and were aſtoniſhed that Men of our ſize ſhould think of carrying fo
vaſt and heavy a Machine to their Walls. Their Deputies obſerved, that the
Romans were doubtleſs aſſiſted by the Gods in their Wars, ſince they could
make Machines of ſo enormous a ſize advance ſo ſwiftly. It is indeed no
wonder they were ſurpriſed, as they had neither ſeen nor heard of any ſuch
thing before, and as this Tower ſeemed to advance by Inchantment and of itſelf,
the mechanic Powers that moved it being imperceptible to thoſe of the
Place. Theſe Towers were ſometimes ſurrounded with Corridors or Galleries
at each Story, to prevent their being ſet on fire: and indeed nothing better
could have been invented for this purpoſe, as the Galleries were filled with
Troops armed with miſſive Weapons, who made their diſcharges from behind
the Parapets, if we may ſo term them, and were always ready to pull out the
Darts of Fire, and extinguiſh all other Combuſtibles thrown againſt the Tower;
fo that it was impoſſible for the Fire to make the leaſt progreſs, the Remedy
being always at hand. Theſe Corridors were built upon Beams that projected
five or ſix Foot beyond the Tower, ſeveral of which kind are till to be ſeen
upon Trajar's Column. 5
IX. HAVING thus deſcribed the principal Machines made uſe of by the
Ancients in Sieges, I now proceed to the Attack and Defence of Places, which
I ſhall treat in as brief a manner as poſſible, confining myſelt to the moſt eſ-
ſential Parts, When Cities were extremely ſtrong and populous, they were
ſurrounded with an Intrenchment on the fide next the Town, and another
on that towards the Country. Theſe were called Lines of Circumvallation
and Contravallation. The Beſiegers pitched their Camp between theſe two
Lines. Thoſe of Contravallation were againſt the beſieged City, the others
againſt Attempts from without, When it was foreſeen that the Siege would
be of long duration, it was often changed into a Blockade, and then the two
Lines in queſtion were ſolid Walls of ſtrong Maſonry, flanked with Towers at
proper diſtances. There is a remarkable Example of this at the Siege of Pla-
tæa by the Lacedemonians and Thebans, of which Thucydides has left us a
very. particular Account. The two ſurrounding Lines were compoſed of two
Walls fixteen Foot diſtant, and the Soldiers lay in that Space, which was di-
vided into Quarters ; ſo that it might have been taken for only one Wall with
high Towers from diſtance to diſtance. Theſe Towers occupied the whole
Interval, in order to enable the Beſiegers to defend themſelves at the ſame time
- againſt thoſe within and thoſe without. The Quarters of the Soldiers could
not be gone round without croſſing the Towers, and the top of the Wall was
$kirted with a Parapet of Oſier. There was a Ditch on each fide, the Earth of
which had been uſed to make Bricks for the Wall. In this manner Thucydides
deſcribes theſe two ſurrounding Walls, which were of no great circumference,
the City being very ſmall. This Siege, or rather Blockade, was very famous
among the Ancients, and the more on account of the ſurpriſing eſcape of the
Garriſon, notwithſtanding all theſe Fortifications. For this purpoſe they ap-
plied Ladders to the inward Wall. After they had got upon the Platform,
and ſeized the two adjoining Towers, they drew up the Ladders, and let
them down on the other fide of the outward Wall, by which they deſcended
e 5 to
Xcviii A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
to the bottom, drawing up in Line of Battle as faſt as they came down. In
this manner by the favour of a dark Night, they got ſafe to Athens.
X. THE Camp of the Roman Army before Vumantia, took up a much
greater extent of Ground. That City was four and twenty Stadia in circum-
ference, that is to ſay, a League. Scipio, when he inveſted it, cauſed a Line
of Circumvallation to be drawn, which incloſed more than twice the Ground
the City ſtood upan. When this Work was finiſhed, another Line was thrown
up againſt the Beſieged, at a reaſonable diſtance from the firſt, compoſed of
a Rampart of eight Foot thick by ten high, which was ſtrengthened with ſtrong
Paliſades. The whole was flanked with Towers of an hundred Foot from each
other. It is not eaſy to comprehend in what manner the Romans com-
pleated theſe immenſe Works; a Line of Circumvallation of more than two
Leagues in compaſs! but nothing is more certain than the Fact. He alſo
erected four Forts upon the Banks of the River Duæra, contiguous to the
Lines; and contrived a Stoccado or Chain of floating Beams, pierced through
croſs-wiſe with long Stakes pointed with Iron, to prevent Barks from en-
tering, and Divers from getting any Intelligence of what was doing in the
Camp.
XI. CASAR's Circumvallation before Aleſia, was formed of Faſcines
inſtead of Turf, with its Parapet and Fraiſe made of large Stakes, whoſe
Branches were cut in points, and burnt at the ends, like Stags Horns.
They ſeemed like Wings at the foot of the Parapet, or like the Oars of a Gal-
ley inclining downwards. Of the ſame nature are the Fraiſes of the Moderns,
that are far from being ſo well imagined, and are ſmooth-pointed Paliſades,
bending downwards to prevent ſcaling. The Moderns fix them in the fame
manner at the bottom of the Parapet, where they form a kind of Cincture very
agreeable to the Eye. I he Battlements mentioned by Cz/ar were like the mo-
dern Embrazures for Cannon, Here the Archers were placed. Upon the Pa-
rapet 'of the Towers, field Baliſtas were planted to flank the Works. Theſe
Towers were not always of Wood, but ſometimes of Earth covered with Turf,
or ſtrengthened with Faſcines. They were much higher than the reſt of the
Intrenchment, and ſometimes had Towers of Wood raiſed upon them for bat-
tering the Places that commanded the Camp. Some Authors have believed,
that theſe Intrenchments and Works of the Ancients in the Field, were per-
pendicular: but that Opinion is very abſurd. Theſe had a Platform with its
Talus or Slope, and ſometimes Banquettes, in the form of Steps for aſcending ;
| beſides which, at the Towers, there were Ways made to go up. All this was
indiſpenſably neceſſary in Cz/ar's Lines, as they were very high, to prevent the
Earth from falling away.
XII. THUS much for the two Lines of Circumvallation. We proceed now
to the Ground incloſed between the two Foflts, which is far the moſt curious part
of this celebrated Blockade, and will be beſt explained in Cz/ar's own Words.
« As the Soldiers were employed at the ſame time to fetch Wood and Provi-
« ſions from a conſiderable diſtance, and to work at the Fortifications, and
ce the Enemy often fallied at ſeveral Gates to interrupt them; Cæſar found it
* neceſſary to make ſome addition to his Lines, that they might not require
« ſo many Men to guard them. He therefore took Trees of no great height,
oe
e or large Branches, which he cauſed to be made ſharp at the ends, and run-
« ning a Trench of five Foot deep before the Lines, he ordered them to be
| 64
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THE ROMAN ART OF AR.
« put into it, and made faſt at bottom, ſo that they could not be pulled up.
« This Trench was again filled up in ſuch a manner that nothing but the tops
ce of the Branches appeared, of which the points muſt have run into thoſe
&« who ſhould have: endeavoured to paſs them. As there were five Rows of
« them interwoven in a manner with each other, they were unavoidable. In
« the front of theſę he cauſed Pits of three Foot deep to be dug, in the
ce form of the Quincunx. In thoſe Pits he fixed ſtrong Stakes, burnt and
« ſharpened at the top, which roſe only four Inches above the level of the
« Ground, into which they were planted three Foot deeper than the Pits, for
cc the ſake of firmneſs. The Pits were covered over with Buſhes to deceive the
« Enemy. There were eight Rows of them, at thei diſtance of three Foot
« from each other. In the front of all he ſowed the whole ſpace between the
« Pits and the advanced Ditch, with Crows-Feet of an extraordinary ſize,
« which the Soldiers called Spurs. The other Line, to prevent Succours from
without, was intirely the ſame with this.
XIII. TH O' Treriches, oblique Lines, Mines, and other the like Inven-
tions, ſeem neither often nor clearly expreſſed in Authors, we can hardly ſup-
oſe with reaſon, that they were not in uſe amongſt the Greeks and Romans.
Is it probable, that with the Ancients, whoſe Generals, among their other ex-
cellent Qualities, had in an eminent degree that of taking great care to ſpare
the Blood and Lives of their Soldiers, Approaches were made in beſieging
without any precautions againſt the Machines of the beſieged, whoſe Ramparts
were ſo well provided, and Defence ſo bloody? Tho' there were no mention
of this in any of the Hiſtorians, who might poſlibly in the Deſcription of
Sieges omit this Circumſtance, as well known to all the World; we ſhould not
conclude that ſuch able Generals either did not know, or neglected things, on
the one fide fo important, and on the other fo eaſy ; and which muſt natu-
rally have entered the thoughts of every Man, ever fo little verſed in attack-
ing Places. But ſeveral Hiſtorians ſpeak of them; of which one ſhall ſuffice
for all the reſt : this is Poſybius, where he relates the Siege of the City Echinna
by Philip. He concludes the Deſcription of it with theſe Words:“ To cover
« from the Arrows of the Beſieged, as well thoſe that went from the
« Camp to the Works, as thoſe who returned from the Works to the Camp,
& Trenches were drawn from the Camp to the Tortoiſes, and thoſe Trenches
ce covered at top.” Long before Philip, Demetrius Poliocertes had uſed the
ſame method at the Siege of Rhodes, Diodorus Siculus tells us, that famous
Warrior cauſed Tortoiſes, and Galleries cut in the Earth, or covered Mines, to
be made, for communication with the Batteries of Rams; and ordered aTrench
with Blinds over head, to cover and ſecure the Troops, in going and coming
from the Towers and Tortoiſes. The Seamen and Marines were appointed
for this Service: the Work was four Stadia in length, that is to ſay, five hun-
dred Paces.
XIV. BUT tho' their Approaches were not intirely like thoſe of the Mo-
derns, nor fo deep in the Earth, the Fire from our Works being of a quite
different nature from that of the Catapultæ and Baliſſæ, tho ſurprifingly violent;
yet it is certain from the above Accounts, and others that might be produced
in great number, that they went under cover from their Camp to their Bat-
teries, and uſed more or leſs Precaution, according to the Strength and Valour
of the Beſieged, and the number of their Machines, by which they regulated
the form of their Approaches or Trenches, Theſe were of two forts, The
| farſt
4 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
firſt were compoſed of a Blind of Hurdles or ſtrong Faſcines, placed on the
fide of each other, without any ſpace between them; ſo that they formed a
kind of Wall of five or fix Foot high, with Loop-holes cut from ſpace to
ſpace, between the Faſcines, or through the Hurdles. To {ſupport this Blind,
it is ſuppoſed they planted forked pieces of Wood in the Ground, upon which
long Poles were laid croſs-wiſe, with the Faſcines or Hurdles made faſt to them.
The other kind of Approaches was very different from the former, and
conſiſted of ſeveral Trenches or Galleries of Communication covered at top,
drawn in a right line from the Camp to the Works, or to the Parallels, not
much unlike ours. Theſe Galleries of Communication were cut ten or twelve
Foot broad in the Earth. The Workmen threw up the Earth on both ſides,
which they ſupported with Faſcines, and covered the ſpace with Hurdles and
Earth laid upon Poles and Rafters. The whole length of theſe Galleries in the
Earth, they cut Loop-holes through the ſides and iſſues to go out at. On the
ſides of thoſe covered Trenches or Communications were Eſplanades, or places
of Arms, which extended the whole front of the Attack. Theſe Places were
ſpacious, and capable of containing a great Body of Troops in order of Battle:
for here they were poſted to ſupport their Towers, Tortoiſes, Batteries of
Rams, Baliſtas, and Catapultas, againſt the Sallies of the Beſieged.
XV. THE firſt parallel Trench, next the Body of the Place, was drawn
along the fide of the F ofle, and ſerved as a Communication to the battering
Towers and Tortoiſes of the Beſiegers. This ſort of Communications to the
moving Towers were ſometimes covered at top by a Blind of Hurdles and Faſ-
cines; becauſe as they ran along the fide of the Counterſcarp, they were ex-
poſed to the downright diſcharges of the Towers and Ramparts of the Be-
fieged. Loop-holes were cut in the ſides of them, through which the Beſieg-
ers battered without intermiſſion the Works. Theſe covered Lines ſerved be-
ſides for filling up the Foſles, and had Paſſages of Communication with the
battering Tortoiſes cut in them, which Tortoiſes were puſhed forward upon the
part of the Foſſé filled. When the Walls of a Place were not high, theſe
Trenches were not covered with Blinds, either at top or in front, but only
with a Parapet of the Earth dug out of them, like thoſe of the Moderns. At
ſome diſtance from this Parallel another was cut behind it, which left a ſpace
between them of the nature of our Eſplanades or Places of Arms, Here the
Batteries of Baliſtas and Catapultas were erected, which differed from ours only
in being higher. There was ſometimes a third upon the ſame parallel Line.
Theſe Places of Arms contained all the Troops that guarded the Works. The
Lines communicated by the Galleries or Trenches covered at top.
XVI. IT is certain therefore the uſe of Trenches was well known to the An-
cients, without which they could have formed no Siege. Theſe Trenches are
often mentioned in Authors by the Latin Word Aggeres, which does not always
ſignify Cavaliers or Platforms. The Cavaliers were Mounts of Earth, on which
Machines were planted, and were thrown up in the following manner. The
Work was begun at a ſmall diſtance from that fide of the Fofle next the Coun-
It was carried on under the cover of Mantles or moving Sheds of conſi-
derable height, behind which the Soldiers worked in ſecurity from the Machines
of the Beſieged. This fort of Mantles or Galleries were not always compoſed
of Hurdles and Faſcines, but of raw Hides, Mattreſſes, or of a Curtain made
of ſtrong Cables, the whole ſuſpended between very high Maſts fixed in the
Ground, which broke the force of whatever was diſcharged againſt it. The
Work
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THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
Work was continued to the height of theſe ſuſpended Curtains, which were
raiſed in proportion with it. At the ſame time the void ſpaces of the Plat-
form were filled up with Stones, Earth, and other Materials ; whilſt ſome were
employed in levelling and beating down the Earth, to make it firm, and ca-
pable of ſuſtaining the weight of the Towers and Machines to be planted
upon it. From theſe Towers and Batteries of Baliſtas and Catapultas, an hail
of Stones, Arrows, and large Darts were diſcharged upon the Ramparts and
Works of the Beſieged.
XVII. THE Terraſs which Alexander the Great cauſed to be raiſed againſt
the Rock of Coriænæ was very ſurpriſing. That Rock, which was ſuppoſed
impregnable, was two thouſand five hundred Paces high, and ſeven or eight
hundred round. It was exceſſively ſteep on all fides, having only one Path
hewn out of the Rock, by which no more than one Man could aſcend with-
out difficulty. It was beſides ſurrounded with a deep Abyſs, which ſerved
it inſtead of a Foſſe, and which it was neceſſary to fill up, in order to ap-
proach it. All theſe Difficulties were not capable of diſcouraging Alexander,
to whoſe Valour and Fortune nothing appeared impoſſible. He began there-
fore by ordering the high Fir-Trees, that ſurrounded the Place in great num-
bers, to be cut down, in order to uſe them as Stairs to deſcend into the Foſſeé.
His Troops worked night and day in filling it up. Tho' the whole Army were
employed in their turns at this Work, they could do no more than thirty Foot
a Day, and ſomething leſs a Night, ſo difficult was the Work. When it was
more advanced, and began to come nearer the due height, they drove Piles
into both ſides of the Foſſè at proper diſtances from each other, with Beams
laid croſs, in order to ſupport the weight to be laid on it. They then formed
a kind of Floor or Bridge of Wicker and Faſcines, which they covered with
Earth to equal the height of the fide of the Foſſe, ſo that the Army could
advance on a Way even with the Rock. Till then the Barbarians had de-
rided the Undertaking, believing it utterly impracticable: but when they ſaw
themſelves expoſed to the Darts of the Enemy, who worked upon their Ter-
raſs behind Mantles; they began to loſe courage, demanded to capitulate, and
ſoon aſter ſurrendered the Rock to Alexander.
XVIII. THE filling up of the Foſſés was not always fo difficult as in this
Inſtance, but never failed to require great Precautions and Labour. The Sol-
diers worked under cover in the Tortoiſes, and other the like Machines. The
Fofles were filled up with Stones, the trunks of Trees, and Faſcines, the whole
mingled with Earth. It was neceſſary that theſe Works ſhould be of great ſo-
lidity, to bear the prodigious weight of the Machines planted upon them,
which would have made them fall in, if this kind of Cauſeway had been com-
poſed only of Faſcines. If the Foffes were full of Water, they began by
drawing it off, either intirely or in part, by different Drains, which they cut
for that purpoſe.
XIX. WHILST theſe Works were carrying on, the Beſieged were not
idle. They ran many Mines under the Foffe to the part of it filled up, in
order to carry off the Earth, which they handed from Man to Man into the
City. This hindered the Work from advancing, the Beſieged carrying off
as faſt as the Beſiegers laid on. They uſed alſo another more effectual Strata-
gem, which was to cut large Cavities underneath the Works of the Enemy.
| CC After
. . ˙ . A ˙— WH i SEPT 92.
38 ——
—
— — — -
— — — =
cii
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING
After having removed ſome of the Earth without its being diſcovered, they
ſupported the reſt with Props or large Beams, which they ſmeared over with
Greaſe and other Combuſtibles. They then filled up the void ſpace between
the Props with dry Wood, and fuch things as would ſooneſt burn, and ſet them
on fire. Hence when the Props gave way, the whole fell into a kind of Gulf,
with the Tortoiſes, battering Rams, and the Men employed in working them.
XX. THE Beſiegers uſed the ſame Artifice to make the Walls of Places
fall down. When Darius beſieged Chalcedon, the Walls were ſo ſtrong, and
the Place ſo well provided of all Neceſſaries, that the Inhabitants were in no
pain about the Siege. The King did not make any Approaches to the Walls,
nor lay waſte the Country; he lay till, as if he expected a conſiderable Re-
inforcement. But whilſt the People of Chalcedon had no other thought than
that of guarding their Walls, he opened at the diſtance of three quarters of a
League from the City, a Mine, which the Perfans carried on as far as the
Market-place. They judged themſelves directly under it, from the Roots of
the Olive-Trees which they knew grew there. They then opened their Mine,
and entering by that Paſſage, took the Place, whilſt the Beſieged were ſtill
employed in keeping guard upon the Walls. In the ſame manner A. Servilius
the Dictator took the City Fidenæ, having cauſed ſeveral falſe Attacks to be made
on different fides, whilſt a Mine carried on as far as the Citadel, opened him a
paſſage there for his Troops. Another Dictator, the celebrated Camillus, could
not terminate the long Siege of Veii but by this Stratagem. He undertook to
run a Mine as far as the Citadel of that Place ; and that the Work might not
be diſcontinued, nor the Troops diſcouraged by the length of it, he divided
them into fix Brigades, who relieved each other every fix Hours. The Work
being carried on night and day, it extended at length to the Citadel, and the
City was taken. At the Siege of Athens by Sylla, it is aſtoniſhing to conſider
the Mines and Countermines uſed on both ſides. The Miners were not long
before they met and fought furiouſly under Ground. The Romans having cut
their way as far as the Wall, ſapped a great part of it, and ſupported it in a
manner in the Air on Props of Wood, to which they ſet fire without loſs of
time. The Wall fell ſuddenly into the Fofſe with an incredible Noiſe and
Ruins, and all that were upon it periſhed,
XXI. THE Mines from the Camp to the inſide of a Place were long uſed
before the invention of Sapping, and conſiſted at firſt in only running the
Mine from the Camp to the Wall, and from thence a conſiderable way into
the Place, underneath ſome large Temple, or other great Building little fre-
quented in the Night. When they came thither they cut a large Space, which
they propped up with ſtrong Timbers. They then opened a Paſſage of the
whole breadth of this Space, for entering the Place in greater numbers,
whilft the Soldiers advanced into it through the Mine with the utmoſt diligence.
The other kind of Mines, for ſapping the Foundations of a Wall, were
opened very near the Camp to avoid being diſcovered, and were carried un-
der the Foſſe to the foot of the Wall, when they were inlarged to the right
and left of the Foundations, 'This latter part was made very large, to receive
the great number of Workmen, and long in proportion to the extent of the
Wall to be thrown down. This being done, they begun to ſap at bottom,
and as the Stones were pulled out, and the Work advanced, they propped the
Superſtructure with Timbers four Foot high, which were fixed under the
bottom
THE ROMAN ART OF WAR.
bottom Stones of the Foundation. As ſoon as the Work was finiſhed, they
laid Faggots and other Combuſtibles between the Props; and after they had
ſet them on fire, they quitted that part of the Mine, and repaſſed the Foſſe
to avoid being ſtifled with the Smoke; beſides which, there was reaſon to
fear, that the Wall in falling would break into the Mine, and bury all under
it in its Ruins.
XXII. THE Ancients uſed ſeveral Methods to defend themſelves againſt
the Enemy after the Breach was made. Sometimes, but not fo frequently,
they made uſe of Trees cut down, which they extended along the whole front
of the Breach very near each other, in order that the Branches might mingle
together: they tied the trunks very firmly to one another, ſo that it was im-
poſſible to ſeparate theſe Trees, which formed an impenetrable Fence, behind
which a multitude of Soldiers were poſted, armed with Pikes and long Parti-
zans. Sometimes the Breaches were made fo ſuddenly, either by Saps above,
or under Ground, or by the violent Blows of the Rams, that the Beſieged
often found their Works laid open when they leaſt thought of it. They had
recourſe on ſuch Occaſions to a very ſimple Refuge, in order to gain time to
look about them, and. to intrench behind the Breach. They threw down
upon the ruins of the Wall a prodigious quantity of dry Wood, and other
combuſtible Matter, to which they ſet fire. This occaſioned ſo violent a
Flame, that it was impoſſible for the Beſiegers to paſs through it, or approach
the Breach. The Garriſon of Haliartus in Bzotia thought of this Remedy
againſt the Romans.
XXIII. BUT the moſt uſual Method was to erect new Walls behind the
Breaches, which are now called Retirades, or Retrenchments. Theſe Works
generally were not parallel with the ruined Walls, but deſcribed a kind of Semi-
circle towards the Place, of which the two ends joined the two ſides of the
Wall that remained whole. They did not omit to cut a very large and deep
Ditch before this Work, in order that the Beſiegers might be under the ne-
ceſſity of attacking it with no leſs difficulty, and all the Machines employed
againſt the ſtrongeſt Walls. Hylla having beat down great part of the Walls
of the Piræum with his battering Rams, cauſed the Breach to be immediately
attacked, where ſo furious a Battle enſued, that he was obliged to ſound a
Retreat. The Beſieged improving the Opportunity this gave them, immedi-
ately ran a ſecond Wall behind the Breach. Sylla perceiving it made his Ma-
chines advance to batter it, rightly judging, that being newly built, it could
not long reſiſt their violence. The effect anſwered with no great difficulty,
and he immediately ordered the Aſſault to be given. The Action was warm
and vigorous, but he was at laſt repulſed with loſs, and obliged to abandon
his Deſign. Hiſtory abounds with Examples of this kind.
XXIV. HAVING thus given ſome Account of the Fortifications of the
Ancients, deſcribed the principal Machines made uſe of by them in their
Sieges, and explained their Conduct in the Attack and Defence of Places; 1
might here, agreeably to what I have done in the Chapter upon Battles, en-
tertain the Reader with a Deſcription of ſome of the moſt celebrated Sieges
of Antiquity, in order to give him the juſter Idea of this part of War.
But as this would too much ſwell the Discourse, and is beſides rather curious
than uſeful, becauſe of the great Changes that have been introduced by the
invention
ciii
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invention of Artillery and Gun-powder, I ſhall content myſelf with referting
to the Hiſtorians themſelves, where theſe Sieges are related at large. Thucy-
dides, Polybius, Livy, and Joſephus furniſh abundant Examples of this kind.
The moſt curious and remarkable are thoſe of Platæa by the Lacedemonians
and Thebans ; of Syraciſe by the Athenians ; of Lilybeum, Syracuſe, Carthage)
and Mumantia by the Romans; but above all of Aleſia by Julius Ceſar, and
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other by Jgſepbus, who was an Eye-witnelſs of all that paſſed, that whoever
ruſes them attentively, will meet with every thing that is worth knowing upon
this Subject, and be enabled to form a clear and comprehenſive Judgment of
the high degree of perfection to which the Ancients, and in particular the ©
Romans, had carried this important Branch of the Art of War.
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THE ARGUMENT.
I. Deſcription and Divifion of Gaul. II. Defign formed by the Helvetians of
invading it. III. 3; e V. Difficulties. VII. March. VIII. Czfar's
| Reſolution to hinder it. X. He attacks and defeats them at the River Arar.
XI. Their Embaſſy to Ceſar, and his Anſwer. XIV. Cæſar reduced to great
Straits for want of Corn, by the Perfidy of Dumnorix the Aduan ; whom ne-
vertheleſs be pardons, XVII. Cæſar 1 the Helvetians in a ſecond Baitle.
XXI. They ſurrender, and are obliged to return to their own Country, XXII.
The Gauls congratulate Cæſar upon bis Viftory. XXIII. And complain to
him of. the Irruption of the Germans into Gaul under Arioviſtus. XXVI.
Czſar's Embaſſy to Arioviſtus. XXVII. His Anſwer. XXVIII. Cæſar lead.
bis Army againſt Arioviſtus. XXX. The Cunſter nation that ſeizes his Troops.
XXXI. He animates them by a Speech. X XXII. Interview between Cæſar
and Arioviſtus. XXXVII. "Bredls off by the Approach of the German Ca-
valry. XXXVIII. Perfidy and Cruelty of Arioviſtus. XXXIX. Cæſar and
Arioviſtus prepare for Battle, Manner of fighting in uſe among the Ger-
man Horſe. XLI. Cæſar defeats the Germans with great Slaughter, obliges
them to repaſs the Rhine ; and by one Battle et an end to the Mar.
['3J
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COMMENTARIES
OF HIS
rere.
1 er
1 H E whole Country of Gaul is divided into three Parts: of which
the Belgians inhabit one; the Aguzzains another; and a People, called
in their own Language Celis, in ours Gault, the third. Theſe all
differ from each other in their Language, Cuſtoms, and Laws. The Gault are divi-
ded from the Aquitains by the River Garonne, and by the Marne and the Seine
from the Belgians. Of all theſe Nations the __ are the moſt warlike; as be-
ing fartheſt removed from the Culture and Refinements of the Province, and but
little reſorted to by Merchants, who furniſh the means of Luxury and Voluptu-
ouſneſs. They are alſo ſituated next to the Germans, who inhabit beyond the
Rhine, with whom they are continually engaged in War. For this Reaſon like-
wiſe the Helvetians are diſtinguiſhed by their Bravery beyond the reft of the
Gauls; becauſe they are almoſt conſtantly at war with the Germans, either for the
Defence of their own Territories, or acting themſelves as the Aggreſſors. One of
theſe Diviſions, that which we have faid was poſſeſſed by the Gauli, begins at
the River Rhone, and is bounded by the Garonne, the Orcan, and the Territo-
ries of the Belgians. It touches alſo, towards the Felvetians and Seguani,
upon the River Rhine, extending itſelf northward. The Country of the Bel-
gians, commencing from the remoteſt Confines of Gaul, ſtretches as far as the
lower Rhine, running all the way between the North and Eaft. Aguitain
extends from the Garonne to the Pyrenean Mountains, and that part of the
Ocean which borders upon Spain. Its Situation is North - Weſt.
II. ORGETOR LY was by far the richeſt and moſt illuſtrious of the Helve-
_ tians. This Nobleman, in the Conſulſhip of M. Mefſa/a and M. Piſo, prompted by
an aſpiring Ambition, formed a. Confederacy of the principal Men of the State;
and perſuaded the People to quit their Country in a Body, repreſenting : © that
« as they ſurpaſſed all the Nations around them in Valour, it would be eaſy
« for them to gain the intire Sovereignty of Gaul. He the ſooner brought
them into this Deſign, becauſe the Helverians, by the nature of their Situation,
are every where confined within very narrow Territories: On one fide by
the Rhine, a broad and deep River, which ſeparates their Country from that
of the Germans: On the other by Mount Jura, a high Ridge of Hills, which
runs between them and the Seguani: Laſtly, by the Lake Lemanus, and the
River. Rhone, which is the Boundary on the fide of the Roman Province, By
this
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CASAR's COMMENTARIES.
this means it happened, that they could not fo eafily enlarge their Territories,
or make Conqueſts on the neighbouring States; which, to Men of a warlike
Spirit, and fond of Fighting, was abundant cauſe of Diſcontent : For being a
numerous People, and of great Fame for their Bravery, they thought them-
ſelves much too ſtraitned in a Country, which was but two hundred and oung. -
III. URGED by theſe Conſiderations, and ſtill more by the Authority and
Perſuaſions of Orgetorix, they reſolved to provide every thing neceſſary for an
Expedition; to buy up a great number of Waggons and Carriage-Horſes; to
form large Magazines of Corn, that they might have ſufficient to ſupply them
in their March; to eſtabliſn Peace and Amity with the neighbouring States.
They imagined two Years would be ſufficient for theſe Preparations, and
obliged themſelves by a Law to begin their March on the third. The whole
Management of this Deſign was committed to Orgetorix, who undertook an
Embaſly to the neighbouring States. On this Occaſion he perſuaded Caſticus,
the Son of Catamantales, of the Nation of the „ yt Father. had
for many Years enjoyed the Sovereignty over that People, and been tiled
Friend and Ally by the Senate of Rome, to poſſeſs himſelf of the ſupreme
Authority in his own Country, which his Father had held before him. He
likewiſe perſuaded Dumnorix the Aduan, the Brother of Divitiacus, who was
at that time the leading Man in his own State, and greatly beloved by the
People, to attempt the ſame among the Aduans and the more to ſecure him
to his Intereſt, gave him his Daughter in Marriage. He told them, © That
« they might with the greateſt Facility accompliſh their Deſigns; as he was
« himſelf aſſured of attaining the ſupreme Authority in his own State, which
« was without Diſpute the moſt powerful and conſiderable of all Gaul; and
4e would then employ his whole Intereſt and Forces, to eſtabliſh them in their
ce reſpective Sovereignties. Moved by theſe Conſiderations,” they reciprocally
bound themſelves by a ſolemn Oath; not doubting, when they had once at-
tained the chief Sway in their ſeveral States, with the united Forces of three
ſuch powerful and mighty Nations, to render themſelves Maſters of all Gaul.
The Helvetians having Notice of this Deſign, obliged Orgetorix, according to
the Cuſtom of their Country, to anſwer to the Charge brought againſt him in
Chains: and had he been found guilty, the Law condemned him to be
burnt alive. On the Day appointed for his Trial, he aſſembled all his Slaves
and Domeſticks, amounting to ten thouſand Men; and all his Clients and Debtors,
of which the Number was very great: By their means he reſcued himſelf out of
the Hands of his Judges. While the People, provoked at this Contempt of the
Laws, were preparing to ſupport their Authority by Force, and the Magiſtrates
had aſſembled a great Number of Men for that Purpoſe; Orgetorix died: Nor
are the Helvetians without Suſpicion of his having made away with himſelf.
IV. AFTER his Death, the Helvetians ſtill continued to proſecute with the
ſame Diligence, the Deſign they had formed of quitting their Country. When
they had completed their Preparations, they ſet fire to all their Towns, to the
Number of twelve ; to their Boroughs and Villages, which amounted to four
hundred ; and to their other private Buildings. They likewiſe burnt all their
Corn, 2 what they had reſolved to carry along with them; that having
no Hope of returning to their own Country, they might be the more diſpoſed
to confront all Dangers. Each Man had Orders to carry out with him Pro-
viſions for three Months. The Rauraci, Tulingiam, and Latobrigians, neigh-
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OF HIS VAR SIN GAU L. Book 1.
pouring Nations, being perſuaded to follow the ſame Counſel, likewiſe ſet fire
to their Towns and Villages, and joined with them in the Expedition. The
Boiant too, who had formerly inhabited beyond the Rhine, and paſſing over
into Moricum, had ſettled in that Country, and poſſeſſed themſelves of Moreia
its Capital City, were aſſociated into the Deſign.
V. THERE were only two Ways by which they could march out of their
own Country: One through the Territories of the Seguani, between Mount
ura and the Rhone, narrow and difficult, inſomuch that in ſome Places a
ace File of Waggons could hardly paſs. The impending Mountain was be-
ſides very high and ſteep, ſo that a handful of Men was ſufficient to ſtop
them. The other lay through our Province, far eaſier and readier; becauſe
the Rhone, which flows between the Confines of the Helvetians and Allobrogians,
a People lately ſubjected to the Romans, was in ſome Places fordable: And
Geneva, a frontier Town of the Allobrogians, adjoining to the Territories of the
Helvetians, had a Bridge belonging to this laſt People. They therefore doubted
not, either of perſuading the Allobrogians, who as yet ſeemed to bear no great
Affection to the People of Rome; or at leaſt of obliging them by Force, to grant
them a Paſſage through their Territories. Every thing being now ready for the
Expedition, they appointed a Day for their general Rendezvous on the Banks
of the Rhone. The Day fixed on was the 'Twenty-eighth of March,. in the
Conſulſhip of L. Piſo and A. Gabinius.
VI. C SAR having notice of theſe Proceedings, and that it was the
Deſign of the Helvetiant to attempt a Paſſage through the Province, haſtened
his Departure from Rome; and poſting by great Journeys into farther Gaul,
came to Geneva, He began with breaking down the Bridge over the Rhone;
and as there was at that time but one Roman Legion in Tanſalpine Gaul, he
ordered great Levies to be made throughout the whole Province. The Helve-
tians being informed of his Arrival, deputed ſeveral Noblemen of the firſt Rank,
with Mumeius and Verodoctius at their head, to wait upon him in the name
of the State, and repreſent, © that they meant not to offer the leaſt Injury to
ce the Roman Province; that Neceſſity alone had determined them to the De-
« ſign of paſling through it, becauſe they had no other way by which to di-
ce rect their march; that they therefore intreated they might have his Permiſſion
« for that purpoſe.” But Cæſar bearing in mind, that L. Caſſius the Conſul
had been ſlain, and his Army routed, and made to paſs under the Yoke by the
Hetvetians, did not think proper to grant their Requeſt. Neither could he
perſuade himſelf, . that Men ſo ill affected to the People of Rome, if permitted
to paſs through the Province, would abſtain from Acts of Hoſtility and Vio-
lence. However, that he might gain time, till the Troops he had ordered to
be raiſed could aſſemble; he told the Ambaſſadors he would conſider of their
Demand, and that if they returned by the Nineteenth of April, they ſhould
have his final Anſwer. Meanwhile with the Legion he then had, and the
Soldiers that game in to him from all Parts of the Province, he ran a Wall
ſixteen Feet high, and nineteen Miles in length, with a Ditch, from the Lake
Lemanus into which the Rhone diſcharges itſelf, to Mount Jura, which divides -
the Territories of the Seguani from the Helvetians. This Work finiſhed, he
raiſed Redoubts from ſpace to ſpace, and manned them with Troops, that if
the Enemy ſhould attempt to force a Paſſage, he might be in a condition to
hinder them. When the Day appointed came, and the Ambaſſadors returned
for an Anſwer, he told them; that he could not, conſiſtent with the Uſage and
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
Behaviour of the People of Rome on the like Occaſions, grant any Troops a
Paſſage through the Province: and ſhould they attempt it by Force, he let
them ſee he was prepared to oppoſe them.
VII. THE Helvetians driven from this Hope, endeavoured to force the Paſ-
ſage of the River; ſome with Boats coupled together, or Floats which they
had prepared in great Numbers; others by the Fords of the Rhone, where was
the leaſt Depth of Water; ſometimes by Day, but oftener in the Night: but being
repulſed by the Strength of the Works, the Concourſe of the Troops, and the
Diſcharge of Darts, they at laſt abandoned the Attempt. There was ſtill one
Way left through the Territories of the Sequani, by which however, without
the Conſent of the Natives, they could not march, becauſe of the Narrowneſs
of the Paſs. As they were not able to prevail by their own Application, they
ſent Ambaſſadors to Dumnorix the aduan, that thro his Interceſſion they
might obtain this Favour of the Seguani. Dumnorix by his Popularity and
Generoſity had great Influence with the Sequani, and was alſo well affected to
the Helvetians, becauſe from among them he had married the Daughter of
Orgetorix. Beſides, urged by ambitious Views, he was framing to himſelf
Schemes of -Power, and wanted to have as many States as poſſible bound to
him by Offices of Kindneſs. He therefore charged himſelf with the Negotiation,
obtained for the Helvetians the Liberty of paſſing through the Territories of the
Sequani, and engaged the two Nations mutually to give Hoſtages: The Seguani,
not to moleſt the Helvetians in their march; and the Helvetians, to paſs with-
out offering any Inſult or Injury to the Country. |
VIII. CA SAR ſoon had Intelligence of their march, and that they now
deſigned to paſs through the Country of the Seguani and AEduans into the
Territories of the Santones, which border upon thoſe of the Tolgſatians, a State
that makes Part of the Roman Province, Should this happen, he foreſaw many
Inconveniencies likely to ariſe, from the Neighbourhood of a warlike and diſaffected
People, in an open and plentiful Country. For theſe Reaſons he gave the
Command of the new Works he had raiſed to . Labienus his Lieutenant, and
he himſelf haſtened by great Journeys into 7:aly. There he raiſed two Legions,
and drew three more, that were cantoned round Aguileia, out of their Winter-
quarters; and with theſe five Legions, took the neareſt way over the Alps into
farther Gaul. The Centrones, Graioceli, and Caturigians, ſeizing the higher
Grounds, endeavoured to oppoſe his march. But having repulſed them in
ſeveral Encounters, he in ſeven Days after ſetting out from Ocelum, a City in
the extreme Confines of the nearer Province, arrived among the Yocontians,
whoſe Territories lie within the farther Province. Thence he led his Army
into the Country of the Allobrogians; and croſſing their Territories, entered
upon the Lands of the Szgufrans. Theſe are the firſt on the other fide the
Rhone, beyond the Boundaries of the Roman Province. e eee Rs
IX. THE Helvetians had by this time marched their Forces through the
narrow Paſs of Mount Jura, and the Territories of the Seguani; and were
come into the Country of the AZduarns, plundering their Lands. The Aduans,
unable to defend themſelves and Poſſeſſions from the Violence of their Enemies,
ſent Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar to requeſt Aid. They told him, „That ſuch at
« all times had been their Merit with the People of Nome, that they might
« challenge greater Regard, than to have their Lands laid waſte, their Children
« led into Captivity, and their Towns aſſaulted and taken, almoſt in the very
« Sight
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OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book t.
« Sight of a Roman Army.” At the fame time alſo the Ambarri, Friends and
Allies of the A duans, ſent to inform him: That compelled to abandon the
e open Country, they could hardly defend their Towns from the Rage of the
% Enemy.“ The Allobrogians likewiſe, who had Dwellings and Poſſeſſions be-
yond the Rhone, fled to him for Protection, and aſſured him: “ That there was
« nothing left them but a naked and deſolate Country.” Whereupon Cz/ar,
moved by theſe Complaints and Remonſtrances, reſolved not to wait 'till the For-
tunes of his Allies ſhould be conſumed, and the Helvetians arrive in the Terri-
tories of the Santones. | |
X. THE River Arar flows into the Rhone, thro the Confines of the ZZ duans
and Seguani, with a Current incredibly ſmooth and gentle, inſomuch that it is
impoſſible to diſtinguiſh by the Eye, which way its Waters glide, The Helve-
tians were at this time employed in paſſing it on Floats and a Bridge of Boats.
When Cæſar was informed by his Spies, that three Parts of their Forces were got
over the River, and that the fourth ſtill remained on this Side; he left his
Camp about midnight with three Legions, and came up with the Party of the
Enemy that had not yet paſſed. As he found them unprepared, and incum-
| bered with their Baggage, he attacked them immediately, and killed a great
Number on the Spot. The reſt fled, and ſheltered themſelves in the neareſt
Woods. This was called the Zigurine Canton, being one of the four into which
the whole Body of the Helvetians are divided. This very Canton, in the Me-
mory of our Fathers, marching out of their own Territories, had vanquiſhed and
killed the Conſul L. Caſſius, and obliged his Army to paſs under the Yoke. Thus,
whether by Chance, or the Direction of the immortal Gods, that Part of the
Helvetian State which had brought ſo ſignal a Calamity upon the Roman People,
were the firſt to feel the Weight of their Reſentment. In this Cz/ar avenged not
only the publick, but likewiſe his own domeſtick Injuries ; becauſe in the ſame
Battle with Caſſius, was {lain alſo L. Piſo his Lieutenant, the Grandfather of
L. Piſo, Cz/ar's Father-in-law.
XI. AFTER this Battle, that he might come up with the remaining Forces of
the Helvetians, he cauſed a Bridge to be made acroſs the Arar, and carried over his
Army. The Hetvetians diſmayed at his ſudden Approach, as he had ſpent only
one Day in paſſing the River, which they had with the utmoſt Difficulty accom-
pliſhed in twenty, ſent an Embaſſy to him, at the head of which was Divico,
who had been General of the Helvetians in the War againſt Caſſius. He ad-
dreſſed Cz/ar to this Effect: That if the People of Rome were diſpoſed to
« conclude a Peace with the Helvetiams, they would go and ſettle in whatever
« Country Cz/ar ſhould think fit to aſſign them: but if they perſiſted in the
« Deſign of making War, he would do well to call to mind the ancient Diſ-
cc grace of the Roman People, and the Valour of the Helvetic Nation: That in
ce having ſurpriſed one of the Cantons, while the others, who had paſſed the
« River, could not return to ſuccour it, there was no Reaſon to be much elated
ce on the Advantage, nor to deſpiſe his Enemies: That the Helvetians had learned
cc of their Anceſtors, to depend more on Courage than on Cunning and Am-
« buſhes; and it therefore imported him to beware, not to render the Place
« where they were then poſted famous and memorable with Poſterity, by a new
tc Defeat of the Roman People, and the Deſtruction of their Army.“
XII. TO this Cz/ar replied That he therefore the leſs doubted of the Iſſue,
© as he well knew all the Circumſtances of the Affair to which the Helvetians
referred;
|
CASARS COMMENTARIES
ec referred; and reſented them the more ſtrongly, as they had happened unde-
e ſervedly to the Roman People: That had they been conſcious of any Injury on
« their Side, it would have been eaſy for them to have kept upon their Guard;
« hut herein were they deceived, that neither did they know of any thing which
« might give them cauſe of Fear, nor could they apprehend they had any
« thing to fear without cauſe : That ſuppoſing him inclined to overlook old
e Injuries, could they expect he would allo forget their late Inſults, in attempt-
« ing, againſt his Will, to force a Paſſage through the Province, and laying
« waſte the Territories of the Æduans, Ambarri, and Allobrogians 9 That their
ce boaſting ſo inſolently of their Victory, and wondering that Vengeance had
« been deferred ſo long, were a new Set of Provocations. But they ought to
« remember, that the immortal Gods were ſometimes' wont to grant long Im-
c punity, and a greater run of Proſperity to Men, whom they purſued with the
« Puniſhment of their Crimes, that by the ſad Reverſe of their Condition, Ven-
e geance might fall the heavier. Tho theſe were juſt Grounds of Reſentment,
ce yet, if they would ſatisfy the AQduans and their Allies for the Ravages com-
« mitted in their Country, as likewiſe the Allobrogians, and give Hoſtages for
« the performance of their Promiſes, he was ready to conclude a Peace with
« them,” Divico replied : © That ſuch were the Inſtitutions of the Helvetiams,
« derived from their Anceſtors, that they had been accuſtomed to receive, not
« to give Hoſtages; and that no body knew it better than the Romans.”
Having returned this Anſwer, he departed. |
XIII. THE next Day they decamped. Cæſar did the ſame; and ordered all
the Cavalry, whom, to the Number of four thouſand, he had raiſed in the Pro-
vince, and drawn together from the AMAduans and their Allies, to go before, and
_ obſerve the Enemy's march. But preſſing too cloſe upon their Rear, they were
obliged to engage in a diſadvantageous Place, and loft a few Men. The Helve-
tiam, encouraged by this Succeſs, as having, with no more than five hundred
Horſe, repulſed ſo great a Multitude, began to face us more boldly, and ſome-
times to ſally from their Rear, and attack our Van. Cæſar kept back his Men
from, fighting; thinking it ſufficient for the preſent, to ſtraiten the Enemy's
forages, and prevent their ravaging and plundering the Country. In this man-
ner the Armies marched for fifteen Days together; inſomuch that between our
Van, and the Rear of the Helvetians, the Diſtance did not exceed five or fix
Miles. |
XIV. IN the mean time Cæſar daily preſſed the AÆduam for the Corn which
they had promiſed in the name of the Publick. For by reaſon of the coldneſs
of the Climate, (Gaul, as we have ſaid, lying conſiderably to the North,) he was
ſo far from finding the Corn ripe in the Fields, that there was not even ſufficient
Forage for the Horſes. Neither could he make uſe of thoſe Supplies which
came to him by the way of the Arar, becauſe the Helvetians had turned off
from the River, and he was determined not to leave them. The AZduans put
him off from day to day with fair Speeches; ſometimes pretending that it was
bought up, and ready to be ſent; ſometimes, that it was actually on the way.
But when he faw no End of theſe Delays, and that the Day approached for
delivering out Corn to the Army; calling together their Chiefs, of whom he
had a great Number in his Camp; among the reſt Divitiacus, and Liſcus their
ſupreme Magiſtrate, who is ſtiled Vergobret in the Language of the Country,
and created yearly, with a Power of Life and Death; he ſeverely inveighed
.againſt them: „That at a time when Corn was neither to be procured for
«© Money
|
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cc
OE HIS WARS IN GAUL: Book t.
«© Money, nor had out of the Fields, in ſo urgent a Conjuncture, and while
ec the Enemy was ſo near, they had not taken care to ſupply him * adding,
ce that as he had engaged in that War chiefly at their Requeſt, he had the
* greater Reaſon to complain of their abandoning him.”
XV.. UPON this, Liſcus, moved by Ce/ar's Speech, thought proper to de-
clare what he had hitherto concealed : © That there were ſome among them
« whoſe Authority with the People was very great; and who, tho' but private
% Men, had yet more Power than the Magiſtrates themſelves : That theſe, b
« artful and ſeditious Speeches, alarmed the Multitude, and perſuaded them to
« keep back their Corn ; inſinuating, that if their own State could not obtain
ce the Sovereignty of Gaul, it would be better for them to obey the Helverians,
« Gauls like themſelves, than the Romans; there not being the leaſt Reaſon to
« queſtion, but theſe laſt, after having ſubdued the Helvetiant, would, alon
« with the reſt of Gaul, deprive the Zduars alſo of their Liberty: That the
« very ſame Men gave Intelligence to the Enemy of all the Deſigns of the Ro-
mans, and whatſoever was tranſacted in their Camp; his Authority not bein
* ſufficient to reſtrain them: Nay, that tho compelled by neceſſity, he had now
made a diſcovery of the whole matter to Cz/ar, he was not ignorant of the
« danger to which he expoſed himſelf by ſuch a Conduct; and had, for that
reaſon, choſen to be filent, as long as he thought it conſiſtent with the ſafety
<« of the State.” Cæſar perceived, that Dymnorix, the Brother of Divitiacus,
was pointed at by this Speech. But as he was unwilling that theſe matters
ſhould be debated in the preſence of ſo many Witneſſes, he ſpeedily diſmiſſed the
Council, retaining only Liſcus. He then queſtion'd him apart on what he had
juſt aid, and was anſwered with greater courage and freedom. He put the ſame
Queſtions to others alſo in private, who all confirmed the truth of what had been
told him: © That Damnorix was a Man of an enterpriſing Spirit, fond of Re-
« volutions, and in great favour with the People, becauſe of his liberality :
That he had for .many Years farmed the Cuſtoms, and other publick Revenues
of the Mauans, at a very low price; no one daring to bid againſt him: That
by this means he had conſiderably increaſed his Eftate, and was enabled to
« extend his Bounty to all about him: That he conſtantly kept a great number
« -of- Horſemen in pay, who attended him wherever he went: That his Intereſt
was not confined merely to his own Country, but extended likewiſe to the heigh-
& bouring States: That the better to ſupport this Intereſt, he had married his Mo-
ther to a Man of principal rank and authority among the Biturigiant, had himſelf
taken a Wife from amongſt the Helverians, and matched his Siſter and the reſt
of his Kindred into other the moſt powerful States : That he favoured and
« wiſhed well to the Helvetians on the ſcore of that Alliance, and perſonally hated
Cz/ar, and the Romans, becauſe by their arrival his Power had been diminiſhed,
and Divitiacus his Brother reſtored to his former Credit and Authority: That
ſhould the Romans be overthrown, he was in great hopes of obtaining the Sove-
reignty by means of the Helvetians. On the contrary, ſhould they prevail, he
« muſt not only give up theſe Hopes, but even all Expectation of retaining the In-
« fluence he had already acquired.” Cæſar likewiſe found upon Inquiry, that in
the laſt Engagement of the Horſe, Dumnorix, who commanded the Æduan Cavalry,
was the farſt that fled, and by that flight ſtruck a Terror into the reſt of the
Troops. | | IF | |
on
cc
XVI. THESE things appearing, and other undoubted circumſtances con-
curring to heighten his Suſpicions: That he had procured for the Helvetians a
5 D Paſſage
10 CA SARS COMMENTARIES
Paſſage through the Territories of the Semuani: That he had effected an exchange
Of Hoſtages between the two Nations: That he had done all this not only without
Permiſſion from him, or his own State, but even without their Knowledge and
Participation: That he was accuſed by the chief Magiſtrate of the Aduans :
They ſeemed altogether a ſufficient ground to Cæſar, why he ſhould either him-
ſelf take cognizance of the Matter, or order the State to proceed againſt him.
One thing, however, till kept him in ſuſpence; the Conſideration of his Bro-
ther Divitiacus, a Man of ſingular Probity, Juſtice, and Moderation; a faith-
ful Ally of the Roman People, and on the foot of Friendſhip with Cz/ar. That
he might not therefore give offence to one for whom he had fo great a Value:
before he took any farther Step in the Affair, he ſent for Divitiacus; and
having removed the uſual Interpreters, addreſſed him by C. Valerius Procillus, a
Prince of the Province of Gaul, his intimate Friend, in whom he repoſed the
greateſt Confidence. He put him in mind of what had been ſaid of Dumnorix in
his own preſence in the Council of the Gault, and repeated the freſh Complaints
made to himſelf againſt him in private. He urged, and even requeſted, that with-
out Offence to him, he might either proceed againſt him himſelf, or order the State
to take the Matter under Confideration. Divitiacus embracing Ceſar with
many Tears, begged him not to take any ſevere Reſolution againſt his Brother.
« He was ſenſible,” he told him, © of the truth of all that was alledged, and
« had himſelf more reaſon to be diſſatisfied than any Man: that at a time
* « when his Authority was great, both at home and in the other Provinces of
=. « Garwl, and his Brother but little conſidered on account of his Youth, he had
: | ce uſed all his Intereſt to bring him into Credit: That though Dumnorix had
« made uſe of that Power acquired by his means, to diminiſh his Favour with
ce the People, and even to urge on his Ruin, he nevertheleſs ſtill found himſelf
« ſwayed by natural Affection, and a Regard for the Eſteem of the Publick :
« That ſhould his Brother meet with any rigorous Treatment from Cæſar, while
cc he himſelf poſſeſſed fo large a ſhare of his Favour, all Men would believe it
« done with his Conſent, and the Minds of the Gault be for ever alienated
« from him.“ Cæſar obſerving his concern, took him by the Hand, comforted
him, defited him to make an end of ſpeaking, aſſured him, that ſuch was his
Regard for him, he would for his fake overlook not only his own Injuries, but
even thoſe of the Republick. He then ſent for Dummorix, call'd him into his
Brother's Preſence, declared the Subjects of Complaint he had againſt him, men-
tioned what he himſelf knew, what was laid to his Charge by the State, and ad-
moniſhed him for the future to avoid all cauſe of Suſpicion ; adding, that he
would forgive what was paſt for the ſake of his Brother Divitiacus. He ap-
pointed, however, ſome to have an Eye over him, that he might be informed of
his Behaviour, and of thoſe he converſed with. a |
XVII. THE fame Day, having learnt by his Scouts, that the Enemy had
4 poſted themſelves under a Hill about eight Miles from his Camp, he ſent out
a Party to view the Ground, and examine the aſcent of the Hill. Theſe report-
ing it to be extremely eaſy, he detached 7. Labienus his Lieutenant about mid-
night, with two Legions, and the ſame Guides who had examined the Ground
the Day before ; and having acquainted him with his Deſign, ordered. him to
get poſſeſſion of the top of the Hill He himſelf ſet out three Hours after
with the reſt of the Army, by the ſame Rout the Helvetians had taken, and
ſent all the Cavalry before. P. Confidius, an Officer of Reputation, who had
ſerved in the Army of L. Hlla, and afterwards in that of M. Crafſus, advanced
-with a ſmall Party to get Intelligence. | * 5
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book. 1.
XVIII. AT day-break, when Labienus had got poſſeſſion of the Top of the
Hill, and Cæſar was within a Mile and a half of the Enemies Camp; while
they in the mean time, as he afterwards learnt from the Priſoners, knew nothing
either of his, or Labienuss Approach: Confidius came galloping back, and
aſſured Ce/ar, that the Summit of the Mountain was poſſeſſed by the Enemy,
and that he had ſeen the Gal/ick Arms and Enſigns there. Cæſar retired to a
neighbouring Hill, and drew up his Men in order of Battle. Labienus, whoſe
Inſtructions were, not to engage the Enemy till he ſaw the reſt of the Army
approaching their Camp, that the Attack might be made on all ſides at the
ſame time; having gained the Top of the Hill, waited the Arrival of our Men,
without ſtirring from his Poſt. At length, when the Day was far ſpent, Cz/ar
underſtood by his Spies, that Labienus was in poſſeſſion of the Mountain, that
the Enemy had decamped, and that Conſidius, blinded by Fear, had reported
what he never ſaw. The reſt of that Day he followed the Enemy at the uſual
diſtance, and encamped within three Miles, of them. |
XIX. THE Day after, as the time drew near for delivering out Corn to
the Army, and as he was not above eighteen Miles from Bibracte, the Capital
of the Æduant, where he hoped to find ſufficient Supplies for the Subſiſtence
of his Troops; he quitted the Purſuit of the Helvetians, and directed his march
thither. The Enemy being informed of this Motion by ſome Deſerters, who
had belonged to the Troop of L. Emilivs, an Officer of Horſe among the Gauls;
and either aſcribing it to Fear in the Romans, the rather, becauſe they had not
attacked them the Day before, though poſſeſſed of the higher Ground; or
flattering themſelves with the Hopes of intercepting their Proviſions: all on
a ſudden changed their Reſolution, and inſtead of continuing their former
march began to purſue and harraſs our Rear. Cæſar obſerving this, retired to
a neighbouring Hill, and ſent his Cavalry to ſuſtain the Charge of the Enemy.
In the mean time he drew up his four veteran Legions in three Lines towards
the middle of the Hill; in ſuch manner, that the two Legions newly raiſed in
Ciſalpine Gaul, and all the Auxiliaries, were 3 above them; and the whole
Mountain was covered with his Troops. He ordered all the Baggage to be
brought into one Place, and committed it to the Charge of thoſe who ſtood
on the upper Part of the Hill. The Helvetiant following with all their Forces,
drew their Carriages likewiſe into one Place; and having repulſed our Cavalry,
and formed themſelves into a Phalanx, advanced in cloſe Order to attack our
Van. . 5 os l
XX. CASA R having firſt ſent away his own Horſe, and afterwards thoſe
of all his Officers, that by making the Danger equal, no Hope might remain
but in Victory; encouraged his Men, and began the Charge. The Romans, who
fought with the Advantage of the higher Ground, pouring their Darts upon the
Enemy from above, eaſily broke their Phalanx; and then fell upon them Sword
in Hand. What greatly incumbered the Gault in this Fight, was, that their
Targets being many of them pierced and pinned together by the Javelins of
the Romans, they could neither draw out the Javelins, becauſe forked at the
Extremity, nor act with Agility in the Battle, becauſe deprived in a manner
of the uſe of their left Arms: fo that many, after long toſſing their Targets to
and fro to no purpoſe to diſengage them, choſe rather to throw them away,
and expoſe themſelves without Defence to the Weapons of their Enemies. At
length however, being overpowered with Wounds, they began to give ground;
and obſerving a Mountain at about a Mile's diſtance, gradually retreated thither.
Having
3
12
CASAR's COMMENTARIES
Having gained the Mountain, and our Men purſuing them; the Boians and
Tulingians, who to the Number of fifteen Thouſand covered their Retreat, and
ſerved as a Guard to their Rear, falling upon the Romans in Flank as they
advanced, began to ſurround them. This being perceived by the Helvetians,
who had retired to the Mountain, they again returned upon us, and renewed
the Fight. The Romans facing about, charged the Enemy in three Bodies;
their firſt and ſecond Line making head againſt thoſe who had been forced to
retreat, and their third ſuſtaining the Aſſault of the Boians and Tulingians,.
The Battle was bloody, and continued for a long time doubtful; but the Enemy
being at laſt obliged to give way, one Part withdrew towards the Hill whither
they had before retreated, and the reſt ſheltered themſelves behind the Car-
riages. During this whole Action, tho it laſted from One o'clock in the
Afternoon till Evening, no Man ſaw the Back of an Enemy. The Fight was
renewed with great Obſtinacy at the Carriages, and continued till the Night
was far ſpent: for the Gault making uſe of their Carts by way of a Rampart,
darted their Javelins upon us from above; and ſome thruſting their Lances
through the Wheels of the Waggons, wounded our Men. After a long Diſ-
pute, we at laſt got poſſeſſion of their Baggage and Camp. A Son and
Daughter of Orgetorix were found among the Priſoners. Only an hundred
and twenty Thouſand of the Enemy ſurvived this Defeat; who retreating all
that Night, and continuing their march without Intermiſſion, atrived on the
fourth Day in the Territories of the Lingones. The Romans mean while made
no Attempt to purſue them; the Care of their wounded, and of burying their
Dead, obliging them to continue upon the Spot three Days. Cæſar ſent Letters
and Meſſengers to the Lingones, not to furniſh them with Corn or other Ne-
ceſlaries, if they would avoid drawing upon themſelves the ſame Treatment
with the Fugitives; and after a Repoſe of three Days, ſet forward to purſue
them with all his Forces.
XXI. THE Heloetians, compelled by ah extreme Want of all Things, ſent
Ambaſſadors to him to treat about a Surrender. Theſe meeting him on the
Way, and throwing themſelves at his Feet; in ſuppliant Terms, and with many
Tears, begged for Peace. Cz/ar gave them no expreſs Anſwer at that time;
only ordered the Helvetians to wait for him in the Place where they then were,
which they did accordingly. Upon his Arrival, he demanded Hoſtages, their
Arms, and the Slaves who had deſerted to their Camp. As the Execution of
all this took up ſome time; about four thouſand Men of the Canton called
Urbigenus, either fearing Puniſhment ſhould they deliver up their Arms, or
induced by the Hopes of eſcaping; becauſe in ſo great a Multitude they fan-
cied their Flight might be LT nay perhaps remain altogether unknown;
ſtole out of. the Camp in the beginning of the Night, and took the Rout of
Germany and the Rhine. Ceſar being informed of it, diſpatched Orders to
thoſe through whoſe Territories they muſt paſs, to ſtop and ſend them back
wherever they ſhould be found, if they meant to acquit themſelves of favouring
their Eſcape. He was obeyed, and the fugitive Urb;genians were treated as
Enemies. All the reſt, upon delivering the Hoſtages that were required of
them, their Arms, and the Deſerters, were admitted to a Surrender. The Hel-
vetians, Tulingians, and Latebrigians, had Orders to return to their own
Country, and rebuild the Towns and Villages they had burnt. And becauſe
having loſt all their Corn, they were utterly without the means of ſubſiſting
themſelves, he gave it in charge to the Allobrogians to ſupply them. Cæſars
Deſign in this was, that the Lands deſerted by the Helvetians might not be
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OF HISSWARSIN' GAUL. Book f.
leſt vacant, leſt the Germans beyond. the Rhine, drawn by the goodneſs of
the Soil, ſhould be tempted to ſeize them, and thereby become Neighbours to
the Allobrogians and the Roman Province in Gaul. The Boians, at the Requeſt
of the Aiduans, who eſteemed them highly on account of their Valour, were
permitted to ſettle 'in their Territories ; where they aſſigned them Lands, and
by degrees admitted them to all the Rights and Privileges of Natives. A Roll
was found in the Helvetian Camp, written in Greek Characters, and brought to
Ceſar. It contained a Liſt of all who had ſet out upon this Expedition capable
of bearing Arms; likewiſe of the Children, Women, and old Men. By this
it appeared, that the Number of the Helvetians was two hundred and fixty-three
Thouſand, of the Twlingians thirty-ſix Thouſand, of the Latobrigians fourteen
Thouſand, of the Rawraci twenty-three Thouſand, of the Bozans thirty-two
Thouſand; in all three hundred and faxty-eight Thouſand, of which ninety-
two Thouſand were fit to bear Arms. A Review being made, by Cz/ar's Com-
mand, of thoſe that returned to their own Country, the Number was found
to be an hundred and ten Thouſand.
XXII. THE War with the Helvetians being ended, Ambaſſadors from all
Parts of Gaul, Men of principal Conſideration in their ſeveral States, waited
upon Cæſar to congratulate his Succeſs. They told him; © That tho they
« were ſenſible the People of Rome, in the War againſt the Helvetiant, meant
« chiefly to avenge the Injuries formerly received from that Nation, yet had
« the Event of it been highly advantageous to all Gaul; becauſe in a time of
« full Proſperity, the Helvetians had left their Territories with deſign to make
« War upon the other States; that having brought them under Subjection, the
« might chooſe themſelves a Habitation at pleaſure, and render all the reſt of the
« Country tributary.” They requeſted, © That they might have his Permiſſion
« to hold by a Day prefixed, a general Aſſembly of all the Provinces of Gaul;
« there being ſome things they wanted to diſcuſs and propoſe to him, which
« concerned the whole Nation in common.” Leave being granted accordingly,
they fixed the Day for the Aſſembly, and bound themſelves by an Oath, not
to diſcover their Deliberations to any, unleſs named for that purpoſe by general
Conſent. | | |
*
XXIII. UPON the riſing of the Council, the ſame Chiefs of the States
as before, returned to Cz/ar, and begged to be admitted to confer with him
in private, of Matters that regarded their own and the common Safety. Their
Deſire being granted, they all threw themſelves at his Feet, and with Tears
repreſented ; . That it was of no leſs Importance to them to have their preſent
Deliberations kept ſecret, than to ſucceed in the Requeſt they were going to
make; becauſe ſhould any Diſcovery happen, they were in danger of being
« expoſed to the utmoſt Cruelties.” Divitiacus the Aduan ſpoke in the name
of the reſt. He told him; © That two Factions divided all Gaul; one headed
« by the Aduans, the other by the Averni; that after a Contention of many
« Years between theſe for the Superiority, the Averni and Seguani came at laſt
© to a Reſolution of calling in the Germans : That at firſt only fifteen Thouſand
e had croſſed the Rhine; but being a wild and ſavage People, and greatly
e liking the Cuſtoms, Manners, and plenteous Country of the Gauls, others
* ſoon followed; inſomuch that at preſent there were not leſs than an hundred
and twenty Thouſand of them in Gaul: That the Æduans, and their Allies,
e had frequently tried their Strength againſt them in Battle; but by a Suc-
ceſſion of Defeats had loſt all their Nobility, Senate, and Cavalry: That
E EF: broken
I3.
14
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
* broken by theſe.Galamities and Loffes, tho formerly they had held the firf
« ſway in Gaul, both by their own Valour, and the Favour and Friendſhip of
<< the People of Rome, yet now they were reduced to the neceſſity of ſending
« their principal Noblemen as Hoſtages to the Seguani, and of obliging them-
« ſelves by an Oath, neither to demand their Hoſtages back, nor implore the
« Aſſiſtance of the Roman People, nor refuſe a perpetual Submiſſion to the
« Dominiori and Authority of the Seguani: That he alone of all the Æauang
« had refuſed to take the Oath, or give his Children for Hoſtages, and on that
« account had fled his Country, and came to Rome to implore the aſſiſtance of
« the Senate; as being the only Man in the State, whom neither the obligation
« of an Oath; nor the teſtraint of Hoſtages, withheld from ſuch a Step: That
tc after all it had fared worſe with the victorious Seguani, than with the van-
« quiſhed dans; becauſe Arioviſtus King of the Germans had ſeated him-
« {elf in their Territories, had ſeized a third of their Lands, the moſt fertile in
« all Gaul, and now ordered them to give up another third in behalf of the
« Harudes, who had paſſed the Rhine a few Months before with twenty-four
« thouſand Men, and wanted a Settlement and Habitations: That in a few
« Years all the native Gauls would be driven from their Territories, and all
« the Germans tranſplant themſelves over the Rhine, the Climate being far
« ſuperior to that of theit own Country, and the way of living not admitting
« a Compariſon : That Arioviſtus, ever ſince the defeat of the Gawls at Ama-
« getobria, had behaved with unheard of Tyranny and Haughtineſs, demand-
<« ing the Children of the firſt Nobility as Hoſtages, and exerciſing all man-
© ner of Cruelties upon them, if his Orders were not implicitly followed in
« every thing: That he was a Man of a ſavage, paſſionate, and imperious
cc Character, Whoſe Government was no longer to be born; and unleſs ſome
« reſource was found in Ge/ar and the People of Rome, the Gals muſt all fol-
« low the Example of the Helvetians, and like them abandon their Country,
c jn order to find ſome other Habitation and Settlement, remote from the
4 Germans, wherever Fortune ſhould point it out to them: That were theſe
«© Complaints and Repreſentations to come to the knowledge of Arioviſtus, he
«© made no doubt of his inflicting the ſevereſt Puniſhments upon all the
“ Hoſtages in his Hands: but that it would be eaſy for Cæſar, by his own
Authority, and that of the Army he commanded ; by the fame of his late
« Victory, and the terror of the Roman Name; to hinder any more Ger-
ce nan from paſling the Rhine, and to defend Gaul from the Inſults of
C Arioviftus.”
XXIV. WHEN Divitiacus had made an end of ſpeaking, all who were
preſent, with many Tears, began to implore Cz/ar's Aid. He obſerved that the
Seqguant alone did nothing of all this; but penſive, and with downcaſt Looks,
kept their Eyes fixed upon the Ground, Wondering what might be the Cauſe,
he queſtioned them upon it. Still they made him no Anſwer, but continued
ſilent, as before, with the ſame Air of Dejection. When he had interrogated
them ſeveral times, without being able to obtain one Word in return, Divitiacus
the £duan again reſumed the Diſcourſe, and obſerved : © That the Condition
« of the S:guani was by ſo much more deplorable and wretched than that of
« the reſt of & the Gaus; as they alone durſt not, even in ſecret, complain of their
„ Wrongs, or apply any where for Redreſs; and no leſs dreaded the Cruelty of
“ Arioviſtus, when abſent, than if actually preſent . before their Eyes: That
other States had it ſtill in their Power to eſcape by flight; but the Sequar!,
* who had received him into their Territories, and put him in poſſeſſion of all
ce their
OF HIS ARS IN GAUL. Book t.
te their Towns, were expoſed upon Diſcovery to every kind of Torment.” Cz/ar
being made acquainted with theſe Things, encouraged the Gault, and promiſed
to have a regard to their Complaints. He told them: „That he was in great
% Hopes Arioviſtus, induced by his Intercetiion, and the Authority of the People
« of Rome, would put an end to his Oppreſſions. Having returned this
Anſwer, he diſmiſſed the Affembtly. 7 |
XXV. MANY urgent Reafons occurred upon this Occafion to Cæſar, why
he ſhould conſider ſeriouſly of the Propoſals of the Gauls, and redreſs the Inju-
ries of which they complained. He faw the Æauans, Friends and Allies of the
People of Rome, held in fubjection and ſervitude by the Germans, and compelled
to give Hoſtages to Avioviſius and the Sequani; which, in the preſent flouriſh-
ing State of the Roman Affairs, feemed highly diſhonourable both to himſelf
and the Commonwealth. He faw it likewiſe of dangerous Conſequence, to
ſuffer the Germans by little and little to tranſport themſelves over the Rhine, and
ſettle in great multitudes in Gaul. For that fierce and ſavage People, having
once poſſeſſed themſelves of the whole Country of Gaul, were but too likely, after
the Example of the Teutones and Cimbri, to break into the Roman Province, and
thence advance to Italy itſelf ; more eſpecially as the Rhoxe was the only Boun-
dary by which the Seguani were divided from the Territories of the Republick.
It therefore appeared neceſſary to provide without Delay againſt theſe Evils ;
and the rather, becauſe Arioviſtus was become ſo inſolent, and took ſo much
upon him, that his Conduct was no longer to be endured.
XXVI. FOR theſe Reaſons he thought proper to ſend Ambaſſadors to Ario-
viſtus, to deſire he would appoint a Place for an Interview, that they might dif-
courſe together about ſome publick Affairs of the higheſt Importance to them
both. Arioviflus replied : “ That if he had wanted any thing of Cz/ar, he
« would himſelf have waited on him for that purpoſe; and if Cæſar had any
« thing to deſire of him, he muſt likewiſe come in Perſon to demand it: That
ce for his own part, he could neither venture into theſe Provinces of Gaul where
« Ceſar commanded without an Army, nor bring an Army into the Field
without great Trouble and Expence : That he beſides wondered extremely,
« what Buſineſs, either Cz/ar, or the People of Rome, could have in his Divi-
« ſion of Gaul, which belong'd to him by right of Conqueſt.” This Anſwer
being reported to Cæſar, he again ſent an Embaſly to him to this effect:
« That fince, notwithſtanding the great Obligations he lay under both to him-
« {elf and the People of Rome, in having, during his Conſulſhip, been declared
„ King and Ally by the Senate; he yet manifeſted fo little Acknowledgment to
te either, as even to refuſe an Interview, and decline treating of Affairs that re-
« garded the common Intereſt ; theſe were the Particulars he required of him:
e Firſt, not to bring any more Germans over the Rhine into Gaul. Secondly,
ce to reſtore the Hoſtages he had taken from the Mduans, and permit the Se-
« quani likewiſe to do the ſame. Laſtly, to forbear all Injuries towards the
« /Eduans, and neither make war upon them nor their Allies. That his com-
« pliance with theſe Conditions would eſtabliſh a perpetual Friend ſhip and
« Amity between him and the People of Rome. But if he refuſed Conditions
« fo juſt; as the Senate had decreed in the Conſulſhip of M. Meſſala and
« M. Piſo, that whoever had the charge of the Province of Gaul, ſhould, as
« far as was conſiſtent with the Intereſt of the Commonwealth, defend the
« Aduans, and the other Allies of the People of Rome; he thought himſelf
bound not to overlook their juſt Complaints.”
XXVII.
15
—
. _ — — a
a *s. , *
„% —— . — j— Tarn,
>. — _ — —
16
CESARSCOMMENTARIES
XXVII. T O this Arioviſtus replied : © That by the Laws of War, the Con-
ee queror had a right to impoſe what Terms he pleaſed upon the Conquered :
« That in conſequence of this, the People of Rome did not govern the van-
« quiſhed by the Preſcriptions of another, but according to their own Pleaſure:
ce That if he did not intermeddle with the Roman Conqueſts, but left them to
« the free enjoyment of their Rights, no more ought they to concern themſelves
jn what regarded him: That the Æduant having tried the fortune of War,
« had been overcome and rendered tributary ; and it would be the higheſt In-
« juſtice in Ce/ar to offer at diminiſhing his juſt Revenues : That he was reſolved
ce not to part with the Hoſtages the Æaduans had put into his hands; but would
© nevertheleſs engage, neither, to make War upon them nor their Allies, pro-
« yided they obſerved the Treaty he had made with them, and regularly paid
« the Tribute agreed upon; if otherwiſe, the title of Friends and Allies of the
« People of Rome would be found to ſtand them but in little ſtead : That as to
ce Cz/ar's menace of not overlooking the Complaints of the Æduans, he would
« have him know, no one had ever entered into a War with Arioviſtus, but to
« his own Deſtruction : That he might when he pleaſed bring it to a trial, and
« would, he doubted not, ſoon be made ſenſible what the invincible Germans,
« trained up from their Infancy in the exerciſe of Arms, and who for four-
« teen Years together had never ſlept under a Roof, were capable of
ce atchieving.” |
XXVIII. AT the ſame time that Cz/ar received this Anſwer, Ambaſſadors
alſo arrived from the Æduans and Treviri. From the Aduans, to complain:
« That the Harudes, who had lately come over into Gaul, were plundering
ce their Territories; inſomuch, that even by their Submiſſions and Hoſtages they
« yyere not able to obtain Peace of Arioviſtus. From the Trevirz, to inform
him: © That an hundred Cantons of the Suevians, headed by two Brothers,
« Maſua and Cimberius, were arrived upon the Banks of the Rhine, with deſign
« to croſs that River.” Cæſar deeply affected with this Intelligence, determined
to undertake the War without delay, left this new Band of Suevians, joining
the old Forces of Arioviſius, ſhould enable him to make a greater. reſiſtance.
Having therefore with all diligence provided for the ſubſiſtence of his Army, he
advanced towards him by great marches. |
XXIX. THE third Day he was informed that Arioviſtus approached with
all his Forces to take poſſeſſion of Veęſontio, the Capital of the Seguani ; and
that he had already got three days march beyond his own Territories. Cz/ar
judged it by all means neceſſary to prevent him in this Deſign, as the Town itſelf
was not only full of all forts of warlike Ammunition, but likewiſe ſtrongly fortified
by Nature, and commodiouſly ſituated for carrying on the War. For the River
Douæ forming a Circle round it, as if deſcribed with a pair of Compaſſes, leaves
only an Interval of fix hundred Feet, which is alſo inacceſſible by reaſon of a
very high and ſteep Mountain, whoſe Roots. are waſhed on each Side by the
River. This Mountain is ſhut in with a Wall, which forming a Citadel, joins
it to the Town. Hither Ceſar marched Day and Night without intermiſſion ;
and having poſſeſſed himſelf of the Place, put a Garriſon into it.
XXX. WHILST he tarried here a few Days, 'to ſettle the Order of his
Convoys and Supplies, the Curioſity of our Men, and the Talk of the Garwls,
(who proclaimed on all Occaſions the prodigious Stature of the Germans, their
invincible Courage, and great Skill in Arms; inſomuch that in their frequent
| Encounters
OE ETS WARS IN GAUL. Book 1.
Fncounters with them, they had found it impoſſible to withſtand their very
Looks) ſpread ſuch a ſudden terror thro' the whole Army, that they were not
a little diſturbed by the Apprehenſions it occaſioned. This Fear firſt began
a mongſt the military Tribunes, the Officers of the Allies, and others that had
voluntarily followed Cz/ar from Rome; who being but little acquainted with
military Affairs, lamented the great Danger to which they fancied themſelves
expoſed. Some of theſe, upon various Pretences, deſired leave to return.
Others, out of ſhame, and unwilling to incur the ſuſpicion of Cowardiſe, con-
tinued in the Camp. But theſe laſt, incapable of putting on a chearſul Counte-
nance, and at times even unable to ſuppreſs their Tears, ſculked in their Tents,
either bemoaning their Fate, or diſcourſing with their Companions upon the
common Danger. Wills were made all over the Camp, and the Conſternation
began to ſeize even thoſe of more experience, the veteran Soldiers, the Centu-
rions, and the Officers of the Cavalry. Such among them as affected a greater
ſhew of Reſolution, ſaid it was not the Enemy they feared, but the narrow
| Paſſes and vaſt Foreſts that lay between them and Ariovifius, and the Difficulty
there would be in furniſhing the Army with Proviſions. Some even told Cz/ar,
that when he gave Orders for marching, the Army, attentive to nothing but
their Fears, would refuſe to obey,
XXXI. CASA R obſerving the general Conſternation, called a Council of
War; and having ſummoned all the Centurions of the Army to be preſent, in-
veighed againſt them with great ſeverity; for preſuming to enquire, or at all
concern themſelves, which way, or on what deſign they were to march.
« Arioviſius, he told them, “ during his Conſulſhip, had earneſtly ſought the
« Alliance of the Roman People. Why therefore ſhould any one imagine, he
« would ſo raſhly and haſtily depart from his Engagements? That on the con-
« trary, he was himſelf firmly perſuaded, that as ſoon as he came to know
« his Demands, and the equal Conditions he was about to propoſe to him, he
« would be very far from rejecting either his Friendſhip, or that of the People
« of Rome. But if urged on by Madneſs and Rage, he was reſolved upon
« War, what, after all, had they to be afraid of? Or why ſhould they diſtruſt
either their own Bravery, or his Care and Conduct? That they were to deal
“with Enemies of whom trial had been already made in the memory of their
« Fathers, when by the Victory of C. Marius over the Teutones and Cimbri, the
“Army itſelf acquired no leſs Glory than the General who commanded it:
“ That trial had likewiſe been lately made of them in Lalh, in the ſervile
“ War, when they had alſo the Advantage of being exerciſed in the Ro-mar
«* Diſcipline ; on which Occaſion it appeared, how much Reſolution and Con-
« ſtancy were able to effect; ſince they had vanquiſhed in the End thoſe very
Enemies armed and fluſhed with Victory, whom at firſt they had without
* Cauſe dreaded even unarmed. In fine, that they were the very ſame Ger-
4 mans, with whom the Helvetians had ſo often fought, not only in their own
Country, but in Germany itſelf, and for the moſt part come off victorious,
tho they had by no means been a match for our Army: That if the defeat
and flight of the Gaul gave uneaſineſs to any, theſe would readily find upon
enquiry, that Arioviſtus confining himſelf many Months to his Camp and
Faſtneſſes, and declining a general Action, had thereby tired out the Gauls
with the length of the War; who deſpairing at laſt of a Battle, and begin-
ning to diſperſe, were thereupon attacked and routed, rather by Conduct and
Craft, than the ſuperior Valour of the Germans. But tho' a Stratagem of
*
**
cc
o
A
*
0
c
A
C
Lang
F N « even
this kind might take with a rude and uncultivated People, yet could not
I7
18
CR SARS COMMENTARIES
« even the German himſelf hope that it would avail againſt a Roman Army:
« That as to thoſe who ſheltered their Cowardiſe under the Pretence of nar-
« row Paſſes, and the Difficulty of procuring Proviſions, he thought it ar-
« gued no {mall Preſumption in them, either to betray ſuch a diſtruſt of their
« General's Conduct, or offer to preſcribe to him what he ought to do: That
« theſe things fell properly under his Care: That the Seguani, Leuci, and
« Lingones were to furniſh him with Proviſions: That the Corn was now ripe
c in the Fields; and that themſelves would ſoon be Judges as to what regarded
« the Ways: That the Report of the Army's refuſing to obey him gave him
« not the leaſt Diſturbance; becauſe he very well knew, that no General had
« ever been fo far {lighted by his Soldiers, whoſe ill Succeſs, Avarice, or other
Crimes, had not juſtly drawn that Misfortune upon him: That in all theſe
c reſpects he fancied himſelf ſecure, as the whole courſe of his Life would
« witneſs for his Integrity, and his good Fortune had ſhewn itſelf in the War
« againſt the Helverians : That he was therefore reſolved to execute without
« delay, what he otherwiſe intended to have put off a little longer; and would
ce give Orders for decamping the very next Night, three Hours before Day, that
« he might as ſoon as poſſible know, whether Honour and a ſenſe of Duty,
« or an ignominious Cowardiſe had the aſcendant in his Army: Nay, that
« ſhould all the reſt of the Troops abandon him, he would nevertheleſs march
« with the tenth Legion alone, of whoſe Fidelity and. Courage he had no
« manner of doubt, and which ſhould ſerve him for his Pretorian Guard.”
Cæſar had always principally favoured this Legion, and placed his chief Confi-
dence in it, on account of its Valour.
XXXII. THIS Speech made a wonderful Change upon the Minds of all,
and begot an uncommon Alacrity and Eagerneſs for the War. The tenth Le-
gion in particular, returned him thanks by their Tribunes, for the favourable
Opinion he had expreſs'd of them, and aſſured him of their readineſs to follow
him. Nor were the other Legions leſs induſtrious, by their Tribunes and
principal Centurions, to reconcile themſelves. to Ceſar; proteſting they had
never either doubted or feared, nor ever imagined that it belonged to them, but
to the General, to direct in matters of War. Having accepted of their Sub-
miſſion, and informed himſelf by means of Divitiacus, in whom of all the
Gauls he moſt confided, that by taking a Circuit of above forty Miles, he might
avoid the narrow Paſſes, and lead his Army thro an open Country; he ſet for-
ward three Hours after midnight, as he had ſaid; and after a march of ſeven
Days ſucceſſively, underſtood by his Scouts, that he was within four and twenty
Miles of Arioviſtus's Camp. |
XXXIII. 4RIOYFISTUS being informed of his Arrival, ſent Ambaſſa-
dors to acquaint him: “ That he was now willing to accept of an Interview,
« as they were come nearer one another, and he believed it might be done
« without Danger.” Cæſar did not decline the Propoſal, imagining he was now
diſpoſed to liſten to Reaſon, fince he offered that of his own accord, which he
had before refuſed at his requeſt: Neither was he without hope, that in
regard of the Benefits he had received, both from himſelf and the People of
Rome, he would, upon knowing his Demands, defiſt from his Obſtinacy. The
fifth Day after was appointed for the Interview. Mean-time, as Ambaſſadors
were continually paſſing and repaſſing, Ariovifus, under pretence that he was
afraid of an Ambuſcade, demanded : © That Cæſar ſhould bring no Infantry with
« him'to the Conference: That they ſhould both come attended by their Ca-
« yalry
OF HIS WARS INGAUL. Book l.
« yalry only: That otherwiſe he could not reſolve to give him a meeting.”
Ceſar unwilling to drop the Deſign of the Interview; but neither caring to
truſt his Safety to the Garls ; thought the beſt way was, to diſmount all the
Gallick Cavalry, and give their Horſes to the Soldiers of the tenth Legion, who
had the greateſt ſhare of his Confidence; that in caſe of Danger, he might
have a Guard on which he could rely. This being done accordingly, one of
the Soldiers of that Legion ſaid pleaſantly enough; © That Cz/ar had done
« eyen more for them than he had promiſed ; that he had only given them
« hopes of becoming his Pretorian Guard; and that now he had raiſed them
« to the Rank of Horſe.”
XXXIV. THERE was a large Plain, and in the midſt of it a riſing Ground
of conſiderable height, equally diſtant from both Camps. At this Place, by
Appointment, the Conference was held. Cæſar ſtationed the Legionary Soldiers,
whom he had brought with him on the Horſes of the Gault, two hundred
Paces from the Mount. ' Arioviftus did the fame with the German Cavalry.
The Converſation was on horſeback, each being accompanied by ten Friends
or principal Officers, for ſo Arioviftus had defired. When they were come to
the Place; Cz/ar began by putting him in mind of the Favours he had received
both from himſelf and the People of Rome; That he had been tiled Friend
« and Ally by the Senate; that very conſiderable Preſents had been ſent him;
« that theſe Honours, conferred by the Romans on very few, and only for ſignal
« Services to the State, had yet been beſtowed on him, not on account of any
« juſt Claim on his Side, but merely by the Favour of Cz/ar, and the Bounty
« of the Senate.” He told him likewiſe, © of the juſt and ancient Alliance
« between the Ro-mans and the Aduans; of the many and honourable Decrees
« of the Senate in their Favour : That they had always held the firſt Rank and
« Authority in Gaul, even before their Alliance with Rome: That it was the
« conſtant Maxim of the Roman People, not only to defend their Friends and
« Allies in the poſſeſſion of their juſt Rights, but likewiſe to ſtudy the Enlarge-
« ment of their Honour, Intereſt, and Dignity : That it could never therefore
« be ſuppoſed, they would ſubmit to ſee them ſtript of thoſe Privileges which
« had belonged to them, before they were received into their Friendſhip.” In
fine, he concluded with repeating the ſame Demands which he had before
made by his Ambaſſadors; © That he would not make War upon the Aduans
ce or their Allies; that he would reſtore their Hoſtages; that if he could not
« oblige any of the Germans to repaſs the Rhine, at leaſt he would ſuffer no
« more of them to come into Gaul.
XXXV. 4RIOFITSTUS ſpoke little to Cz/ar's Demands, but enlarged
greatly on his own Virtues: © That he had croſſed the Rhine, not of his own
« motion, but invited and intreated by the Gawls themſelves: That the great
« Hopes and. Expectatiens they had given him, had been his only Inducement
« to quit his Country and Relations: That he had Settlements in Gaul aſſigned
« by the Gault themſelves; Hoſtages voluntarily ſent; and a Tribute in Con-
« ſequence of the Rights of War; it being the conſtant Practice of Conquerors,
| © to impoſe that Mark of Subjection on thoſe they had ſubdued: That he had
© not made War upon the Gauls, but the Gault upon him: That though all
_ © their ſeveral States had united againſt him, and brought up their Forces with
* defign to cruſh him, he had yet found means to vanquiſh and diſperſe them
ce in one Battle: That if they were again reſolved to try the Fortune of War,
“ he was ready and prepared to receive them; but if they rather choſe Peace,
| * M
*
20
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
te jt was unjuſt in them to refuſe a Tribute, which they had hitherto voluntarily
paid: That the Friendſhip of the People of Rome ought to be an Honour and
« Security to him, not a Detriment; nor had he courted it in any other view:
« but if by their Alliance he muſt. ſubmit to loſe his Tributes, and his Right
« over the People he had ſubdued, he was no leſs willing to give it up, than
« he had been ambitious to obtain it: That he had indeed brought over a
« Multitude of Germans into Gaul, yet not with any Deſign of diſturbing the
Country, but merely for his own Security; as appeared by his not coming
but at the Requeſt of the Natives; and his not attacking them, but defending
« himſelf: That his Arrival in Gaul was prior to that of the Romans, whoſe
« Army had never till that time paſſed the Boundaries of their own Province.
« What could they mean by coming into a Country that belonged to him?
« Or why ſhould they concern themſelves with a part of Gaul that was no leſs
« his Property, than the Province itſelf was that of the People of Rome? If
«. jt would not be allowable in him to make any Attempt upon their Poſſeſſions,
« neither could they without Injuſtice diſturb him in the Enjoyment of his
« Rights. That as to the pretence of Alliance between the Romans and Æauant,
« he was not ſo much a Barbarian, nor ſo wholly a Stranger to the Affairs of
« the World, as not to know; that neither had the /Zauans aſſiſted the Romans,
« in the late War againſt the A/lobrogians; nor received any Aſſiſtance from
c them, in their many Conflicts with himſelf and the Seguani. That he ought
cc to be jealous of Cze/ar's pretended Regard to the Aduans; and had but too
« much reaſon to ſuſpect, that the Continuance of the Roman Army in Gaul
« could be with no other Deſign than that of oppreſſing him. That if he did
ce not therefore depart, and withdraw his Troops out of thoſe Parts, he would
« no longer look upon him as a Friend, but an Enemy. That he was well
ce aſſured, ſhould he even ſlay him in Battle, he ſhould do a Pleaſure to many
« of the Nobles and great Men at Rome, who had explained themſelves to him
« by Couriers, and whoſe Favour and. Friendſhip he might procure by his
« Death: but that if he would retire, and leave him in the undiſturbed Poſ-
« ſeſſion of Gaul, he would not only amply reward him, but engage, at his
« own Coſt and Hazard, to put an end to any War Cz/ar ſhould think fit
ce to undertake.” DEE
XXXVI. MANY Reaſons were offered by Cz/ar, in return to this Speech,
why he could not depart from his firſt Demands: * That neither his own
« Honour, nor that of the People of Rome, would ſuffer him to abandon
« Allies, who had deſerved ſo well of the Commonwealth: That it no way
appeared to him, wherein Arioviſtus had a juſter Claim to the poſſeſſion of
« Gaul than the Romans: That the Averni and Ruteni had been ſubdued by
«© RN. Fabius Maximus; who yet contented with their Submiſſion, had neither
<« reduced their Country into a Province, nor ſubjected it to a Tribute: That
« it Antiquity of Title was to decide, the Romans had an undoubted Right
ce tothe Sovereignty of Gaul. If, on the contrary, the Decree of the Senate was
to take place, Gaul muſt remain free, and ſubje& only to its own Laws.”
XXXVII WHILST theſe things paſſed at the Interview, Cz/ar was in-
formed, that Arioviſtuss Cavalry were drawing nearer the Mount, and had even
aſſaulted the Romans with Stones and Darts. Ceſar immediately broke off
the Conference, retreated to his own Men, and ſtrictly charged them to forbear
all Acts of Hoſtility towards the Enemy. He did not fear the Succeſs of an Action,
with that choſen Legion, againſt the German Cavalry; but he was willing to
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OF HISWARS IN GAU L. Book 1. |
maintain a Conduct perfectly clear, and not give the Enemy the leaſt handle
to aſſert, that they had been treacherouſly drawn into an Ambuſcade by a pre-
tended Conference. When it was known in the Camp, with what haughtineſs
Arioviſtus had behaved at the Interview; that he had ordered the Romans to
depart out of Gaul; that his Cavalry had fallen upon Czſar's Guard ; and
that an end had thereby been put to the Conference ; a much greater Alacrity
and Deſire of fighting ſpread themſelves thro' the whole Army.
XXXVIII. TWO Days after, Arioviſtus ſent Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar, to pro-
ſe a renewal of the negotiation begun; and that he would either again ap-
int a Day for a Conference, or depute ſome one to bring the Treaty to a
Concluſion. Cæſar ſaw no reaſon for granting a ſecond Interview, more eſpe-
cially when he conſidered, that the time before, the Germans could not be
reſtrained from falling upon our Men. Neither was he inclined to ſend any of
his principal Officers; it ſeeming too great a venture, to expoſe them to the perfidy
of theſe Barbarians. He therefore caſt his Eyes upon C. Valerius Procillus, the
Son of C. Valerius Caburus, a young Man of great Merit and Politeneſs,
whoſe Father had been made free of the City by C. Valerius Flaccus.
His ſingular Integrity, and knowledge of the Language of the Gault, which
Arioviſtus, by reaſon of long ſtay in thoſe Parts, ſpoke readily ; fitted him in a
particular manner for this Embaſſy : and as he was likewiſe one, towards
whom it would no way avail the Germans to uſe any treachery, he thought
him leſs liable to an Inſult of that kind. M. Mettius was joined in Com-
miſſion with him, who was allied to Arioviſtus by the rights of Hoſpitality.
Their Inſtructions were, to hear the German's Propoſals, and carry back a
report of them to Cæſar. But no ſooner were they arrived in Arioviſtuss
Camp, than in preſence of the whole Army, calling out to know their Buſi-
neſs, and whether they were come as Spies, he commanded them to be put in
Irons, without ſuffering them to make any reply. |
. |
XXXIX. THE fame Day he came forward with all his Forces, and lodged
himſelf under a Hill, about fix Miles from our Camp. The Day after he
went two Miles beyond it, to cut off Cz/ar's Communication with the Æduans
and Seguani, from whom he received all his Provifions. Cæſar, for five Days
continually, drew up his Men in order of Battle before the Camp, that if
Arioviſius had a mind, he might not be without an Opportunity of coming
to an Engagement. The Germans kept all that time within their Lines; only
we had daily Skirmiſhes with their Cavalry, whoſe manner of fighting was
this. They had about fix thouſand Horſe, who choſe a like number out of
the Foot, each his Man, and all remarkable for ſtrength and agility. Theſe
continually accompanied them in Battle, and ſerved as a Rear-Guard, to which,
when hard preſſed, they might retire: If the Action became dangerous, they
advanced to their relief: If any Horſeman was conſiderably wounded, and fell
from his Horſe, they gathered round to defend him: If ſpeed was required, either
for a haſty Purſuit, or ſudden Retreat, they were become fo nimble and alert by
continual Exerciſe, that laying hold of the mains of the Horſes, they. could
run as faſt as they. | |
XL. CASAR finding that Arioviftus declined a Battle, thought it neceſ-
ſary to provide for the freedom of his Convoys. With this view he marked
out a Place for a Camp, fix hundred Paces beyond that of the Enemy, whither
he marched with his whole Army drawn up in three Lines. The firſt and
G | ſecond
21
22
CAS AR's COMMENTARIES
ſecond Line had Orders to continue under Arms, and the third to employ
themſelves in fortifying the Camp. Arioviſtus ſent fixteen thouſand light-
armed Foot, and all his Horſe, to alarm our Men, and hinder the Work.
But Cz/ar remained firm to his firſt Deſign, ordering the two Lines that
continued under Arms to keep off the Enemy, and the third to go on with
the Intrenchments. The Work being finiſhed, he left two Legions there, with
part of the Auxiliaries, and carried back the other four to his former Camp.
The next Day he aſſembled all his Troops from both Camps, drew them up
according to Cuſtom, and offered the Enemy battle: But they fill refuſing
to come to an Engagement, he retired again about Noon. Arioviſtus then
detached part of his Forces to attack the leſſer Camp. A ſharp Conflict en-
ſued, that laſted till Night. At Sun-ſet Arioviſtus thought proper to ſound a
Retreat, after many Wounds given and received. Cæſar inquiring of the
Priſoners, why Arioviſtus fo obſtinately refuſed an Engagement, found: that it
was the Cuſtom among the Germans, for the Women to decide by Lots and
Divination, when it was proper to hazard a Battle; and that theſe had
declared, the Army could not be victorious, if they fought before the new
Moon.
XLI. THE. Day. after, Ceſar having left a ſufficient Guard in his two
Camps, ranged all the auxiliary Troops before the leſſer Camp, placing them
directly in view of the Enemy for the greater ſhew, becauſe the number of
legionary Soldiers was but inconfiderable, compared with that of the Ger-
mans. Then advancing at the head of all his Forces in three Lines, he
marched quite up to the Enemy's Camp. Upon this the Germans, compelled
by Neceſſity, appeared before their Intrenchments; and having diſtributed
their Troops by Nations, and diſpoſed them at equal diſtances one from
another, the Harudes, Marcomani, Tribocci, Vangiones, Memetes, Sedufrans,
and Suevians; encompaſſed the whole Army with a line of Carriages, to take
away all hopes of Safety by flight. The Women mounted upon theſe Carriages,
weeping and tearing their Hair, conjured the Soldiers as they advanced to
Battle, not to ſuffer them to become Slaves to the Romans. Cæſar having ap-
pointed a Lieutenant and Queſtor to each Legion, to ſerve as Witneſſes of every
Man's Courage and Behaviour, began the Battle in perſon at the head of the
right Wing, obſerving the Enemy to be weakeſt on that fide. The Signal
being given, our Men charged fo briskly, and the Enemy advanced fo ſwiftly
and ſuddenly to meet them, that the Romans not having time to throw theit
Darts, betook themſelves immediately to their Swords. But the Germans
quickly caſting themſelves into. a Phalanx, according to the Cuſtom of their
Country, ſuſtained the ſhock with great firmneſs. Many of our Soldiers leaped
upon the Phalanx, tore up the Bucklers of the Enemy with their Hands, and
wounded thoſe that lay under them. Their left Wing was ſoon routed and
put to flight; but on the right they had the Advantage, and were like to
overpower the Romans by their numbers. Young Craſſus, who commanded
the Cavalry, and was more at liberty than thoſe immediately engaged in the
fight, obſerving this, made the third Line advance to ſupport them. Upon
this the Battle was renewed, and the Enemy every where put to the rout"
Nor did they ceaſe their flight till they had reached the Banks of the Rhzne, 3
about fifty Miles diſtant from the place of Combat. There only a ſew eſcaped,” 3
ſome by ſwimming, others by Boats. Of this laſt number was Arioviſtus, who
imbarking in a ſmall Veſſel he found by the edge of the River, got ſaſe to the
other ſide. All the reſt were cut to pieces in the Purſuit by our Cavalry. :
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0 HISFARS INGAUL. Book 1.
Arioviſtus had two Wives; one a Suevian, whom he had brought with him
from Germany; the other a Morican, Siſter to King Yocion, whom he had mar-
ried in Gaul. Both periſhed in this flight. Of his two Daughters, one was
killed, the other taken Priſoner. C. Valerius Procillus, whom his Keepers
dragged after them in their flight, bound with a triple Chain, fell in with
Ce/ar in perſon, as he was purſuing the German Cavalry. Nor was the
Victory itſelf more grateful to that General, than his good Fortune in recovering
out of the hands of the Enemy a Man, the moſt diſtinguiſhed for his Probity
of the whole Province of Gaul, his intimate and familiar Friend; and to find
the Joy and Succeſs of that Day no way diminiſhed or clouded,” by the loſs of
a Perſon he ſo highly eſteemed. Procillus told him, that Lots had been thrice
drawn in his own preſence, to decide whether he ſhould be burnt alive upon
the Spot, or reſerved for another time; and that the Lot three times favourable,
had preſerved his life. Mertius was likewiſe recovered and brought.
LXII THIS Battle being reported beyond the Rhine, the Suevians, who
were advanced as far as the Banks of that River, thought proper to return to
their own Country. But retreating in diſorder and confuſion, they were
attacked by the Ubians, a People bordering upon the Rhine, and many of
them cut to pieces. Cæſar having in one Campaign put an end to two very
conſiderable Wars, went into Winter-Quarters ſomewhat ſooner than the Seaſon
of the Year required. He diſtributed his Army among the Seguani, left
Labienus to command in his abſence, and ſet out himſelf for Ciſalpine Gaul,
to preſide in the Aſſembly of the States. 5
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THE ARGUMENT.
I. The Confederacy of the Belgians againſt the People of Rome, III. The Rhemi
ſubmit upon the Approach of Cæſar. IV. And inform him of the Strength
and Deſigns of the Confederates. VI. Cæſar paſſes the Axona with his Army,
VII. Bibrax, a Town belonging to the Rhemi, aſſaulted by the Belgians.
VIII. Cæſar relieves it, and obliges the Belgians to retire. | IX. The Armies
drawn up on both fides, but without coming to an Engagement. XI. The
Belgians deſpairing of Succeſs, decamp and return home. XII. Cæſar attacks
their Rear, and makes great Slaughter. XIII. He then marches againſt the
Sueſſiones, and: ob/iges them to ſubmit, XIV. Advancing next into the Country
of the Bellovaci, he pardons them at the Interceſſion of Divitiacus XVI. The
Ambiani ſurrender, but the Nervians fland on their Defence. XXIII. They
are defeated however in a long and bloody Engagement, and almoſt all cut off.
XXIX. Cæſar prepares to attack the Attuatici. XXXI. They ſubmit. XXXIII.
But falling treacherouſly upon the Romans during the Night. X XXIV. Are
many of them cut to pieces, and the reſt ſold for Slaves.
—
Gant LES C&S A R's
COMMENTARIE S
r.
II.
LYN the Winter, whilſt Cæſar was in hither Gaul, as we have intimated
| | above; he was alarmed by frequent Reports, which were alſo confirmed
by Letters from Labienus, that all the Belgians, who, as has been ſaid, poſ-
ſeſſed one of the three Diviſions of Gaul, had joined in a League againſt the
People of Rome, and ratified it by an Exchange of Hoſtages. The Cauſes of this
Confederacy were: Firſt, their Fear leſt the Romans, having ſubdued all the reſt
of Gaul, ſhould next turn their Arms againſt them: And then the Perſuaſions
and Importunity of ſome among the Celts; many of whom, as they had
greatly diſliked the Neighbourhood of the Germans in Gaul, fo were they no
leſs diſpleaſed to ſee a Roman Army take up Winter- quarters and grow habitual
in the Country: Others, from a Levity and Inconſtancy of Temper, were fond
of every Project that tended to a Revolution. In fine, ſome were influenced by
ambitious Views, it being uſual in Gaul, for ſuch as were moſt powerful in their
ſeveral States, and had Men and Money at command, to exerciſe a kind of
Sovereignty over their Fellow-ſubjects, which they foreſaw would be greatly
checked by the Authority and Credit of the Romans in Gaul.
II. CASAR, rouſed by theſe Meſſages and Reports, levied two new Le-
gions in hither Gaul; and early in the Spring, ſent Q. Pedius his Lieutenant to
conduct them over the A/ps. Himſelf, as ſoon as there began to be Forage in
the Fields, came to the Army. He commiſſioned the Senones, and other Gauls
who bordered on the Belgians, to inform themſelves of the Motions and Deſigns
of the Confederates, and fend him from time to time an exact Account. They
all agree in their. Reports; that they were levying Troops, and drawing their
Forces to a general Rendezvous. Whereupon thinking he ought no longer to
delay marching againſt them, and having ſettled the neceſſaty Supplies for
his Army he decamped, and in fifteen Days arrived: on the Confines of the
Belg 1 ans:
III. As his Approach was ſudden, and much earlier than had been expected;
the Rhemi, who of all the Belgians lay the neareſt to Celtic Gaul, diſpatched
Iccius and Autobrogius, the two principal Men of their State, to repreſent to
| Ceſar :
28
— —— —
— — ee ti — 699
CS AR's COMMENTARIES
Ceſar: © That they put themſelves and Fortunes under the Power and Protection
« of the Romans, as having neither approved of the Deſigns of the reſt of the
« Beloians, nor had any ſhare in their Confederacy againſt the People of Rome:
« That on the contrary, they were ready to give Hoſtages, to execute his Com-
« mands, to receive him into their Towns, and to furniſh him with -Corn and
« other Supplies for his Army: That indeed the reſt of the Belgians were all
« in Arms, and that the Germans on this fide the Rhine had affociated with
« them: Nay, that fo univerſal and prevalent was the Infatuation, they had
« not even been able to draw off the Sueſſiones, a People united to them by the
« neareſt Ties of Blood and Friendſhip, who were ſubject to the ſame Laws,
« lived under the ſame Form of Government, and acknowledged but one
© common Magiſtrate.”
IV. CASAR inquiring of the Ambaſſadors, what States had taken up
Arms, of what Name and Conſideration, and what Forces they could bring
into the Field; found : That the Belgians were for the moſt part Germans ori-
ginally, who having formerly croſſed the Rhine, had been drawn by the Fertility
of the Country to ſettle in thoſe Parts, after driving out the ancient Inhabitants :
That in the late Irruption of the Teutones and Cimbri, when all the other
| Provinces of Gaul wetfe over-run, they alone had ventured to ſtand upon their
Deſence, nor ſuffered the Barbarians to ſet foot in their Territories; whence it
happened, that preſuming on ſo well known an Inſtance of their Bravery, they
laid claim to great. Authority, and challenged high military Renown. As to
their Numbers, the Rhemi told him they could give him the moſt exact In-
formation; becauſe in conſequence of their Affinity and Neighbourhood, they
had Opportunities of knowing what Quota of Men each particular State had
promiſed to furniſh in the common Council of Belgium. That the Bellovaci
« held the moſt diſtinguiſhed Rank, as ſurpaſſing all the other States in Proweſs,
« Authority, and Number of Forces: That they were able to muſter an hun-
« dred Thouſand fighting Men, and had promiſed out of that Number fixty
« Thouſand choſen Troops, in confideration of which they demanded the
« whole Adminiſtration of the War. That next to them in Dignity were the
« Sueffiones, a People bordering upon their own Territories, and poſſeſſed of a
« very large and fruitſul Country, over which even of late Years Divitiacus had
ce been King, one of the moſt powerful Princes of all Gaul, and who belides
« his Dominions in thoſe Parts, reigned alſo over Britain: That their preſent
« Sovereign was Galba, whoſe ſingular Prudence and Juſtice had procured him,
« by the Conſent of all the Confederates, the ſupreme Command in the War:
That theſe had within their Territories twelve fortified Towns, and promiſed
* to bring into the Field fifty Thouſand Men. That the like Number had
ce been ſtipulated by the Mervians, who inhabiting the remoteſt Provinces of
4 Gaul, were eſteemed the moſt fierce and warlike of all the Belgian Nations.
«© That the Atrebatians were to furniſh fifteen Thouſand : The Ambiani ten
« Thouſand: The Morini twenty-five Thouſand : The Menapians nine Thou-
fand: The Caletes ten Thouſand: The FVelocaſſians and Veromanduans the
« like Number: The Atuatici twenty-nine Thouſand: And the Condruſians,
« Evurones, Cerefians, and Pæmani, all comprehended under the common Name
« of Germans, forty Thouſand,
V. CASAR exhorting the Men of Rheims to continue firm in their Al-
liance, and promiſing amply to reward their Fidelity, ordered the- whole Body
of their Senate to repair to his Camp, and the Sons of their principal Nobility Þ
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book u.
be brought him as Hoſtages ; all which was accordingly performed by the Day
appointed. He then addreſſed himſelf to Divitiacus the Æduan, repreſenting
in the warmeſt manner, of what Confequence it was to the common Cauſe, to
divide the Forces of the Enemy, that he might not be reduced to the Neceſſity
of encountering ſo great a multitude at once. This he told him, might eafily
be effected, if the Aduans would march their Forces into the Territories of
the Bellovaci, to plunder and lay waſte the Country. With theſe Inſtructions
he diſmiſſed him.
VI. MEAN-TIME, being informed by his Scouts, and the People of
Rheims, that all the Forces of the Belgians were marching towards him in a
Body, and that they were even advanced within a few Miles, he made all the
haſte he could to paſs his Army over the Arona, which divides the Rhemi
from the reſt of the Belgians, and encamped on the farther fide of that
River. By this Situation he ſecured all behind him, covered one Side of his
Camp with the River, and rendered the Communication with the Rhemi, and
thoſe other States, whence he expected to be ſupplied with Proviſions, fafe
and ealy. Adjoining to his Camp was a Bridge over the River ; there he
placed a ſtrong Guard, and left . Titurius Sabinus his Lieutenant on the
other Side with ſix Cohorts. He then drew round his Camp a Ditch eighteen
Foot broad, ſtrengthened with a Rampart twelve Foot high.
VII. THE Belgians in their march fell furiouſly upon Bibrax, a Town be-
longing to the Rhemi, about eight Miles diſtant from Cz/jar's Camp. The Inha-
bitants with great difficulty held out againſt that Day's Aſſault. The manner of
ſtorming a Town is the ſame among the Belgians as among the Gauls : For
having ſurrounded the Walls with the whole Body of their Army, and by a
continual diſcharge from their Slings cleared the Ramparts, they approach the
Gates under covert of their Bucklers, and undermine the Walls. This was
eaſy in the preſent Caſe; becauſe the Multitude employed in throwing Stones and
Darts was ſo great, that none of the Garriſon durſt appear upon the Walls.
When Night had put an end to the Aſſault, Iccius, who then commanded
in the Town, a Man of principal Rank and Authority among the Rhemi, and
one of thoſe who had come Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar to treat about a Peace, diſ-
patched Meſſengers to acquaint him, that unleſs he was ſpeedily relieved, it
would be impoſſible for him to hold out any longer.
VIII. HEREUPON Cæſar, making uſe of thoſe for Guides who had
come expreſs to his Camp trom-Tccius, detached about midnight a Party of
Cretan and Mumidian Archers, with ſome Balearean Slingers, totheaſliſtance of
the Garriſon. Their Arrival encouraged the beſieged to ſtand upon their defence,
and inſpired them with hopes of repulſing the Enemy, who now began to deſpair
of ſucceſs, when they heard that a Reinforcement had entered the Town.
Wherefore, after a ſhort ſtay before the Place, having plundered all the Country
round about, and burnt the Houſes and Villages wherever they came, they
marched in a Body towards Cz/ar's Camp, and poſted themſelves within two
Miles of his Army, incloſing a ſpace of more than eight thouſand Paces in Circum-
ſerence, as near as could be computed from the Smoke and Fires of their
Camp.
IX. CAESAR at firſt reſolved to avoid coming to a Battle, as well on
account of the numbers of the Enemy, as the high Opinion entertained of their
1 Courage.
29
CNS A Rs COMMENTARIESS |
Courage. He ſuffered the Horſe however to engage daily in ſmall Skirmiſhes,
that he might the better judge of the Valour of the Belgian Troops, and the Re-
ſolution and Bravery of his own Men. Finding, that the Romans were nothing
inſerior to the Enemy in Courage, he reſolved to wait for them before his
Camp ; the Ground being very commodious, and as it were formed by Nature
for the reception of an Army. For the Hill on which the Camp ſtood, riſing
with an eaſy aſcent from the Plain, was but juſt of a ſufficient breadth on the
Side facing the Enemy, to receive the ſeveral Lines of the Army drawn up in
Order of Battle. On the right Hand and on the leſt the deſcent was ſteep ,
whereby the Mountain ſwelling in front, but gradually abating its declivity as
ou-advanced towards the bottom, came at laſt to a Plain. Along each Side of
the Hill Cæſar dug a Trench of about four hundred Paces in length, and built
Forts at the extremities, where he placed Engines to repulſe the Enemy, ſhould
they offer to attack him in flank, or endeavour, during the Fight, to ſurround
him with their numbers. Theſe Diſpoſitions being made, and having left the
two new levied Legions in his Camp, as a Body of Reſerve in caſe of Need,
he drew up the other fix in order of Battle. The Belgians likewiſe drew up
their Troops, and ſtood fronting our Army.
X. BETWEEN Cæſar and the Enemy there was a ſmall Moraſs. The Bel-
gians waited to ſee if we would paſs it: Our Men on the other hand were
ready in Arms, that ſhould the Enemy attempt to come over, they mighr*fall
upon them, and take advantage of their Confuſton. Mean-time the Cavalry-on
both Sides engaged ; but as neither Army would hazard the paſſage of the
Mora, Cz/ar, who had the better in the Skirmiſh of the Horſe, led back
his Men to their Camp. The Belgians marched directly towards the Axon,
which, as we have faid, lay behind our Camp; and having found a Ford, en-
deavoured to paſs over part of their Army. Their Deſign was, if poſlible, to
make themſelves maſters of the Fort where QA. Titurius commanded, and break
down the Bridge; or, ſhould they fail in that Attempt, to ravage and lay
waſte the Territories of the Rhemi, whence our Army was ſupplied with
Proviſions.
XI. CASAR being informed of theſe things by Ziturius, croſſed the Bridge
with his Cavalry, light-armed Numidians, Archers, and Slingers, and marched
to attack the Enemy. A very ſharp Conflict enſued : For the Romans falling
upon them while they were yet paſſing the River, and by reaſon of their Dif-
order unable to defend themſelves, ſlew great numbers. The reft, who with
undaunted Courage advanced upon the Bodies of their Companions, were
repulſed by the multitude of Darts from our Men; and the Cavalry ſurround-
ing thoſe that were already got over, put them all to the Sword. The Bel-
gians being thus diſappointed, both in their deſign upon Bibrax, and the
paſſage of the Axona; finding too that Proviſions began to be ſcarce, and that
our Army could not be drawn to fight them at a diſadvantage, called a
Council of War. It was there judged moſt expedient to. ſeparate, and return
every Man to his own Country; with a Reſolution however to aſſemble from
all Parts, in defence of that State, whoſe Territories ſhould be firſt invaded by
the Romans: For they concluded it much ſafer to carry on the War at home,
where they might have Proviſions and every thing at command, than venture
a Battle within the Confines of a foreign State. Theſe Reaſons were at the
ſame time backed by a ſtill more powerful Conſideration : for the Bellovaci
having Intelligence that Divitiacus and the AÆduans were advancing towards
their
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL: Book u.
their Territories, could not be reſtrained from marching directly homewards,
to defend their own Country. |
XII. THIS Reſolution being taken; about the ſecond Watch of the Night,
they left their Camp with great Noiſe and Tumult, regarding neither the Order
of their march, nor the due ſubordination of Command, but each Man preſſing
for the foremoſt Rank, that he might get the ſooner home, inſomuch that their
Retreat had all the Appearance of a precipitate Flight. Cz/ar, who had im-
mediate Notice of this from his Spies, apprehending ſome Stratagem, becauſe
he as yet knew nothing of the Reaſon of their departure, would not ſtir out of
his Trenches. But early in the Morning, upon more certain Intelligence
of their Retreat, he detached all the Cavalry, under the Command of
9. Pedius and L. Arunculeius Cotta, his Lieutenants, to /haraſs and retard
them in their march. T. Labienus had Orders to follow with three Legions.
Theſe falling upon their Rear, and purſuing them many Miles, made a dread-
ful ſlaughter of the flying Troops. Whilſt the Rear, upon finding themſelves
attacked, faced about, and valiantly ſuſtained the Charge of our Men; the
Vanguard, as fancying themſelves out of danger, were not to be reſtrained
either by Neceſſity or the Voice of their Commanders, but upon hearing the
Alarm behind them, broke their Ranks, and betook themſelves to flight. Thus
the Romans, with little or no Loſs on their fide, continued the Slaughter all
the remaining part of the Day. About Sun-ſet they gave over the Purſuit, and
in obedience to the Orders they had received, returned to their Camp.
XIII. THE next Day, before the Enemy had time to rally, or recover out
of their Conſternation, Cz/ar led his Army into the Territories of the Sueſſiones,
which join to thoſe of the Rhemi; and after a long march reached Moviodu-
num. He was in hopes of carrying the Town by Aſſault, becauſe he under-
ſtood it was deſtitute of a Garriſon : But as the Ditch was broad, and the Wall
very high, the Defendants, tho' few in number, withſtood all his Efforts.
Wherefore having fortified his Camp, he began to provide Engines, and get every
thing in readineſs for a Siege. Mean-time ſuch of the Swe/jones as had eſcaped the
late Slaughter, threw themſelves during the night into the Town. But Cæſar ad-
vancing his Preparations with great Expedition, and approaching under cover
of his Mantelets to the very Walls, where he caſt up a Mount, and planted
his battering Towers; the Gawls aſtoniſhed at the greatneſs of the Works, as
having never ſeen or heard of- any ſuch before ; and at the Diſpatch wherewith
they were carried on, ſent Deputies to treat about a Surrender, and by the
Mediation of the Rhemz obtained Conditions of Peace.
XIV. CASAR having received the principal Men of their State as
Hoſtages, amongſt whom were the two Sons of Galba their King; and obliged
them to deliver up all their Arms, admitted the Sueſſiones to a Surrender, and
led his Army againſt the Bellovaci. Theſe retiring with their Effects into
Bratuſpantium their capital City, and underſtanding that Cæſar was advanced
within five Miles of the Town, ſent a Deputation of all their old Men, who
came forth in venerable Proceſſion to meet him, ſigniſying by out-ſtretched
Hands, and in the moſt ſubmiſſive Terms, that they put themſelves under his
Power and Protection, nor pretended to appear in Arms againſt the People of
Rome : and when he approached ſtill nearer the City, and encamped within
view of the Walls, the Women and Children from the Ramparts, with extended
Arms,
31
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
Arms, acccording to the Cuſtom of their Country, beſought the Romans for
\ | Peace.
|| |
XV. HERE UPON Divitiacus, who after the Retreat of the Belgian
Army, had diſmiſſed the Aduans, and returned to Cz#/ar's Camp, interpoſed
f in their behalf, repreſenting : That the Bellovaci had always lived in ſtrict
: « Friendſhip and Alliance with the Mdwans : That the artful Infinuations of
| « their Chiefs, who miſrepreſented Cæſar, as one that had enſlaved the Aduan
| ce State, and held it under an ignominious Tyranny and Oppreſſion, had alone in-
« duced them to forſake their ancient Allies, and take up Arms againſt the People
| « of Rome: That the Authors of this Advice, ſeeing its pernicious Effects, and
| « the Ruin they had brought upon their Country, were retired into Britain:
« That not only the Bellovaci themſelves, but the Aduans too, in their be-
|
La,
« half, implored his Clemency and Forgiveneſs: That in granting their Re-
« queſt, he would greatly enlarge the Credit and Authority of the Æduans
« among the Belgian States; which was of ſo much the greater moment, as in
cc all their Wars they were wont to have recourſe to them for Aſſiſtance.“
| Cz/ar, out of regard to Divitiacus and the Mduans, promiſed: to grant them
1 Pardon and Protection; but as they were poſſeſſed of very extenſive Territories,
and ſurpaſſed in Power and number of Forces all the other Belgian States, he
demanded ſix hundred Hoſtages. .
*
| XVI. THESE being accordingly delivered, together with all their Arms,
Ceſar left their City, and advanced into the Country of the Ambiani; who
ſubmitted immediately upon his Approach. Adjoining to them were the
Merviaus; of whoſe Manners and Genius Cz/ar inquiring, found: “ That
« they ſuffered no reſort of Merchants into their Cities, nor would allow of the
« importation of Wine, or other Commodities tending to Luxury; as imagin-
« ing that thereby the Minds of Men were enfeebled, and their martial Fire
« and Courage extinguiſhed : That they were Men of a warlike Spirit; but
c altogether unacquainted with the Refinements of Life: That they continually
« inveighed againſt the reſt of the Belgrans, for ignominiouſly ſubmitting to
« the Roman Yoke, and abandoning the ſteddy Bravery of their Anceſtors:
« In fine, that they had openly declared their Reſolution, of neither ſending
«© Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar, nor accepting any Terms of Peace.“ Cz/ar, after a
march of three Days croſs their Territories, underſtood from ſome Priſoners :
« That he was now advanced within ten Miles of the Sambre, on the other
« fide of which the Enemy had poſted themſelves, and there waited the
« coming up of the Romans That they had been joined by the Arrebatians
xz « and Feromanduans, neighbouring Nations, whom they had perſuaded to take
[ « part in, and ſhare the Fortune of the War: That they expected alſo to be
| « reinforced by the Atuatici, who were already on their march: And that all
« their Women, and ſuch as on account of their Age were unfit to bear
'' « Arms, had been conveyed to a Place of ſafety, inacceſſible by reaſon of the
ll « Marſhes that ſurrounded it.” 13
—_ . VXVII. CASAR, upon this Intelligence, ſent his Scouts and Centurions
| | before, to chooſe out a convenient Place for his Camp. Mean-time, as many of
1 the Belgians who had lately ſubmitted, and alſo not a few Gauli, followed the
. Roman Army; ſome of theſe, as was afterwards known from the Priſoners,
. | obſerving the Order and Diſpoſition of our march, deſerted in the Night to the
Enemy,
2 ——————«˙i ; — — ́³ꝛõã — — —
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OF HIS VARSIN GAU L. Boo it.
Enemy, and informed them: © That the ſeveral Legions were ſeparated from
« one another, by a number of Carriages poſted between them: That they
« would therefore have a favourable Opportunity, as ſoon as the firſt Legion
« was arrived in the Camp, and while the reſt were yet a great way behind,
« of falling upon it incumbered with the Baggage, and obtaining an eaſy
« Victory; by which, and the plunder of the Carriages, they would ftrike
« ſuch a terror thro the whole Army, as muſt neceſſarily draw after it a total
« Defeat.” This Advice was the more readily liſtened to, becauſe of old the
Merviant, being very weak in Horſe, (nor even as yet have they greatly in-
creaſed their Strength this way, placing their whole Confidence in their Foot;)
in order to ſecure themſelves againſt the Inroads of the Cavalry of the neigh-
bouring Nations, had every where fortified the Country with Barricades of young
Trees; which being ſplit in the middle, and bent down on both ſides; the
void Spaces were ſo cloſely interwoven with Brambles, Thorns, and a multitude
of Boughs iſſuing from the Trees themſelves, that they formed a Fence not only
impoſſible to be paſſed, but even to be ſeen through. As theſe therefore muſt
oreatly impede and. perplex the march of the Roman Army, they thought the
Advice given them by the Belgians was by no means to be neglected.
XVIII. THE Place choſen by our Men for their Camp was a Hill, running
with an even deſcent from the ſummit, 'till it reached the Banks of the Sambre.
Directly oppoſite to this, on the farther fide of the River, and at the diſtance
of about two hundred Paces, was another Hill, of a like acclivity with the
former, plain and open round the bottom, but covered on the top with
Woods, fo thick that they hindered the Proſpect. Among theſe Woods the
Enemy lay concealed, and only a few Squadrons of Horſe appeared on the
open Ground by the River-ſide, whoſe depth in that Place did not exceed
three Foot.
XIX. CASAR having ſent the Cavalry before, followed himſelf with
the reſt of the Army. But the Order and Diſpoſition of his march differed
from the Account given in to the Enemy by the Belgians. For knowing that
the Merviant were near, he led up fix Legions in front, ready equipped for
Battle, according to his uſual Cuſtom. After them followed the Baggage of
the whole Army ; and then the two new Legions, who cloſed the march, and
ſerved as a Guard to. the Carriages. Mean-time the Roman Cavalry, with the
Slingers and Archers, having paſſed the River, engaged the Enemy's Horſe :
But as they retired from time to time into the Woods, and again ſallied upon
our Men, who durſt not purſue them beyond the open Ground ; the fix Legions
that formed the Van coming up during theſe ſucceſſive Rencounters, began to
intrench themſelves When the firſt Line of our Carriages-appeared within
ſight of thoſe that lay concealed in the Woods, which was the time previouſly
concerted by the Enemy for giving the Onſet: the Vervians, who ſtood ready
drawn up within the Thicket, and had mutually exhorted one another to a
reſolute Behaviour, ruſhed ſuddenly forward with all their Forces, and fell fu-
riouſly upon our Cavalry. Theſe being eaſily repulſed and broken; they ran
down with incredible ſpeed to the Sambre, inſomuch that at one and the ſame
inſtant, they ſeemed to be in the Woods, in the River, and charging our Men
on the other fide. Nor were they leſs expeditious in mounting the Hill, and
attacking thoſe who were employed in fortifying the Camp.
s
K xx
33
As
34
*
=
CASARs COMMENTARIES
XX. NOW had Cæſar all the Parts of a General upon his Hands at once:
to erect the Standard, which was the Signal for the Men to fly to Arms: to
proclaim the Battle by ſound of Trumpet: to draw oft the Soldiers from the
Works: to recal thoſe that were gone to fetch Materials for the Rampart : to
draw up the Army in order of Battle: to encourage his Men: and give the
Word of Onſet: in moſt of which he was prevented by the ſhortneſs of the
Time, and the ſudden Aſſault of the Enemy. In this Emergency, two things |
chiefly contributed to the preſervation of the Romans: One, the Ability and
Experience of the Soldiers, who. practiſed in former Battles, knew their Duty,
and what was expedient in the preſent Conjuncture, no leſs than the Officers
themſelves: The other, the Orders given by Cæſar to his ſeveral Lieutenants,
not to quit the Works, and the Legions where they commanded, till the For-
tifications of the Camp were finiſhed. For theſe, upon ſeeing the Danger, and
ſudden approach of the Enemy, waited not for new Inſtructions from the
General, but gave forth ſuch Orders, as their own Prudence, and the preſent
Neceſlity ſuggeſted,
XXI. CASAR having made the neceſſary Diſpoſitions, ran to encourage
his Men; and, as Chance ordered it, fell in with the tenth Legion. When
exhorting them in few Words to exert their wonted Bravery, and manfully
ſuſtain the Aſſault without terror or diſmay; as he ſaw the Enemy within
reach of Dart, he gave the Signal to engage. Haſtening thence to another
quarter of the Field, he found the Battle already begun. So ſhort was the time
allowed us to prepare ourſelves, and ſuch the Reſolution and Impetuofity of
the Vervians in ruſhing to the Encounter, that neither could the Officers find
leiſure to regulate the Enſigns, nor the Soldiers to put on their Helmets, or
uncaſe their Targets. Each Man, as he arrived from the Works, joined him-
ſelf to the firſt Standard that came in his way, that he might not loſe that
time in looking for his own Company, which was to be employed in fighting
the Enemy.
XXII. THE Army being drawn up, rather according to the nature of the
Place, the declivity of the Hill, and the particular neceſſity of the Time;
than agreeable to Order and the Rules of War: as the Legions were forced to
engage ſeparately, ſome in one Place, ſome in another; and the View of the
Fight was every where interrupted by the thick Hedges deſcribed above: it
was not poſſible in theſe Circumſtances, to diſtinguiſh with any certainty,
where to ſend the neceſſary Supplies; how to provide againſt the Exigencies of
the Field; nor indeed for one Man to have an Eye to all the Occurrences that
called for Notice and Redreſs. In ſuch an unequal Situation of Things
therefore, much room was left for the various Events and Interpoſition
of Fortune.
XXIII. THE Soldiers of the ninth and tenth Legions, who were upon the
left of the Army, having caſt their Darts, advanced againſt the Atrebatians,
with whom it was their fortune to engage. Theſe now weary, breathleſs,
and overpowered with Wounds, were quickly driven from the higher Ground
quite back to the Sabre, where the Romans ſtill preſſing them Sword in
hand, ſlew great numbers as they endeavoured to paſs the River. Nor did
our Men decline purſuing them to the other ſide: but following too far, till
they were drawn into a Place of diſadvantage, the Enemy ſuddenly faced
about, and renewed the Charge; yet were a ſecond time obliged to betake
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themſelves to flight. So likewiſe, in another Quarter of the Field, the elevent!i
and eighth Legions, having overthrown the FVeromanduans againſt whom they
fought, drove them from the higher Ground to the very Banks of the
River.
XXIV. AS by this means the Front, and left Side of the Roman Camp, lay
in a manner quite expoſed ; for the twelfth Legion, and not far from that the
ſeventh, were poſted in the right Wing: The Vervians headed by Boduognatus
their King, advanced thither in a cloſe Body; and whilſt one Party endeavoured
to ſurround the Legions by taking them in Flank, the reſt mounted the Hill in
order to get poſſeſſion of the Camp. At the ſame time our Cavalry, with the
light-armed Infantry, who in the very beginning of the Engagement had been
repulſed and broken, as we have related above; returning to the Camp, and
meeting the Enemy in Front, again betook themſelves to Flight. The Servants
too of the Army, who from the top of the Hill had beheld our Men victorious,
and purſuing the Enemy croſs the River; having fallied out for the fake of
Plunder: when they now looked back, and ſaw the Vervians in poſſeſſion of
the Camp, fled with the utmoſt Precipitation. This Conſuſion was ſtill more
increaſed by the Clamour and Uproar of thoſe that attended the Carriages ;
inſomuch that the Panick ſpreading on all fides, each Man thought of providing
for his Safety by Flight. The Cavalry of Treves, who were in the higheſt
Eſteem among the Gauls for their Valour, and had been ſent by the State to
reinforce Cz/ar's Army; alarmed by theſe ſeveral Appearances: when they ſaw
our Camp filled with multitudes of the Enemy; the Legions overpowered, and
in a manner quite ſurrounded; the Horſe, Archers, Slingers, and Vumidians,
routed, diſperſed, and flying on all hands : Imagining all was loſt, returned
to their own Country, and reported; that the Romans were utterly overthrown,
and their Camp and Baggage in poſſeſſion of the Enemy.
XXV. CAESAR having encouraged the tenth Legion, haſtened to the
right Wing of the Army. He there found his Men overpowered by the Enemy ;
the Enſigns of the twelfth Legion all crowded into one place, and the Soldiers
themſelves ſtanding fo cloſe together, that they had not room to uſe their Arms;
all the Centurions of the fourth Cohort ſlain, the Standard-bearer killed, and
the Standard taken; the Centurions of the other Cohorts almoſt all either
killed or dangerouſly wounded; among theſe P. Sextius Baculus, the firſt
Centurion of the Legion, a Man of 'great Courage, ſo weakened by the multi-
tude of his Wounds, that he was hardly able to ſupport himſelf; the reſt diſ-
couraged and avoiding the Fight, and ſome even running away, becauſe aban-
doned by the Troops that were to ſuſtain them; the Enemy preſſing vigorouſly
in Front from the lower Ground, and at the ſame time flanking the Legions
on either fide with great Fury; in a word, things reduced to the laſt Extre-
mity, and no Body of Reſerve to reſtore the Battle. Whereupon ſnatching a
Buckler from a Soldier who ſtood in the Rear of the Legion, for he himſelf
was come thither without one; and preſſing to the Front of the Battle; he
called the Centurions by Name, encouraged the reſt, and commanded the
Soldiers to advance the Enſigns, and widen their Ranks, that they might be the
more at liberty to uſe their Swords. His Arrival inſpiring the Men with hope,
and reviving their Courage, as every one was ambitious of diſtinguiſhing him-
ſelf in the preſence of his General, and even in his greateſt Extremity redoubled
his Efforts; the Progreſs of the Enemy was a little checked.
XXVI,.
35
36
CASA R's COMMENTART ETS
XXVI. CASA R obſerving that the ſeventh Legion, which fought at ſome
diſtance from the other, was likewiſe very much preſſed by the Enemy, com-
manded the military Tribunes to draw the two Legions together by degrees,
and joining them back to back, oppoſe the Enemy with a double Front, This
being done; as they were now in a Condition to ſupport each other, and no
longer feared being ſurrounded, they began to make a more vigorous Oppo-
ſition, and fight with greater Courage. Mean-time the two new Legions, that
formed the Rear of our Army, and had been appointed to guard the Baggage;
hearing of the Battle, advanced with all poſſible ſpeed, and were ſeen by the
Mervians from the top of the Hill: And 7. Labienus, who had made himſelf
Maſter of the Enemy's Camp, obſerving from the higher Ground how matters
went on our fide, detached the tenth Legion to our Aſſiſtance. Theſe under-
ſtanding, by the Flight of our Cavalry and Servants, the Diftreſs we were in,
and the Danger that threatned the Camp, the Legions, atid the General, made
all the haſte they could to join us.
XXVII. THE Arrival of this Detachment produced fo great a Change in
our Favour, that many of the Soldiers, who before lay oppteſſed with Wounds,
now reſuming Courage, and ſupporting themſelves with their Shields, renewed
the Fight. Nay the very Servants of the Camp, obſerving the Conſternation
of the Enemy, unarmed as they were, ruſhed amongſt their armed Battalions.
The Cavalry too, ſtriving by extraordinary Efforts of Valour to wipe away the
Ignominy of their late Flight, charged the Enemy in all Places where the void
Spaces between the Legions ſuffered them to advance. Mean-time the Vervians,
tho' now reduced to the laſt Extremity, exerted themſelves with ſuch deter-
mined Courage, that their front Ranks being cut off, thoſe who ſtood behind
mounted the Bodies of the ſlain, and thence continued to maintain the Fight;
and when theſe too by their Fall had raiſed a Mountain of Carcaſes, ſuch
as remained aſcending the Pile, poured their Javelins upon us as from a Ram-
part, and even returned the Darts thrown at them by our Men. Fame therefore
deceived not in proclaiming fo. loudly the Bravery of a People, who thus ad-
ventured to croſs a very broad River, climb the ſteepeſt Banks, and ruſh
an Enemy poſſeſſed of all the Advantages of Ground: Difficulties, which
though ſeemingly unſurmountable, appeared yet as nothing to Men of their
Reſolution and Magnanimity. |
XXVIII. THE Battle being ended, and the Name and Nation of the
Nervians in a manner quite extinguiſhed ; the old Men, who with the Women
and Children, as we have related above, had been conveyed into a Place
ſurrounded with Bogs and Marſhes; heating of this terrible Overthrow, and
Judging that nothing would now be able to ſtop the Progreſs of the Conquerors,
or protect the Conquered from their victorious Arms, reſolved, with the Conſent
of all that ſurvived the late Diſaſter, to ſend Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar, and
ſurrender themſelves. Theſe, in reciting the Calamities of their Country, re-
preſented : That of fix hundred Senators, there remained only three; and that
from ſixty Thouſand fighting Men, they were reduced to five hundred. Cæſar,
as a proof of his Compaſſion towards this brave and unfortunate People, readily
took them under his Protection, allowing them free and full Poſſeſſion of their
Towns and Territories, and ſtrictly commanding all the neighbouring Nations,
to abſtain from Injuries and Wrongs. |
XXIX.
OE HIS ARS IN GAU L. Book "YH
XXIX. THE Atuatici, of whom mention has been made above, being
upon their march with all their Forces to join the Mervians, and hearing of
their Defeat, immediately returned home : when abandoning all their other
Towns and Caſtles, they conveyed themſelves and their Riches into a Place of
great ſtrength, which Nature had fortified with uncommon Care. For it was
on every ſide ſurrounded with high Rocks and Precipices, having only one
Avenue of about two hundred Foot broad, that approached the Town with a
gentle riſing. Here they raiſed a double Wall of prodigious height, whereon,
as a farther Security, they laid great numbers of huge Stones, and ſtrong
inted Beams. This People were deſcended from the Teutones and Cimbri,
who, in their march towards the Alps and Italy, left their heavy Baggage on
this fide the Rhine, with a Detachment of fix thouſand Men to guard it.
Theſe, after the final Overthrow of their Countrymen, being for many Years
haraſſed and perſecuted by the neighbouring States; ſometimes invading others,
ſometimes defending themſelves; at laſt, with the Conſent of all the bordering
Nations, obtained Peace, and choſe this Place for a Habitation.
XXX. ON the firſt arrival of the Roman Army, they made frequent Sallies
from the Town, and engaged our Men in ſmall Skirmiſhes. But Cz/ar having
drawn a Line of Contrayallation, twelve Feet high, fifteen Miles in Circum-
ference, and every where well fortified with Redoubts; they kept themſelves
within their Walls. When we had now finiſhed our Approaches, caſt up a
Mount, and were preparing a Tower of Aſſault behind the Works; they be-
gan at firſt to deride us from the Battlements, and in reproachful Language
ask the meaning of that prodigious Engine, raiſed at ſuch a diſtance ! With
what Hands or Strength, Men of our ſize and make, (for the Gauls, who are
for the moſt part very tall, deſpiſe the ſmall ſtature of the Romans,) could hope
to bring forward ſo unwieldy a Machine againſt their Walls ?
XXXI. BUT when they faw it removed, and approaching near the Town,
aſtoniſhed at the new and unuſual Appearance, they ſent Ambaſſadors to Cæſar
to ſue for Peace. Theſe being accordingly introduced, told him: * That
« they doubted not but the Romans were aided in their Wars by the Gods
« themſelves; it ſeeming to them a more than human Task, to tranſport with
« ſuch facility an Engine of that amazing height, by which they were brought
« upon a level with their Enemies, and enabled to engage them in clofe
« Fight: That they therefore put themſelves and Fortunes into his Hands, re-
e queſting only, that if his Clemency and Goodneſs, of which they had heard
© {o much from others, had determined him to ſpare the Atuatici, he would
« not deptive them of their Arms: That the neighbouring Nations were almoſt
<« all their Enemies, as envying their ſuperior Valour ; nor would it be poſſible
« for'them to defend themſelves from their Attacks, if their Arms were taken
« away: In fine, that if ſuch muſt be their Fate, they would rather chooſe to
« undergo any Fortune from the Hands of the Romans, than expole themſelves
« to be cruelly butchered by thoſe over whom they had been wont to exer-
e ciſe dominion.” |
XXXII. TO this Ceſar replied : © That in regard of his uſual Conduct on
theſe. Occaſions, rather than for any merit of theirs, he was willing to grant
them terms of Peace, provided they ſubmitted before the Battering-Ram
touched their Walls ; but that no Surrender would be accepted, unleſs they
« agreed
L.
37
38
CESARs COMMENTARIES.
« apreed to deliver up their Arms: That he would take the ſame care of them
&« as he had before done of the Mervians, and lay his expreſs Commands upon
« the neighbouring Nations, to abſtain from all Injuries towards a People who
« had put themſelves under the Protection of the Romans. The Ambaſſadors
returning with this Anſwer to their Countrymen, they accepted in Appearance
the Conditions offered them by Cz/ar, and threw ſo vaſt a Quantity of Arms
into the Ditch before the Town, that the Heap almoſt reached to the top of
the Wall. Nevertheleſs, as was afterwards known, they retained about a third
part, and concealed them privately within the Town. "The Gates being thrown
open, they enjoyed Peace for the remaining part of that Day. 5
XXXIII. IN the Evening Cæſar ordered the Gates to be ſhut, and the
Soldiers to quit the Town, that no Injury might be offered to the Inhabitants
during the night. Whereupon the Atuatici, in conſequence of a Deſign they
had before concerted, imagining that the Romans, after the ſurrender of the
Place, would either ſet no Guard at all, or at leaſt” keep watch with leſs pre-
caution: Partly arming themſelves with ſuch Weapons as they had privately
retained, partly with Targets made of Bark or Wicker, and covered over haſtily
with Hides; made a furious Sally about midnight with all their Forces, and
charged our Works on that fide where they ſeemed to be of eaſieſt Acceſs,
XXXIV. THE Alarm being immediately given by lighting Fires, as Cæſar
had before commanded ; the Soldiers ran to the Attack from the neighbouring
Forts. A very ſharp Conflict enſued: For the Enemy now driven to Deſpair,
and having no hope but in their Valour, fought with all poſſible Bravery,
though the Romans had the Advantage of the Ground, and poured their Javelins
upon them both from the Towers and the top of the Rampart. About four
Thouſand were ſlain upon the ſpot, and the reſt obliged to retire into the Town,
Next Day the Gates were forced, no one offering to make the leaſt Reſiſtance;
and the Army having taken poſſeſſion of the Place, the Inhabitants, to the
Number of fiity-three Thouſand, were fold for Slaves.
XXXV. ABOUT the ſame time P. Craſſus, whom Cæſar had ſent with a
Legion againſt the Venetians, Unellians, Ofiſmians, Curicſolite, Seſuvians, Aulerci,
and Rhedones, Maritime States inhabiting along the Sea-coaſt; diſpatched Meſ-
ſengers to acquaint him, that all theſe Nations had ſubmitted to the Dominion
and Authority of the Romans.
XXXVI. THE Campaign being ended, and all the Provinces of Gaul
ſubdued ; ſuch was the Opinion conceived of this War amongſt all the Bar-
barians round about, that even the Nations beyond the Rhine ſent Ambaſſadors
to Cz/ar, offering to give Hoſtages, and ſubmit to his Commands. But he being
then in haſte to return to Traly and Illyricum, ordered them to attend him the
next Spring. Mean-time, having diſpoſed his Army into Winter- quarters in
the Territories of the Andes, Turones, and Carnutes, which States lay the neareſt
to the Provinces that had been the ſeat of the War, he himſelf ſet out for Italy.
The Senate being informed of theſe Succeſſes by Cz/ar's Letters, decreed a
Thankſgiving of fifteen Days: A Number never allowed to any General before.
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WAR
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COMMENTARIES
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B O O K
reed.
I. The Nantuates, Veragrians, and Seduni, fall wnexpeFedly upon Ser. Galba,
Czſar's Lieutenant. III. But are overthrown with great Slaughter. VI. Galba
leads back his Legion into the Country of the Allobrogians. VII. At tbe
ſame time the Venetians and other States bordering upon the Ocean revolt.
IX. Cæſar prepares to attack them, not without great Difficulty, X. He
divides his Army, and diſtributes it into the ſeveral Provinces of Gaul.
XII. The Advantages of the Venetians, and the manner of their Defence.
XIII. A 8 of their Shipping, and its ſuitableneſs to the nature of
the Coal. XIV. Cater fndine it in vain to attack them by Land, comes to a
naval Engagement with them, and gets the Victory. XVII. Mean-time
Q. Titurius Sabinus bis Lieutenant, by an artful Stratagem defeats the
Unellians. XXI. At the ſame time P. Craſſus in Aquitain, having vanquiſhed
the Sotiates, obliges them to ſubmit XXIV. Together with ſeveral other States
of the ſame Province. XXIX. Cæſar attacks the Morini and Menapians
with ſucceſs ; but the Seaſon being far advanced, be is obliged to ſend bis
Army into I, inter-Quaur ters. f
Halt
GG BESS ES. C&S FF. R's
COMMENTARIES
OF HIS
WARS is 64.
rn
2 SAR, upon his departure for ITraly, ſent Sergius Galba with the
i twelfth Legion, and part of the Cavalry, againſt the Mantuates,
A YLeragrians, and Seduni, whoſe Territories extend from the Confines
of the Al/lobrogians, the Lake Eemanus, and the River Rhone, all the way
to the top of the Ape. His deſign in this Expedition was, to open a
free paſſage over thoſe Mountains to the Roman Merchants, who had hitherto
travelled them with great danger, and ſubject to many grievous Exactions.
Galba, whoſe Orders alſo were, to put the Legion into Winter-Quarters in
thoſe parts, if he ſaw it neceſſary; after ſome ſueceſsful Encounters, and
making himſelf maſter of ſeveral Forts, was addreſſed by Ambaſſadors from
all the Nations round. Having fettled the terms of Peace, and received Hoſta-
ges for their Fidelity; he reſolved to quarter two Cohorts among the Man-
tuates; and himſelf, with the other Cohorts, to winter in a Town of the
Veragrians, called Ofodurus. This Town, which is ſituated in the midſt of
a Valley, upon a Plain of no great extent, is bounded on all ſides by very high
Mountains. As it was divided into two parts by a River, he left one part to
the Gawls, and aſſigned the other to his Legion for their Winter-Quarters, com-
manding it to be fortified with a Ditch and Rampart,
II. AFTER many Days ſpent here, and that Orders had been given for
the bringing in of Corn to fupply the Camp ; he was ſuddenly informed by his
Spies, that the Gault had abandoned in the Night that part of the City allotted
to them, and that the impending Mountains were covered with great multitudes
of the Yeragrians and Seduni. Many Reaſons conſpired to induce the Gauls
to this ſudden Reſolution of renewing the War, and falling upon our Men.
Firſt, the ſmall number of the Roman Troops, who were therefore deſpiſed by
the Enemy, as not amounting in all to one Legion; two entire Cohorts having
been detached, and even of thoſe that remained with Galla, many being gone
out in queſt of Proviſions: And then their Perſuaſion, that by reaſon of the
inequality of the Ground, where 'it would be eaſy for them to pour upon us
from the tops of the Mountains, and overwhelm us with their Darts, our Men
would not be able to ſtand the very firſt Aſſault. - Add to all this their inward
| M | Regret,
42
CNS AR's COMMENTARIES
Regret, at ſeeing their Children torn from them under the name of Hoſtages;
and that they firmly believed it to be the deſign of the Romans, in ſeizing
the ſummits of the Mountains, not only to open a free Paſſage over the Alps,
but to ſecure to themſelves the perpetual Poſſeſſion of thoſe Parts, and annex
them to the adjoining Province.
III. UPON this Intelligence Galla, who had neither compleated the For-
tifications of his Camp, nor laid in ſufficient ſtore of Corn and other Provi-
ſions ; as little apprehending an Inſurrection of this kind, among a People
that had ſubmitted and given Hoſtages ; having ſpeedily aſſembled a Council of
War, began to ask their Advice in the preſent Exigence. As the Danger which
threatened them was ſudden and unexpected, and as they ſaw the Mountains
on every fide covered with multitudes of armed Soldiers; inſomuch that there
was no room to hope, either for Succours, or any Convoys of Proviſion, be-
cauſe the Enemy were in poſſeſſion of all the Avenues to the Camp: Some
believing the Caſe to be altogether deſperate, propoſed to abandon the Baggage,
and attempt by a Sally the recovery of their old Quarters. But the greater
number were for reſerving this Expedient to the laſt extremity, and in the
mean time to wait the decifion of Fortune, and in the beſt manner they were
able defend the Camp.
IV. AFTER a ſhort Space, and even before there was ſufficient time for
the putting in execution what had been reſolved on; the Enemy, at a Signal
given, came ruſhing upon us from all parts, and begun the Aſſault by a ſhower
of Stones and Darts. Our Men at firſt made a brave and vigorous Reſiſtance,
plying them with their Javelins from the Ramparts, whence not a ſingle
Weapon was diſcharged in vain: And as any part of the Camp appeared hard
preſſed for want of Men to defend it, thither they ran, and made head againſt
the Aſſailants. But in this the Gauls had greatly the Advantage, that when
fatigued with the length of the Fight, they found themſelves under a neceſſity
to retire, freſh Men ſucceeded in their place; whereas on our fide, by reaſon
of the ſmall number of Troops, no reſource of this kind was left: So that not
only fuch as were wearied with fighting were yet obliged to continue in their
Poſts; but we could not even permit the wounded to retire, or for a Moment
abandon the Charge.
V. THE Battle had now laſted upwards of fix Hours without Intermiſſion;
inſomuch that the Romans not only found their Strength greatly exhauſted, but
even began to be in want of Weapons, wherewith to annoy the Enemy. The
Gauls, on the other hand, urged the Combat with greater Fury than ever;
and meeting with but a faint Reſiſtance, fell to demoliſhing the Rampart, and
filling up the Ditch. All was giving way before them, when P. Sextius Bacu-
lus, a Centurion of the firſt Rank, the ſame, who as we have related above,
received ſo many Wounds in the Battle againſt the Merians; as likewiſe
C. YVoluſenus, a military Tribune, one equally diſtinguiſhed for his Conduct
and Bravery; came to Galba, and repreſented : That the only Refuge now
left, was by a ſudden Sally, to put all upon the iſſue of a bold Attack. Ac-
cordingly Galba, calling the Centurions together, by them gave immediate
Notice to the Soldiers, to keep for ſome time only on the defenſive; and having
provided themſelves with the Weapons thrown at them by the Enemy, and a
little recovered their Strength, upon a Signal given, to fally out of the Camp,
and place all their hopes of Safety in their Valour. Theſe Orders were
exactly
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL: Book m.
exactly followed: and the Romans ruſhing furiouſly upon the Enemy from all
parts, neither gave them time to. comprehend the meaning of ſo unexpected
an Attack, nor to recover out of the Confuſion into which it had thrown
them. Thus Fortune changing Sides, they every where ſurrounded and put
to the Sword the Gault, who had ſo lately entertained hopes of maſtering our
Camp. Of thirty thouſand armed Troops, which Number, as appeared after-
wards, were preſent in this Aſſault, more than ten thouſand periſhed in the
Field. The reſt fled in great Terror and Confuſion, and were even forced to
abandon the ſummits of the Mountains. The Romans ſeeing the Enemy en-
tirely diſperſed, and obliged every where to throw down their Arms, quitted
the Purſuit, and retired within their Intrenchments.
VI. AFTER this Battle; Ga/ba, unwilling a ſecond time to expoſe him-
ſelf to the inconſtancy of Fortune, and beſides conſidering, that he had met
with an Oppoſition he little expected, when he firſt reſolved to winter in theſe
Parts; above all, finding himſelf in great want of Corn and Forage ; the
next Day ſet fire to the Town, and began his march back into the Province.
As there was no Enemy in the Field to diſturb or oppoſe him in his Retreat,
he brought the Legion ſafe into the Country of the Mantuates, and thence
into the Territories of the Al/lobrogians, where he put them into Winter-
Quarters. |
VII. THE Inſurtection being thus entirely quelled, Cæſar for many
Reaſons believed, that Gaul was now reſtored to a. ſtate of perfect Tranquillity.
The Belgians had been overcome, the Germans expelled, and the Seduni, and
other Inhabitants of the Alps, forced to ſubmit. He therefore in the begin-
ning of Winter ventured upon a Progreſs into 1/lyricum, from a deſire he had
to viſit thoſe Nations, and acquaint himſelf with the Country; when all on a
ſudden a new War broke out in Gaul. The Occaſion of it was as follows:
The ſeventh Legion, commanded by young Craſſus, was quartered among the
Andes, a People bordering upon the Ocean. As there was great ſcarcity of
Corn in theſe Parts, Craſſus ſent ſome Officers of the Cavalry, and military
Tribunes, to ſolicit a Supply from the neighbouring States. Of this number
were T. Terraſidius, ſent to the Euſubians; M. Trebius Gallus, to the Curigſo-
lite; and Q. YVelanius, and T. Silius, to the Venetians.
VIII. THIS laſt State is by far the moſt powerful and conſiderable of all
the Nations inhabiting along the Sea-Coaſt: and that not only on account of
their vaſt Shipping, wherewith they drive a mighty Traffick to Britain; and
their Skill and Experience in naval Affairs, in which they greatly ſurpaſs
the other maritime States: But becauſe lying upon a large and open Coaſt,
againſt which the Sea rages with great violence, and where the Havens being
few in number, are all ſubject to their Juriſdiction ; they have moſt of the
Nations that trade in thoſe Seas tributaries to their State. Among them the
Revolt began by detaining Silius and Velanius; as by this means they hoped
to recover the Hoſtages they had put into the Hands of Craſſus. The neigh-
bouring States, moved by their Authority and Example, as the Gauls are in
general very ſudden and forward in their Reſolves, detained for the ſame Rea-
ſon Trebius and Terrafidius; and ſpeedily diſpatching Ambaſſadors from one to
another, they by their Princes entered into a Confederacy, of acting in all
things with common Conſent, and alike expoſing themſelves to the ſame iſſue
of Fortune; earneſtly ſoliciting at the ſame time the other Provinces, rather
to
43
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A l U 9 = _ _— "4 b &. . GY n
To \ > 5 TR "TY ' * 5 9 „ _ _
* CA SA Rs COMMENTARIES
7 to ſtand up in deſence of that Liberty they had received of their Anceſtors, than
tamely ſubmit to the ignominious Yoke of the Romans. All the Nations upon
the Sea-Coaſt coming readily into this Alliance, they jointly ſent Ambaſſa-
dors to Craſſus, to acquaint him; That if he expected to have his Officers
reſtored, he muſt firſt ſend them back their Hoſtages,
IX. CAESAR having Intelligence of theſe things from Craſſus, and being
then at a great diſtance from Gaul, ordered in the mean time; that a number
of Galleys ſhould be built upon the Loire, a River which runs into the
Ocean; and that Mariners, Rowets, and Pilots, ſhould be drawn together
from the Province. Theſe Orders being executed with great diſpatch, he
himſelf, as ſoon as the Seaſon of the Year permitted, came to the Army. The
Venetians, and other States in Alliance with them, having notice of his Ar-
rival; and reflecting at the ſame time upon the greatneſs of their Crime, in
detaining and loading with Irons Ambaſſadors; a Name ever looked upon
amongſt all Nations as ſacred and inviolable; began to make Preparations
proportioned to the Danger that threatened them; more eſpecially to provide
themſelves with all kinds of warlike Stores; and that with ſo much the greater
Alacrity and Confidence, as the Nature and Situation of the Country gave
them good hopes of being able to defend themſelves. They knew that the
| Paſſes by Land were every where cut aſunder, by the many Friths and Arms
| of the Ocean, that run up in thoſe Parts ; and that the Approach by Sea was
| not leſs difficult, on account of the ſmall number of Harbours, and the little
| | Knowledge the Romans had of the Coaſt. Neither did they imagine it poſſible
for our Army, to continue long in that Country, , by reaſon of the great
ſcarcity of Corn: And ſhould even all theſe Expectations deceive them, they
| had ſtill a mighty Confidence in the ſtrength and number of their Shipping.
1 The Romans, they were fenfible, had but a very inconſiderable Fleet; and
1 were beſides perfect Strangers to the Ports, Iſlands, and Shallows of the
1 Coaſt, where the chief weight of the War was like to fall. At the ſame
id | time they foreſaw, that our Pilots, accuſtomed only to the Navigation of the
1 Mediterranean, a Sca bounded and ſhut in on all fides by the Continent,
muſt needs find themſelves greatly at a loſs, when they care to enter the
vaſt and open Spaces of the wide Atlantic! Ocean, In conſequence of theſe
Reflexions, and the Reſolutions formed upon them, they ſet about fortifying
their Towns, and conveying all their Corn into Places of ſtrength, ordering
as many Ships as could be got together to rendezvous in the Venetian Ports;
it appearing, that Cz/ar intended to begin the War by attacking that State.
They likewife brought over to their Alliance the Of/-zans, Lexovians, Man-
netes, Ambiani, Morini, Diablintes, and Menapians ; and diſpatched Ambaſ-
ſadors into Britain, which lies over-againſt their Coaſt, to folicit Aſſiſtance
from thence. | | s 72
X. ALL theſe Difficulties before-mentioned attended the proſecution of
this War: But Cæſar was urged by many Conſiderations to undertake and
carry it on with Vigour: The Inſult offered to the Commonwealth in detaining
the Roman Knights: A Revolt, and Inſurrection, after Submiſſion, and Hoſtages
given: The Confederacy of ſo many States: Above all his Fear, left by neg-
lecting to oppoſe theſe firſt Commotions, he ſhould give Encouragement to the
other Provinces of Gaul to follow the Example. Reflecting therefore upon the
Genius and Temper of the Gaul, fond of Revolutions, and ever forward and
ready to engage in new Wars; and conſidering at the ſame time, that it was
þ the
OF-HIS WARS IN GAUL; Book n..
the natural Bent and Diſpoſition of Mankind, to aſpire aſter Liberty, and abhor
the Yoke of Servitude; he determined, before the Infection Gould ſpread
wider, to divide his Army, and diſtribute it into the ſeveral Provinces of Gaul.
XI. PURSUANT. to this Deſign, 7. Labienus his Lieutenant was ſent
with the Cavalry to Treves, whole Territory extends along the Banks of the
Rhine. To him he gave it in charge, to take a Progreſs to Rheims, and the
other Belgian States, in order to retain them in Obedience; as likewiſe to op-
poſe the Germans, ſhould they attempt by Force the Paſſage of the River;
a Report then prevailing that they had been invited over by the Belgians.
P. Craſſus, with twelve Legionary Cohorts, and a great Body of Horſe, had
Orders to march into Aquizain, to prevent the Arrival of any Supplies from
that Quarter, and the Junction of the Forces of ſo many powerful Nations.
9, Titurius Sabinus, at the head of three Legions, entered the Country of the
Unellians, Curigſolitæ, and Lexovians, to find Employment for the Troops that
had been drawn together in thoſe Parts. To young Brutus he gave the Com-
mand of the Fleet, and of all the Veſſels from Gaul, which he had ordered to
be fitted out by the Santones, Pictones, and other Provinces that continued in
Obedience; ſtrongly recommending to him at the ſame time, to uſe the greateſt
Diſpatch, and fail with all Expedition for the Venetian Coaſt. He himſelf, at
the head of the Land-army, ſet out upon his march thither,
XII. THE Situation of moſt of the Towns in thoſe Parts is ſuch, that
ſtanding upon the Edges of Promontories, or upon Points of Land that run
out into the Sea, there is no approaching them with an Army at high-water,
which happens always twice in twelve Hours. Neither is it poſſible for a Fleet
to draw near: becauſe upon the Receſs of the Tide, the Ships would be in
danger of being daſhed againſt the Shallows and banks of Sand. Both theſe
Reaſons therefore concurred to ſecure their Towns from Aſſault: And if at an
time, by the greatneſs of the Works carried on againſt them, and huge artificial
Mounts, that ſerved to prevent the Ingreſs of the Sea, and were raiſed to an Height
nearly equalling their Walls, they ſaw themſelves reduced to Extremity; then,
by bringing up their Ships, of which they had always a great Number in readi-
neſs, they cafily found means to carry off their Effects, and withdraw into
the neareſt Towns, where they -again defended themſelves by the ſame Advan-
tages of Situation as before. In this manner did they elude all Cz/ar's Attempts
during a great part of the Summer, and that with ſo much the more Succeſs,
becauſe our Fleet was kept back by Tempeſts, and found the Navigation ex-
tremely dangerous in that vaſt and boundleſs Ocean, where the Tides are great,
and the Havens both few in Number, and at a conſiderable diſtance one from
another, N
XIII. FOR the Venetian Ships were built and fitted out in this manner.
Their Bottoms were ſomewhat flatter than ours, the better to adapt themſelves
to the Shallows, and ſuſtain without Danger the regreſs of the Tides. Their
Prows were very high and erect, as likewiſe their Sterns, to bear the hu
neſs of the Billows, and the violence of Tempeſts. The Body of the
Veſſel was entirely of Oak, to ſtand the Shocks and Aſſaults of that tem-
peſtuous Ocean. The Benches of the Rowers were made of ſtrong; Beams of
about a Foot in breadth, and faſtened with iron Nails an Inch thick. Inſtead
of Cables they ſecured their Anchors with Chains of Iron ;/ and made uſe of
Skins, and a fort of thin pliant Leather, by way of Sails: either becauſe they
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wanted Canvas, and were ignorant of the Art of making Sail-cloth ; or, which
| | is more probable, becauſe they imagined that Canvas-ſails were not ſo proper
to bear the Violence of Tempeſts, the Rage and Fury of the Winds, and to
govern Ships of that Bulk and Burden. Between our Fleet, and Veſſels of
ſuch a make, the nature of the Encounter was this; that in Agility, and a
| ready Command of Oars, we had indeed the Advantage; but in other Reſpects,
| || regarding the Situation of the Coaſt, and the Aſſaults of Storms, all things
Wl | ran very much in their Favour: For neither could our Ships injure them with
| their Beaks, ſo great was their Strength and Firmneſs ; nor could we eaſily
throw in our Darts, becauſe of their height above us: Which alſo was the
Reaſon, that we found it extremely difficult to grapple the Enemy, and briny
them to cloſe Fight. Add to all this, that when the Sea began to rage, _-
they were forced to ſubmit to the Pleaſure of the Winds, they could both weather
the Storm better, and more ſecurely truſt themſelves among the Shallows, as
fearing nothing from the Rocks and Cliffs, upon the Receſs of the Tide. The
Romans, on the other hand, had reaſon to be under a continual dread of theſe
and ſuch like Accidents.
XIV. CAESAR having taken many of their Towns, and finding that he
only fatigued his Army to no purpoſe, becauſe he could neither prevent the
Retreat of the Enemy, nor force their Garriſons to a Surrender; reſolved to
wait the Arrival of his Fleet. Which being accordingly come up, was no
ſooner deſcried by the Venetians, than about two hundred and twenty of their
beſt Ships, well equipped for Service, and furniſhed with all kind of Weapons,
ſtood out to Sea, and drew up in order of Battle againſt us. Neither Brutus
l who commanded the Fleet, nor the Centurions and military Tribunes who had
14 the Charge of particular Veſſels, knew what Courſe to take, or in what manner
11 to conduct the Fight. For they were no Strangers to the Strength and Firmneſs
41 of the Yenetian Shipping, which rendered them proof againſt our Beaks: And
1 when they had even raiſed Turrets upon the Decks, yet being ſtill over-topped
1 by the lofty Sterns of the Enemy, the Romans could not with any Advantage
it throw in their Darts; whereas thoſe ſent by the Gauli, coming from above,
0 deſcended with great Violence on our Men. In this Exigence, a particular
kind of Inſtrument uſed by the Mariners, proved of ſignal Service in giving a
favourable Iſſue to the Combat. They had provided themſelves with long Poles,
armed at one end with ſharp Scythes, not unlike thoſe made uſe of in attacking
: the Walls of Towns. With theſe they laid hold of the Enemy's Tackle, and
| drawing off the Galley by the extreme Force of Oars, cut aſunder the Ropes
| | that faſtened the Sail-yards to the Maſt. Theſe giving way, the Sail-yards
neceſſarily came down; inſomuch that as all the Hopes and Expectations of
1 the Gault depended etirely on their Sails and Rigging, by depriving them of
0 this Reſource, we at the ſame time rendered their Veſſels wholly unſerviceable.
C || The reſt depended all together upon the Valour of the Troops, in which the
| Romans had greatly the Advantage; and the rather, becauſe they fought within
1 View of Cæſar and the whole Army, ſo that not a ſingle Act of Bravery could
it paſs unobſerved: For all the adjoining Hills and Eminences, which afforded 4
1 near Proſpect of the Sea, were covered with our Men. |
| XV. THE Enemy's Sail-yards being, as we have ſaid, cut down; and many
[| ot their Ships ſingly ſurrounded by two or three of ours at a time; the Romans
. uſed their utmoſt Endeavours to board them. Which the HVenetians obſerving,
and that we had already made ourſelves Maſters of a great part of their Fleet;
0 | | 5
OFHISWARS IN GAUL. Book in.
as they could fall upon no Expedient to prevent fo great a Misfortune, they
began to think of providing for their Safety by flight. Accordingly they
tacked about, in order to have the Advantage of the Wind; when all of a
ſudden ſo dead a Calm enſued, that not a Veſſel could ſtir out of its Place.
Nor could any thing have fallen out more opportunely. towards' putting at
once a final Period to the War; for the Romans attacking their Ships one aſter
another, took them with eaſe; inſomuch that of all that vaſt Number that
came out againſt us, but a very few, under favour of the Night, eſcaped ſafe
to Land, after a Conflict that continued from nine in the Morning till
Sun-ſet.
XVI. THIS Battle put an end to the War with the Yenetians, and all the
Nations upon the Sea-Coaſt. For as the entire Body of their Youth, and all
thoſe alſo of more advanced Age, who were capable of ſerving their Country
by their Credit and Counſels, were preſent in the Action; and as they had
likewiſe drawn together their whole naval Strength : Such as ſurvived this
Defeat, having neither any place of refuge whereunto to retire, nor means. left
of defending their Towns, ſurrendered themſelves and their all to Cz/ar's
Mercy. But he thought it neceſſary to proceed againſt them with the greater
Severity, that he might impreſs upon the Minds of the Gauls for the future, a
more inviolable Regard to the facred Character of Ambaſſadors. Having
therefore cauſed all their Senators to be put to death,: he ordered the reſt to
be fold for Slaves.
XVII. DURING theſe Tranſactions againſt the Yenetians, Q. Titurius
Sabinus entered the Territories of the Une/lians, at the head of the Troops put
under his Command by Ceſar. Viridovix was inveſted with the ſupreme
Authority in theſe Parts, and had been appointed General in chief, by all the
States concerned in the Revolt; out of which he had drawn together a very
numerous and powerful Army. Nay but a very few Days before, the Aulerci,
Eburovices, and Lexovians, having maſſacred their Senate, becauſe they refuſed
to engage in the War, had ſhut their Gates againſt the Romans, and joined
themſelves to Viridovix. Beſides all this, he had very much ſtrengthened his
Army by the great numbers that flocked to him from all parts of Gaul; Men
of deſperate Fortunes, or accuſtomed to live by robbery, whom the hopes of
Plunder, and love of War, had drawn off from the daily Labours of their
Calling, and the Cares of Agriculture. ES |
XVIII. SABINUS kept cloſe within his Camp, which was ſituated in a
manner every way advantageous ; while Firidovix, who had poſted himſelf at
the diſtance of about two Miles, daily drew out his Men, and offered him
Battle. This Behaviour of the Roman General, not only drew upon him the
Contempt of the Enemy, but occaſioned alſo ſome murmuring among his own
Troops, and filled the Gauls with fo high a Conceit of his Fear, that they
even adventured to come up to his very Trenches. The Reaſon of his acting
in this manner was, that he thought it not juſtifiable in a Lieutenant, in the Ab-
ſence of the Commander in chief, to hazard a Battle with ſo ſuperior an
Army, unleſs upon Terms of evident Advantage.
XIX. HAVING confirmed them in this Belief, that his Reſerve was the
effect of Fear; he made choice of a certain Gaul from among the Auxiliaries,
a Man of Addreſs, and every way qualified for carrying on his Deſign, Him
I, | he
__—
CA SARS COMMENTARIES
he perſuaded by great Rewards, and ſtill greater Promiſes, to go over tro the
Enemy, inſtructing him at the ſame time in the Part he was to act. This
Gaul coming to their Camp as a Deſerter, laid b</ore. hem the Fear © the
Romans, and the Extremities to which Cæſar was reduced in the War gainſt
the Yenetians: Nor did he fail to inſinuate, t:.at there was great Reaſon to be-
lieve Sabiuus intended the next Night privately to draw off his Army, and n arch
to Cæſars Aſſiſtance. No ſooner was this heard by che Gauli, than they al! cried
out with one Voice, that they ought not to loſe ſo fair an Occaſion of Succe's, but
o and attack the Roman Camp. Many Reaſons concurred to fix them in ti; Re-
Raati: The Reſerve of Sabiuss for ſome Days paſt: The Intelligence frora the
Deſerter confirming their belief of his Fear: The want cf Proviſions, of which
they had taken no great Care to lay in a ſufficient Stock: The Hopes conceived from
the Venetian War: And in fine, that readineſs with which Men ate apt to oc lier
what falls in with their Expectations and Wiſhes. Urged by theſe Conſiderations,
they would not ſuffer Viridovix and the reſt of the General Officers to diſn1iſs the
Council, before they had obtained their Conſent for the taking up of rms,
and falling upon the Roman Camp. The Propoſal being at laſt agreed to,
they provided themſclves with Faſcines and Hurd les to fill up the Ditch, and
joyfully began their march, as to a certain Victory. |
XX. THE Roman Camp ſtood upon an Eminence, which roſe with a
entle Aſcent, for the ſpace of about a Mile. Hither the Gault advancud with
15 much haſte, in order to come upon our Troops unprepared, that by that
time they were arrived, they had run themſelves quite out of Breath. C,,
having encouraged his Men, whom he ſaw eager to engage, gave the Word of M
Onſet. As the Enemy were very much incumbred with the Loads of FaicinesWll
they had brought to fill up the Ditch, he ordered a ſudden Sally from two
ſeveral Gates of the Camp: And fo well did it ſucceed, by reaſon of the
Advantage of the Ground, the Inexperience and Wearineſs of the Gau/s, the .
Bravery of the Roman Troops, and their Ability acquired in former Pattles;
that the Enemy could not ſuſtain the very firſt Charge of our Men, but im-
mediately betook themſelves to flight. The Romans, who were | freſh and
vigorous, purſuing them under all theſe Diſadvantages, put great num bers to
the Sword; and the reſt being followed by the Cavalry, very few eſcabed the
Slaughter. Thus at one and the ſame time Sabinus had an Account of thefWl
Deteat of the Yenetians by Sea, and Cæſar of the Victory obtained by $4158
at Land. All the ſeveral States in thoſe Parts readily ſubmitted to Titurius M
For as the Gault are very prompt and forward to undertake a War, ſo are
they of a Diſpoſition that eaſily relents and gives way to the Strokes of if
Adverſity. |
—
XXI. MUCH about the ſame time P. Craſſus arrived in Huitain; 88
Country, which as we have before obſerved, for extent of Territory, and num
ber of Inhabitants, is deſervedly accounted a third Part of Gaul. This General
underſtanding that he was to conduct a War in thoſe Parts, where but a few
Years before L. Valerius Præconinus had been ſlain, and his Army put to the
rout; and whence L. Manilius the Proconſul had been driven with the loſs off q
his Baggage: ſoon became ſenſible that he muſt act with more than ordinary
Circumſpection and Vigour. Having therefore made Proviſion of Corn, aflera-W
bled his auxiliary Troops and Cavalry, and ſtrengthened his Army with a choice
Body of Volunteers, drawn together by name from Toulouſe, Carcaſo, and Ner-Wi
bonne, which States make up that part of the Roman Province that Les mg }
neareſſi
ft = \ a 6 CO
: : = : _ 1 1 ä . v7 Oo * =O v0 6
e A r N r TI
\ © l ; er » * — — TI by * 1 oy _ od = * © rn [2 * = 82 * .
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
wanted Canvas, and were ignorant. of the Art of making Sail-cloth ; or, which
is more probable, becauſe they imagined that Canvas-ſails were not ſo proper
to bear the Violence of Tempeſts, the Rage and Fury of the Winds, and to
govern Ships of that Bulk and Burden. Between our Fleet, and Veſſels of
ſuch a make, the nature of the Encounter was this; that in Agility, and a
ready Command of Oars, we had indeed the Advantage; but in other Reſpects,
regarding the Situation of the Coaſt, and the Aſſaults of Storms, all things
ran very much in their Favour: For neither could our Ships injure them with
their Beaks, ſo great was their Strength and Firmneſs; nor could we eaſily
throw in our Darts, becauſe of their height above us: Which alſo was the
Reaſon, that we found it extremely difficult to grapple the Enemy, and bring
them to cloſe Fight. Add to all this, that when the Sea began to rage, and
they were forced to ſubmit to the Pleaſure of the Winds, they could both weather
the Storm better, and more ſecurely truſt themſelves among the Shallows, as
fearing nothing from the Rocks and Cliffs, upon the Receſs of the Tide. The
Romans, on the other hand, had reaſon to be under a continual dread of theſe
and ſuch like Accidents.
XIV. CAESAR having taken many of their Towns, and finding that he
only fatigued his Army to no purpoſe, becauſe he could neither prevent the
Retreat of the Enemy, nor force their Garriſons to a Surrender; reſolved to
wait the Arrival of his Fleet. Which being accordingly come up, was no
ſooner deſcried by the / enetians, than about two hundred and twenty of their
beſt Ships, well equipped for Service, and furniſhed with all kind of Weapons,
ſtood out to Sea, and drew up in order of Battle againſt us. Neither Brutus
who commanded the Fleet, nor the Centurions and military Tribunes who had
the Charge of particular Veſſels, knew what Courſe to take, or in what manner
to conduct the Fight. For they were no Strangers to the Strength and Firmneſs
of the Yenetian Shipping, which rendered them proof againſt our Beaks: And
when they had even raiſed Turrets upon the Decks, yet being {till over-topped
by the lofty Sterns of the Enemy, the Romans could not with any Advantage
throw in their Darts; whereas thoſe ſent by the Gawls, coming from above,
deſcended with great Violence on our Men. In this Exigence, a particular
kind of Inſtrument uſed by the Mariners, proved of ſignal Service in giving a
favourable Iſſue to the Combat. They had provided themſelves with long Poles,
armed at one end with ſharp Scythes, not unlike thoſe made uſe of in attacking
the Walls of Towns. With theſe they laid hold of the Enemy's Tackle, and
drawing off the Galley by the extreme Force of Oars, cut aſunder the Ropes
that faſtened the Sail-yards to the Maſt. Theſe giving way, the Sail-yards
neceſſarily came down; infomuch that as all the Hopes and Expectations of
the Gaul depended etirely on their Sails and Rigging, by depriving them of
this Reſource, we at the ſame time rendered their Veſſels wholly unſerviceable.
The reſt depended all together upon the Valour of the Troops, in which the
Romans had greatly the Advantage; and the rather, becauſe they fought within
View of Cz/ar and the whole Army, fo that not a ſingle Act of Bravery could
paſs unobſerved: For all the adjoining Hills and Eminences, which afforded 2
near Proſpect of the Sea, were covered with our Men,
XV. "THE Enemy's Sail-yards being, as we have ſaid, cut down; and many
ot their Ships ſingly ſurrounded by two or three of ours at a time; the Romans
uſed their utmoſt Endeavours to board them. Which the Henetians obſerving,
and that we had already made ourſelves Maſters of a great part of their Fleet;
as
2 N =» 8 1 3 = p 1 F _— _—
* W * ? by FRE * cs aa r
OFHISWARS IN GAUL. Book in.
as they could fall upon no Expedient to prevent ſo great a Misfortune, they
began to think of providing for their Safety by flight. Accordingly they
tacked about, in order to have the Advantage of the Wind; when all of a
ſudden ſo dead a Calm enſued, that not a Veſſel could ſtir out of its Place.
Nor could any thing have fallen out more opportunely towards putting at
once a final Period to the War; for the Romans attacking their Ships one aſter
another, took them with eaſe; inſomuch that of all that vaſt Number that
came out againſt us, but a very few, under favour of the Night, eſcaped ſafe
to Land, after a Conflict that continued from nine in the Morning till
Sun-let. | |
XVI. THIS Battle put an end to the War with the Yenetians, and all the
Nations upon the Sea-Coaſt. For as the entire Body of their Youth, and all
thoſe alſo of more advanced Age, who were capable of ſerving their Country
by their Credit and Counſels, were preſent in the Action; and as they had
likewiſe drawn together their whole naval Strength : Such as ſurvived this
Defeat, having neither any place of refuge whereunto to retire, nor means left
of defending their Towns, ſurrendered themſelves and their all to Cz/ar's
Mercy. But he thought it neceſſary to proceed againſt them with the greater
Severity, that he might impreſs upon the Minds of the Gaw/s for the future, a
more inviolable Regard to the ſacred Character of Ambaſſadors. Havin
therefore cauſed all their Senators to be put to death, he ordered the reſt to
be fold for Slaves.
XVII. DURING theſe Tranſactions againſt the Yenetians, Q. Titurius
Sabinus entered the Territories of the Une/lians, at the head of the Troops put
under his Command by Ceſar. Yiridevix was inveſted with the ſupreme
Authority in theſe Parts, and had been appointed General in chief, by all the
States concerned in the Revolt; out of which he had drawn together a very
numerous and powerful Army. Nay but a very few Days before, the Aulerci,
Eburovices, and Lexovians, having maſſacred their Senate, becauſe they refuſed
to engage in the War, had ſhut their Gates againſt the Romans, and joined
themſelves to Viridovix. Beſides all this, he had very much ftrengthened his
Army by the great numbers that flocked to him from all parts of Gaul; Men
of deſperate Fortunes, or accuſtomed to live by robbery, whom the hopes of
Plunder, and love of War, had drawn off from the daily Labours of their
Calling, and the Cares of Agriculture.
XVIII. SABINUS kept cloſe within his Camp, which was ſituated in a
manner every way advantageous ; while Firidovix, who had poſted himſelf at
the diſtance of about two Miles, daily drew out his Men, and offered him
Battle. This Behaviour of the Roman General, not only drew upon him the
Contempt of the Enemy, but occaſioned alſo ſome murmuring among his own
Troops, and filled the Gauls with ſo high a Conceit of his Fear, that they
even adventured to come up to his very Trenches. The Reaſon of his acting
in this manner was, that he thought it not juſtifiable in a Lieutenant, in the Ab-
ſence of the Commander in chief, to hazard a Battle with ſo ſuperior an
Army, unleſs upon Terms of evident Advantage.
XIX. HAVING confirmed them in this Belief, that his. Reſerve was the
effect of Fear; he made choice of a certain Gaul from among the Auxiliaries,
a Man of Addreſs, and every way qualified for carrying on his Deſign. Him
he
47
48
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
he perſuaded by great Rewards, and ſtill greater Promiſes, to go over to the
Enemy, inſtructing him at the ſame time in the Part he was to act. This
Gaul coming to their Camp as a Deſerter, laid oc/ore. hm the Fear ci the
Romans, and the Extremities to which Cæſar was reduced in the War againſt
the Yenetians: Nor did he fail to infinuate, t:.at there was great Reaſon to be-
lieve Sad iuus intended the next Night privately to draw off his Army, and march
to Ce/ar's Aſſiſtance. No ſooner was this heard by the Gauli, than they all cried
out with one Voice, that they ought not to loſe ſo fair an Occaſion of Succeſs, but
o and attack the Roman Camp. Many Realons concurred to fix them in this Ne-
lution : The Reſerve of Sabin; for ſome Days paſt : The Intelligence from the
Deſerter confirming their belief of his Fear: The wand cf Proyii:ons, of which
they had taken no greatCare to lay ina ſufficient Stock : The Hopes conceived from
the Venetian War: And in fine, that readineſs with which Men are apt to believe
what falls in with their Expectations and Wiſhes. Urged by theſe Conſiderations,
they would not ſuffer Viridovix and the reſt of the General Officers to diſmiſs the
Council, before they had obtained their Conſent for the taking up of Arms,
and falling upon the Roman Camp. The Propoſal being at laſt agreed to,
they provided themſclves with Faſcines and Hurd es to fill up the Ditch, and
Joyfully began their march, as to a certain Victory.
XX. THE Roman Camp ſtood upon an Eminence, which roſe with a
a Aſcent, for the ſpace of about a Mile, Hither the Gault advanced with
o much haſte, in order to come upon our Troops unprepared, that by that
time they were arrived, they had run themſelves quite out of Breath. Sabinus
having encouraged his Men, whom he ſaw eager to engage, gave the Word of
Onſet. As the Enemy were very much incumbred with the Loads of aſcines
they had brought to fill up the Ditch, he ordered a ſudden Sally from two
ſeveral Gates of the Camp: And fo well did it ſucceed, by reaſon of the
Advantage of the Ground, the Inexperience and Wearineſs of the Gault, the
Bravery of the Roman Troops, and their Ability acquired in former Battles ;
that the Enemy could not ſuſtain the very firſt Charge of our Men, but im-
mediately betook themſelves to flight, The Romans, who were freſh and
vigorous, purſuing them under all theſe Diſadvantages, put great numbers to
the Sword; and the reſt being followed by the Cavalry, very few eſcaped the
Slaughter. Thus at one and the ſame time Sabinus had an Account of the
Deteat of the Yenetians by Sea, and Cæſar of the Victory obtained by Sabinus
at Land. All the ſeveral States in thoſe Parts readily ſubmitted to Titurius:
For as the Gault are very prompt and forward to undertake a War, fo are
they of a Diſpoſition that eaſily relents and gives way to the Strokes of
Adverſity.
XXI. MUCH about the ſame time P. Craſſus arrived in Auitain; a
Country, which as we have before obſerved, for extent of Territory, and num-
ber of Inhabitants, is deſervedly accounted a third Part of Gaul. This General
underſtanding that he was to conduct a War in thoſe Parts, where but a few
Years beſore L. Valerius Præconinus had been ſlain, and his Army put to the
rout; and whence L. Manilius the Proconſul had been driven with the loſs of
his Baggage: ſoon became ſenſible that he muſt act with more than ordinary
Circumſpection and Vigour. Having thereſore made Proviſion of Corn, aſſem-
bled his auxiliary Troops and Cavalry, and ſtrengthened his Army with a choice
Body of Volunteers, drawn together by name from Toulouſe, Carcaſo, and Mar-
bone, winch States make up that part of the Roman Province that les the
neareſt
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book 1n. 49 |
neareſt to HApuitain; he advanced with all his Forces into the Terri- | =
tories of the Soziazes. Theſe, upon the firſt notice of his Arrival, having 8
levied a great Army, and attacking him in his march with the whole Body of |
their Cavalry, in which their chief ſtrength conſiſted, were nevertheleſs re-
pulſed and purſued by our Men. But ail on a ſudden their Infantry appearing
in a Valley, where they had been deſignedly placed in Ambuſh, fell fu-
riouſly upon the Romans difordered with the Purſuit, and renewed the
Fight.
XXII. THE Battle was long and obſtinate. For the Sotiates, proud of their
former Victories, imagined that the Fate of all Aquitain depended fingly on
their Bravery. The Romans, on the other hand, were ambitious of ſhewing
what they could atchieve under a young Leader, in the Abſence of their Ge-
neral, and unſupported by the reſt of the Legions. At length however, the
Enemy overpowered with Wounds, betook themſelves to flight; and a great
Slaughter enſuing, Craſſus marched immediately and inveſted their Capital;
where meeting with a brave Reſiſtance, he was forced to make his Approaches
by Towers and Mantelets. The Enemy ſometimes ſallying out, ſometimes car-
rying on their Mines to our very Works, (in which kind of Service the Apuitains
are particularly skilſul, as inhabiting a Country that abounds in Veins of Cop-
per ;) when they ſaw that the Diligence of the Romans enabled them to ſur-
mount all theſe Difhculties, ſent Ambaſſadors to Craſſus, and requeſted they
might be admitted to a Surrender. Which being accordingly agreed to, they
in Obedience to his Deſire delivered up their Arms.
XXIII. BUT while the Romans were wholly intent upon the execution of
the Treaty: Adiatomus, who commanded in chief, endeavoured to eſcape on
the other fide of the Town, with a Body of fix hundred ſworn Friends, who
in the Language of the Country are called $/durians. Their condition and
manner of Life is this: To live in a perfect Community of Goods with thoſe
to whom they have engaged themſelves in Friendſhip : If any Misfortune befals
them, to ſhare in it, or make away with themſelves: Nor is there a fingle
Inſtance of any one upon Record, who upon the death of him to whom
he had vowed a Friendſhip, refuſed to ſubmit to the ſame Fate. Adiatomus,
as we have ſaid, endeavouring to make his Eſcape with this Body of Friends,
and the Alarm being given on that Side of the Works, the Soldiers immediatel
ran to Arms ; when a furious Combat enſued, in which he was at laſt repulſed,
and driven back into the Town. He obtained however from Craſſus the
ſame Conditions of Surrender as had been granted to the reſt of the
Inhabitants. n |
XXIV. CRASSUS having received their Arms and Hoſtages, led his
Troops into the Territories of the Yocatians and Taruſatians. But now the
Gaul, rouſed by the unexpected Progreſs of the Romans, who had in a few
Days after their Arrival made themſelves maſters of a Town ſtrongly fortified
both by Art and Nature; began to ſend Ambaſſadors into all Parts; to join
in a mutual League; to ratify their Engagements by an exchange of Hoſta-
ges ; and to levy Troops. Ambaſſadors were likewiſe diſpatched to all the
States of hither Spain that bordered upon Aguitain, to ſolicit a Supply of
Troops and Leaders: Upon whole Arrival, they immediately took the Field
with great Confidence, and a nutnerous and well appointed Army. None |
were ſuffered to command but ſuch as had ſerved under Sertorius, and were 1
O therefore
50
CA SARS COMMENTARIES
therefore accounted Men of conſummate Ability and Experience in the Art of
War. Theſe, according to the Cuſtom of the Romans, made it their Study
to chooſe a Camp to Advantage ; to ſecure themſelves by Lines and Intrench-
ments; and to intercept our Convoys. Craſſus perceiving their Deſign ; as his
own Army was not ſtrong enough to admit of ſending out Detachments ; and as
the Gauls could upon all Occaſions employ numerous Parties, poſſeſs them-
ſelves of the Paſſes, and at the fame time have a ſufficient number of Troops
to guard the Camp; by which means he foreſaw he muſt ſoon be reduced to
great Straits for want of Proviſions, while the Enemy would be every Day
growing more powerful: He for all theſe Reaſons reſolved not to delay coming
to an Engagement. Having laid his Deſign before a Council of War, and
finding them unanimous in their Approbation of it, he appointed the next Day
for the Engagement. |
XXV. EARLY in the Morning he drew all his Forces out of the Camp,
and diſpoſing them in two Lines, with the auxiliary Troops in the Center,
ſtood expecting what Reſolution the Enemy would take. But the Gaul, tho
they believed they might ſafely hazard a Battle, on account of their Numbers,
their former Renown in War, and the Handful of Men they were to oppoſe;
yet thought it would be ſtill better, by ſeizing the Paſſes, and intercepting our
Convoys, to ſecure the Victory without Expence of Blood: And ſhould the
want of Proviſions at length force the Romans to think of a Retreat; they
might then fall upon them embaraſſed in their march, incumbered with their
Baggage, and dejected by their Misfortunes. This Reſolution being approved
by all their Leaders, they kept within their Camp, tho' our Men appeared be-
fore them in Order of Battle.
XXVI. CRASSUS perceiving their Deſign, and that this Delay ſerved
rather to abate the Courage of the Enemy, and add freſh Spirits to his own
Men, among whom an univerſal Cry aroſe, that he ought no longer to put off
the Engagement, but march directly to their Camp: Having encouraged his
Troops, he reſolved to give way to their preſent Ardor, and accordingly led
them to the Aſſault. There ſome were employed in filling up the Ditch ; others
in driving the Enemy with their Darts from the Works; while the Auxiliaries,
in whom Craſſus had no great Confidence, yet that they might appear to
have ſome ſhare at leaſt in the Engagement, were appointed to carry Stones
and Darts to them that fought, and to ſupply Materials for raifing the Mount.
At the ſame time the Enemy fought with great Conſtancy and Reſolution, and
made no ſmall Havock with their Darts, which came upon us from above.
During this warmth of Oppoſition, the- Cavalry having taken a Compaſs round
the Camp, came and told Craſſus, that the Intrenchments were not fortified
with the ſame Care in all Parts, and that it would be eaſy to force an Entrance
by the poſtern Gate.
XXVII CRASSUS having exhorted the Officers of the Cavalry to
encourage their Men by great Rewards and Promiſes, inſtructed them in the
Part they were to act. They, in conſequence of the Orders they had re-
ceived, drawing out four Cohorts, which having been left to guard the Camp,
were quite freſh and fit for Action; and fetching with them a large Compaſs,
that they might not be ſeen from the Enemy's Camp; while the Eyes and
Minds of all were intent upon the Combat, fell ſuddenly upon that Part of
the Iatrenchments of which we have ſpoken above; and having forced their
way
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL: Book in.
way through, were actually got within the Camp before they were ſo much as
ſeen by the Enemy, or any Apprehenſion entertained of what they were about.
Upon this a great Uproar being heard on that fide, our Men redoubled their
Efforts, and as always happens to Troops animated with the hopes of Victory,
began to puſh the Gawls with greater Fury than ever. The Enemy thus ſur-
rounded on all ſides, and without hopes of retrieving their Affairs, endeavoured
to make their Eſcape over the Rampart, and fave themſelves by Flight. But
being purſued by the Cavalry, who ſoon came up with them in theſe open
and level Plains: of fifty thouſand Men that had been drawn-together out of
Spain and Aguitain, ſcarce a fourth Part eſcaped ; nor did the Horſe return to
the Camp till very late in the Evening, after they had quite tired themſelves
with the Slaughter.
XXVIII. UPON the Report of this Defeat, the greateſt part of fquitain
immediately ſubmitted to Craſſus, and of their own accord ſent him Hoſtages.
Of this number were the 7arbe/!;, Bigerriones, Preciani, Vocates, Taruſates,
Eluſates, Garites, Auſci, Garumni, Siburzates, and Cocaſates. Only a few
Nations, and thoſe the moſt remote, relying on the Seaſon of the Year, becauſe
the Winter was at hand, neglected to take this ſtep.
XXIX. MUCH about the ſame time Cz/ar, tho' the Summer was now
almoſt ſpent; yet becauſe all the reſt of Gaul being ſubdued, the Morini and
Menapians were ſtill in Arms, and had not ſent Ambaſſadors to treat about a
Peace; reſolved to lead his Army againſt them, hoping he ſhould ſoon be able
to put an end to that War. Their manner of oppoſing him was very different
from that of the other Gault. For underſtanding that the moſt powerful Na-
tions, when it came to a Battle, had always been overthrown and put to rout;
and inhabiting themſelves a Country that abounded in Woods and Marſhes,
they retired thither with all their Effects. Cæſar coming to the Entrance of
the Wood, began to intrench himſelf: and although no Enemy in the mean
time appeared, yet no ſooner had our Men diſperſed themſelves in order to
ſet about fortifying the Camp, than on a ſudden they came pouring upon us
from all parts of the Wood, and charged with great Briskneſs. The Romans
immediately flew to their Arms, and drove them back with conſiderable Slaughter;
but adventuring a little too far into the Wood, loſt ſome Men.
XXX. CAESAR ſpent the remaining Days in cutting down the Wood;
and to ſcreen his Men from any ſudden and unexpected Attack, ordered the
Trees that had been felled to be placed on each fide the Army, that they might
ſerve as a Barricade againſt the Attempts of the Enemy. Having with incre-
dible Diſpatch advanced a great way into the Wood in a few Days, inſomuch
that all their Cattle and Baggage fell into our Hands; they themſelves retired
into the thicker and more covered ſpaces of the Foreſt. 'The Seaſon growing
bad, we were forced to intermit the Work; and the Rains ſoon became ſo
violent and continual, that the Soldiers could no longer endure to he in their
Tents. Wherefore Cz/ar, having laid waſte their Lands, and ſet fire to their
Towns and Houſes, led back his Army, and diſpoſed it into Winter-quarters
among the Aulerci, Lexovians, and other States whom he had laſt ſubdued.
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T HE ARGUMENT.
De Uſipetes and Tenchtheri, German Wations, expelled by the Suevians, come
over into Gaul. II. The Manners and way of Life of the Suevians. III. And
of the Ubians. IV. The Uſipetes and Tenchtheri drive the Menapians from
their Habitations. V. Cæſar knowing the wavering and unſettled Temper of
the Gauls, repairs early in the Spring to the Army. VI. Embaſſy of the
Germans zo Cæſar, and his Anſwer. IX. An Action between the Cavalry, in
which the Germans have the advantage. X. But are afterwards driven from
their Camp with great Slaughter. XIII. And purſued by Cæſar, who makes
a Bridge over the Rhine for that purpoſe. XVI. Cæſar lays waſte the Terri-
tories of Sigambri. XVII. And having freed the Ubians from the ſervitude
under which they lived, returns into Gaul, XVIII. He then paſſes over into
Britain. XXII. And lands his Army with great difficulty, the Matives making
a vigorous Oppoſition. XXIV. They are defeated at length, and ſend Am-
baſſadors to ſue for Peace. XXVI. Cæſar's Fleet almoſt entirely ruined by a
Storm, which induces the Britons to revolt. XXIX. Their way of fighting
from their Chariots. XXX, Which diſconcerts the Romans at firſt. XXXI. But
being again put to flight, they obtain Peace. XXXII. After which Cæſar
returns into Gaul. XXXIII. And marching againſt the Morini, whom the
hope of Plunder tempted to fall upon ſome of his detached Parties, obliges
them to ſubmit. '
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I. HE following Winter, being that in which Cz. Pompey and M. Craſſus
. were Conſuls, the Uſpetes and Tenchtheri, German Nations, paſſed the
Rhine in a great Body, not far from its Mouth. The Cauſe of their
taking this Step was, that being much expoſed to the Hoſtilities of the Se-
vians, they had for many Years been haraſſed with continual Wars, and hindered
from cultivating their Lands.
II. THE Suevians are by far the moſt warlike and conſiderable of all the
German Nations. They are ſaid to be compoſed of an hundred Cantons, each
of which ſends yearly into the Field a thouſand armed Men. The reſt, who
continue in their ſeveral Diſtricts, employ themſelves in cultivating their Lands,
that it may furniſh a ſufficient Supply both for themſelves and for the Army.
Theſe again take up Arms the following Campaign, and are ſucceeded in the
care of the Lands by the Troops that ſerved the Year before. Thus they live
in the continual Exerciſe both of Agriculture and War. They allow of no
ſuch thing as Property or private Poſſeſſion in the diſtribution of their Lands;
their Reſidence, for the ſake of Tillage, being confined to a fingle Year. Corn
is not much in uſe among them, becauſe they prefer a milk or fleſh-diet, and
are greatly addicted to Hunting. Thus the Quality of their Food, their per-
al Exerciſe, and free unconfined manner of Life (becauſe being from their
Childhood fettered by no Rules of Duty or Education, they acknowledge no
Law but Will and Pleaſure) contribute to make them ſtrong, and of an ex-
traordinary Stature. They have likewiſe accuſtomed themſelves, though in-
habiting a Climate naturally very cold, to bathe in their Rivers, and clothe
themſelves only with Skins, which as they are very ſmall, leave great part of
their Body quite uncovered. Merchants indeed reſort to them, but rather to
urchaſe their Spoils taken in War, than import any Goods into the Country:
for even Beaſts of Carriage, in which the Gauls take ſo much delight, that
they are ready to purchaſe them at any price, are yet very little valued by the
Germans when brought among them. And though thoſe of their own Country
ate both ſmall and very ill ſhaped, yet by daily Exerciſe they make them
capable of all kinds of Service. Their Cavalry often diſmount in time of
Action,
CASA R's COMMENTARIES
Action, to fight on foot; and their Horſes are ſo train d, that they ſtir not from
the place where they are left, but wait the return of their Riders, who betake
themſelves to them again in caſe of Neceſſity. Nothing is more diſhonourable
in their Account, or more oppoſite to their Cuſtoms, than the uſe of Horſe-
furniture: and therefore however few themſelves, they ſcruple not to attack
any Number ot their Enemies whom they fee ſo equipped. They ſuffer no
Wine to be imported into their Territories, as imagining that it both enervates
the Mind, and unfits the Body for Exerciſe and Labour. It is accounted much
to the Honour of the Nation, to have the Country for a great way round them
waſte and uninhabited ; for by this they think is intimated, that the united
Force of many States has been found inſufficient to withſtand their ſingle
Valour. And hence it is, that on one fide, the Country is faid to lie deſolate
for the ſpace of fix hundred Miles.
III. ON the other fide they are bounded by the Ubians, heretofore a
flouriſhing and potent People, and ſomewhat more civilized than the other
German Nations; becauſe inhabiting along the Banks of the Rhine, they are
much reſorted to by Merchants; and have beſides, by bordering upon the States
of Gaul, given into many of their Cuſtoms. The Suevians having tried the
Strength of this People in many Wars, and finding them too numerous and
potent to be driven out of their Territories; prevailed yet ſo far as to impoſe
a Tribute upon them, and very much reduce and weaken their Power.
IV. THE Uſpetes and Tenchtheri, of whom we have ſpoken above, were
likewiſe engaged in this Quarrel; and after withſtanding the Power of the
Suevians for many Years, were nevertheleſs at length driven from their Terri-
tories. Having wandered over many Regions of Germany during the ſpace of
three Years, they arrived at laſt upon the Banks of the Rhine, towards thoſe
Parts inhabited by the Menapians, who had Houſes, Lands, and Villages on
both ſides the River. But alarmed at the Approach of fo prodigious a Multi-
tude, they abandoned all their Habitations beyond the Rhine; and having diſ-
poſed their Troops on this fide the River, ſet themſelves to oppoſe the Paſſage
of the Germans. Theſe having tried every Expedient; and finding they
could neither force the Paſſage, becauſe of their want of Shipping; nor ſteal
over privately, by reaſon of the Guards kept by the Menapians ; counterfeited
a Retreat into their own Country ; and after three Days march ſuddenly turned
back : when their Cavalry recovering all this Ground in the ſpace of one Night,
caſily overpowered the Menapians, little expecting or prepared for ſuch a Viſit:
for having been appriſed by their Scouts of the Departure of the Germans,
they had returned, fearleſs of Danger, to their Habitations beyond the Rhire.
Theſe being all put to the Sword, and their Shipping ſeized; before the Mena-
pians on this fide had intelligence of their Approach, they paſſed the River:
and ſeizing all their Towns and Houſes, ſupported themſelves the reſt of the
Winter with the Proviſions there found.
V. CSA R being informed of theſe, things, and dreading the Levity of
the Gauls, who are very changeable in their Counſels, and fond of Novelties;
determined to truſt nothing to their Reſolves. For it is the Cuſtom of that
People to ſtop Travellers even againſt their will, and enquire of them what
they have heard or know relating to any Affair: And in their Towns, upon
the Arrival of a foreign Merchant, they gather round him in crowds, and oblige
him to tell what Country he comes from, and how things ſtood at his Departure.
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Moved by theſe Reports, they often enter upon the moſt important Deliberati-
ons, and concert Meaſures they ſoon have cauſe to repent, as being founded
wholly on vain Rumours, and Anſwers feigned for the moſt part deſignedly to
pleaſe them. Cæſar, who was aware of this Cuſtom, fearing the War if neg-
lected might become formidable, made all the haſte he could to Join the
Army. Upon his Arrival he found, that things were fallen out exactly as he
had foreſeen. Some of the States of Gaul had ſent Ambaſſadors to the Germans,
inviting them to leave the Banks of the Rhine, and aſſuring them that all their
Demands ſhould be readily complied with. The Germans, allured by theſe
Hopes, were already extending their Incurſions on all Sides, and had pene-
trated into the Territories of the Eburones and Gondrufians, both which
Nations are under the Protection of the Treviri. Cz2/ar having aſſembled
the Chiefs of the Gauli, diſſembled his knowledge of their ſecret Deſigns; and
endeavouring rather to win them over, and confirm them in their Alliance
with the People of Rome, demanded a certain number of Cavalry of them,
and prepared to march againſt the Germans.
VI. HAVING provided himſelf with Corn, and drawn together a ſelect
Body of Horſe, he began his march towards thoſe Parts where he underſtood
the Germans then were. When he was come within a tew Days journey of
their Camp, Ambaſſadors arrived from them, who addreſſed him to this effect:
« That the Germans had no Deſign of being the firſt to begin a War with the
« People of Rome; but neither, if they were attacked, would they decline
« having recourſe to Arms: That it was the Cuſtom of their Nation, handed
« down to them by their Anceſtors, rather to oppoſe the Efforts of their Ene-
mies, than expect Relief from Remonſtrances : but thus far they were however
e willing to own, that it was againſt their Inclination they were come into thoſe
« Parts, having been driven from their Habitations : That if the Romans were
« diſpoſed to accept of their Friendſhip, they might become very uſeful and ſer-
« viceable Allies, and would reſt ſatisfied either with ſuch Lands as they ſhould
« think proper to aſſign them, or in the quiet Poſſeſſion of thoſe they had already
obtained by force of Arms: That they yielded in Valour to the Su iu
« alone, for whom the immortal Gods themſelves were not an equal match;
« but knew of no other Nation under Heaven able to reſiſt the Efforts of their
« Bravery.” Cæſar made ſuch a Reply as beſt ſuited his preſent Views, but
the Concluſion of his Speech was to this purpoſe : © That he could enter into
« no treaty of Friendſhip with them ſo long as they continued in Gaul: That
« Men who had been unable to defend their own Territories were not likely to
gain Countries by force from others: That there were no uncultivated Lands in
Gaul, ſufficient to ſatisfy ſo great a Multitude, without invading the Proper-
« ties of others : But that, if they pleaſed, they might incorporate themſelves
« with the Ubians, whoſe Ambaſſadors were then in his Camp, to complain
« of the Injuries of the Suevians, and requeſt his Aid againſt their In-
« croachments: This he promiſed to obtain for them of the Ubians.”
The Ambaſſadors replied, they would report this to their Countrymen, and
in three Days return with an Anſwer; requeſting in the mean time, that he
would not advance with his Army. But this Cz/ar refuſed ; as knowing,
that a few Days before they had ſent a great Body of Cavalry over the Meuſe,
to forage and plunder in the Territories of the Ambivariti. He therefore con-
cluded, that they only waited the return of this Party, and with that View
were for interpoling Delays.
*
2 VII.
57
58
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
VII. THE Muſe riſes in the Mountains of Yauſe, in the Territories of the
Lingones, and receiving a certain Branch of the Rhine, called the Vabal, forms
with it the Iſland of the Batavians, about fourſcore Miles below which it diſ-
charges itſelf into the Sea. The Rhine itſelf takes its riſe in the Territories of
the Lepontians, who inhabit the Alps; and after a long and rapid Courſe thro?
the Country of the Vantuates, Helvetians, Sequani, Mediomatrici, Treboci,
and Treviri, divides itſelf as it approaches nearer the Sea into ſeveral Channels,
and forming a great number of very large Iſlands, inhabited for the molt part
by fierce and ſavage Nations, ſome of whom are reported to feed only on Fiſh
and the Eggs of Birds; it at laſt diſcharges itſelf into the Ocean by many
different Mouths. | :
VIII. CASAR being now only twelve Miles diſtant from the Enemy,
was met upon his way by the Ambaſſadors on the Day appointed. They were
very earneſt in their Requeſts that he would advance no farther : But not
being able to prevail, intreated; that he would ſend to the Cavalry who made
the Advance-Guard, to reſtrain them from beginning the Fight; and in the
mean time permit them to ſend Ambaſſadors to the Ubians : from whoſe Senate
and Magiſtrates if they could obtain the Conditions offered them by Cz/ar,
under the Sanction of a ſolemn Oath, they declared themſelves ready to accept
them ; requiring only that he would allow them the Space of three Days to
bring Matters to a final Iſſue. But Cz/ar imagining all theſe Proffers to have
no other Tendency than the delay of a few Days, till their Cavalry ſhould
arrive, told them nevertheleſs; that he would advance that Day only four
Miles farther for the ſake of Water; but deſired their Chiefs to attend him
the Day after, that he might know their Demands, Mean-time he ſent Orders
to the Officers of the Cavalry who were gone before, not to attack the
Enemy; and in caſe they ſhould be attacked themſelves, only to maintain
their Ground, 'till he ſhould come up with the reſt of the Army.
IX. BUT the Enemy, upon ſeeing our Horſe advance, whoſe number
amounted to five thouſand ; whereas they themſelves did not exceed eight
hundred, by reaſon of the Abſence of thoſe who had been ſent to forage be-
yond the Meuſe: yet falling ſuddenly upon the Romans, who had no Appre-
henſion of their Deſign, becauſe they knew their Ambaſſadors had been with
Cz/ar a little before, and obtained a Day's Truce; they eaſily put them into
Diſorder. And when our Men recovering a little began to make Reſiſtance,
they according to Cuſtom diſmounted, and ſtabbing our Horſes under the
Belly, and by that means overthrowing many of the Riders, in a very ſhort
time put the reſt to flight: and ſo great was the Conſternation, that they con-
tinued driving them before them, till at laſt they came within fight of the
Army. In this Skirmiſh we loſt ſeventy-four Men, and among them Piſo of
Aquitain, a Man of diſtinguiſhed Valour and illuſtrious Deſcent, whoſe
Grandfather had been ſovereign Magiſtrate in his own State, and been ho-
noured by the Senate of Rome with the title of Friend. This brave Officer,
ſeeing his Brother ſurrounded by the Enemy, ran to his Aſſiſtance, and reſcued
him : But his own Horſe being wounded, and he overthrown, the Enemy fell
upon him, againſt whom nevertheleſs he made a brave Reſiſtance; till at laſt
ſurrounded on all Sides, he fell overpowered with Wounds. Which his Brother
perceiving, who was by this time out of Danger, and had got to a conſi-
derable Diſtance ; ſetting Spurs to his Horſe, he ruſhed among the thickeſt of
the Enemy, and was ſlain. ,
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OF HIS WARS ING AUL. Book vr.
X. AFTER this Battle, Cæſar reſolved neither to give audience to their
Ambaſſadors, nor admit them to Terms of Peace; ſeeing they had treacheroufl
applied for a Truce, and afterwards of their own accord broke it. He like-
wiſe conſidered, that it would be downright Madneſs to delay coming to an
Action till their Army ſhould be augmented, and their Cavalry join them;
and the more ſo, becauſe he was perfectly well acquainted with the Levity of
the Gauls, among whom they had already acquired a conſiderable Reputation
by this ſucceſsful Attack, and to whom it therefore behoved him by no means
to allow time to enter into Meaſures againſt him. Upon all theſe Accounts he
determined to come to an Engagement with the Enemy as ſoon as poſſible,
and communicated his Deſign to his Queſtor and Lieutenants. A very
lucky Accident fell out to bring about Cz/ar's Purpoſe ; for the Day after, in
the Morning, the Germans perſiſting in their Treachery and Diſſimulation,
came in great numbers to the Camp; all their Nobility and Princes making
part of the Embaſſy. Their Deſign was, as they pretended, to vindicate
themſelves in regard to what had happened the Day before ; becauſe contrary
to Engagements made and come under at their own Requeſt, they had fallen
upon our Men : but their real Motive was, to obtain if poſlible another inſidious
Truce. Cz/ar overjoyed to have them thus in his Power, ordered them to be
ſecured, and immediately drew his Forces out of the Camp. The Cavalry,
whom he ſuppoſed terrified with the late Engagement, were commanded to
follow in the Rear.
XI. HAVING drawn up his Army in three Lines, and made a very ex-
peditious match of eight Miles, he appeared before the Enemy's Camp, before
they had the leaſt Apprehenſion of his Deſign. All things conſpiring to
throw them into a ſudden Conſternation, which was not a little increaſed
by our unexpected Appearance, and the Abſence of their own Officers; and
hardly any time being left them, either to take Counſel, or fly to Arms: they
were utterly at a loſs what Courſe to take, whether to draw out their Forces
and oppoſe the Enemy, or content themſelves with defending the Camp,
or in fine, to ſeek for Safety in flight. As this Fear was evident from the
Tumult and Uproar we petceived among them, our Soldiers, inſtigated by the
Remembrance of their treacherous Behaviour the Day before, broke into the
Camp. Such as could firſt provide themſelves with Arms made a ſhew of
Reſiſtance, and for ſome time maintained the Fight amidſt the Baggage and
Carriages. But the Women and Children (for the Germans had brought all
their Families and Effects with them over the Rhine) betook themſelves to
flight on all Sides. Cz/ar ſent the Cavalry in purſuit of them.
XII. THE German hearing the Noiſe behind them, and ſeeing their Wives
and Children put to the Sword, threw down their Arms, abandoned their En-
ſigns, and fled out of the Camp. Being arrived at the confluence of the
Rhine and the Meuſe, and finding it impoſſible to continue their flight any
farther ; after a dreadful Slaughter of thoſe that pretended to make reſiſtance,
the reft threw themſelves into the River; where what with. Fear, Wearineſs,
and the force of the Current, they almoſt all periſhed. Thus our Army, with-
out the loſs of a Man; and with very few wounded, returned to their Camp,
having put an end to this formidable War, in which the number of the Enemy
amounted to four hundred and thirty thouſand. Cæſar offered thoſe whom
he had detained in his Camp liberty to depart : but they dreading the Reſent-
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OF HIS WARS INGAUL. Book vv.
X. AFTER this Battle, Cz/ar reſolved neither to give audience to their
Ambaſſadors, nor admit them to Terms of Peace; ſeeing they had treacherouſ]
applied for a Truce, and afterwards of their own accord broke it. He like-
wiſe conſidered, that it would be downright Madneſs to delay coming to an
Action till their Army ſhould be augmented, and their Cavalry join them;
and the more fo, becauſe he was perfectly well acquainted with the Levity of
the Gaul, among whom they had already acquired a conſiderable Reputation
by this ſucceſsful Attack, and to whom it therefore behoved him by no means
to allow time to enter into Meaſures againſt him. Upon all theſe Accounts he
determined to come to an Engagement with the Enemy as ſoon as poſſible,
and communicated his Deſign to his Queſtor and Lieutenants. A very
lucky Accident fell out to bring about Cz/ar's Purpoſe; for the Day after, in
the Morning, the Germans perſiſting in their Treachery and Diſſimulation,
came in great numbers to the Camp; all their Nobility and Princes making
part of the Embaſſy. Their Deſign was, as they pretended, to vindicate
themſelves in regard to what had happened the Day before; becauſe contrary
to Engagements made and come under at their own Requeſt, they had fallen
upon our Men: but their real Motive was, to obtain if poſſible another inſidious
Truce. Cæſar overjoyed to have them thus in his Power, ordered them to be
ſecured, and immediately drew his Forces out of the Camp. The Cavalry,
whom he ſuppoſed terrified with the late Engagement, were commanded to
follow in the Rear.
XI. HAVING drawn up his Army in three Lines, and made a very ex-
peditious match of eight Miles, he appeared before the Enemy's Camp, before
they had the leaſt Apprehenſion of his Deſign. All things conſpiring to
throw them into a ſudden Conſternation, which was not a little increaſed
by our unexpected Appearance, and the Abſence of their own Officers; and
hardly any time being left them, either to take Counſel, or fly to Arms: they
were utterly at a loſs what Courſe to take, whether to draw out their Forces
and oppoſe the Enemy, or content themſelves with defending the Camp,
or in fine, to ſeek for Safety in flight. As this Fear was evident from the
Tumult and Uproar we perceived among them, our Soldiers, inſtigated by the
Remembrance of their treacherous Behaviour the Day before, broke into the
Camp. Such as could firft provide themſelves with Arms made a ſhew of
Reſiſtance, and for ſome time maintained the Fight amidſt the Baggage and
Carriages. But the Women and Children (for the Germans had brought all
their Families and Effects with them over the Rhine) betook themſelves to
flight on all Sides. Cz/ar fent the Cavalry in purſuit of them.
XII. THE German hearing the Noiſe behind them, and ſeeing their Wives
and Children put to the Sword, threw down their Arms, abandoned their En-
ſigns, and fled out of the Camp. Being arrived at the confluence of the
Rhine and the Meuſe, and finding it impoſſible to continue their flight any
farther ; after a dreadful Slaughter of thoſe that pretended to make reſiſtance,
the reſt threw themſelves into the River; where what with Fear, Wearineſs,
and the force of the Current, they almoſt all periſhed. Thus our Army, with-
out the loſs of a Man, and with very few wounded, returned to their Camp,
having put an end to this formidable War, in which the number of the Enemy
amounted to four hundred and thirty thouſand. Cæſar offered thoſe whom
he had detained in his Camp liberty to depart : but they dreading the Reſent-
ment
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CAS A R's COMMENTARIES
ment of the Cauli, whoſe Lands they had laid waſte, choſe rather to continue
with him, and obtained his Conſent for that purpoſe.
-
XIII. THE War with the Germans being ended, Cz/ar for many Reaſons
reſolved to carry his Army over the Rhine. But what chiefly ſwayed with him
was, that as he found the Germans were eaſily prevailed upon to tranſport
their Forces into Gaul, he thought it might be of no ſmall Service to alarm
them upon their own Account, by letting them ſee, that the Romans wanted
neither Ability nor Reſolution to paſs the Rhine with an Army. Add to all
this, that the Cavalry of the Uſpetes and Tenchtheri, who, as we have related
above, had paſſed the Meuſe for the ſake of Forage and Plunder, and by that
means eſcaped the Diſaſter of the late Fight ; upon hearing of the Defeat of
their Countrymen, had repaſſed the Rhine, retired into the Territories of the
Sicambrians, and joined their Forces to theirs. And upon Gz/ar's ſending De-
putics to require, that theſe Troops, which had preſumed to make War upon
him and the Gauls, might be delivered up, he had received for Anſwer :
« That the Rhine was the Boundary of the Roman Empire: That if he
es thought it unjuſtifiable in the Germans to paſs over into Gaul without his
ce leave, upon what Pretence could he claim any Power or Authority beyond
tc the Rhine?
XIV. BUT the Ubjans, who alone of all the Nations beyond the Rhine
had ſent Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar, entered into an Alliance with him, and given
him Hoſtages, earneſtly intreated him to come over to their Aſſiſtance, they
being very hard preſſed by the Suevians : Or, if the Affairs of the Com-
« monwealth would not allow of his being there in Perſon, that he would
« only order his Army to croſs the Rhine, which would both be ſufficient for
c their preſent Support, and alſo ſecure them for the time to come. Be-
« cauſe ſuch was the Reputation and Opinion conceived of a Raman Army,
« even amongſt the moſt remote German Nations, from their defeating Ario-
« viftus, and the ſucceſs of the laſt Battle, that their Friendſhip and Name
« would alone be a ſufficient Defence. They promiſed likewiſe a great
* number of Ships for the tranſporting of the Army.
XV. CAESAR for all theſe Reaſons above-mentioned, determined to croſs.
the Rhine. But to make uſe of Shipping appeared to him neither ſafe, 1
ſuitable to the Dignity of the Roman Name. Whereforc, altlio he underſtood
that the making of a Bridge would be attended with very great Difficulties,
on account of the breadth, depth, and rapidity of the River ; yet was he' of
opinion, that in this manner alone ought he to carry over his Army, or lay
aſide the Deſign altogether. The form therefore and contrivance of the Bridge
was thus: Two Beams, each a Foot and a half thick, ſharpened a little to-
wards the lower end, and of a length proportioned to the depth of the River,
were Joined together at the diſtance of about two Feet. Theſe were ſunk
into the River by Engines, and afterwards ſtrongly driven with Rammers, 'not
perpendicularly, but inclined according to the direction of the Stream. Directly
oppoſite to theſe, at the diſtance of forty Feet lower down, were placed two
other Beams joined together like the former, but ſloping againſt the current.
of the River. Theſe Stakes were kept firm by a large Beam, extended from
one to the other, and which being two Feet in thickneſs, exactly filled the
Interval of the two Stakes, and was ftrongly faſtened at either end with iron
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book iv.
Nails, ſo contrived, that the Violence of the Stream ſerved only to bind the
Work faſter together. This being continued through the whole Breadth of the
River, he ordered Planks to be laid acroſs, which for the greater convenience
of paſſing, were further covered with Hurdles. Towards the lower part of the
Stream other Stakes were ſunk in the form of Buttreſſes, which ſupported the
Bridge againſt the Violence of the Current; and above, at ſome diſtance, there
were others; that if Trunks of Trees or Veſſels ſhould be ſent down the River
by the Enemy, to deſtroy the Work, the Shock might be broken by theſe De-
fences, and the Bridge thereby ſecured from damage.
XVI. THE Bridge being finiſhed within ten Days from the time they began
to fetch the Materials, Cz/ar led over his Army ; and leaving a ſtrong Guard
on each {ide of the River, marched directly into the Territories of the Sicambr:.
Mean-time Ambaſſadors arriving from ſeveral States to deſire Peace, and court
his Alliance, he gave them a very favourable Receptipn, and appointed them
to ſend Hoſtages. The Sicambri, when they underſtood that the Bridge was
begun, by Advice of the Uſperes and Tenchtheri who had taken Shelter among
them, reſolved upon a Retreat: and having abandoned their Territories, and
carried off all their Effects, withdrew into the neighbouring Woods and
Deſarts.
XVII. CASA R, after a ſhort ſtay in their Country, having burnt all their
Houſes and Villages, and cut down their Corn, marched into the Territories
of the Ubians. As he had promiſed theſe laſt his Aſſiſtance againſt the At-
tempts of the Suevians, he underſtood from them: that the Suevians being
informed by their Spies of the Bridge built upon the Rhine, had, according to
their Cuſtom, called a Council, and diſpatched Orders into all Parts for the
People to forſake their Towns, and convey their Wives, Children, and Effects
into the Woods; commanding at the ſame time, that all ſuch as were able to
bear Arms ſhould meet at the Place of general Rendezvous, which they had
appointed towards the middle of the Country, reſolving there to wait the Ar-
rival of the Romans, and give them Battle. Cz/ar, upon this Intelligence,
having accompliſhed all he intended in carrying his Army over the Rhine, by
ſpreading an univerſal Terror among the Germans, taking Vengeance of the
Sicambri, and ſetting the Ubians at liberty; after a ſtay of only eighteen
Days beyond the Rhine, thinking he had done enough both for his own Re-
putation and the ſervice of the Republick, led back his Army into Gaul, and
broke down the Bridge.
XVIII THOUGH but a ſmall part of the Summer now remained ; for
in thoſe Regions, Gaul ſtretching very much to the North, the Winters begin
early; Cz/ar nevertheleſs reſolved to paſs over into Britain, having certain In-
telligence, that in all his Wars with the Gaul, the Enemies of the Common-
wealth had ever received. Aſſiſtance from thence, He indeed foreſaw, that the
Seaſon of the Year would not permit him to finiſh the War; yet he thought it
would be of no ſmall advantage, it he ſhould but take a View of the Iſland, learn
the Nature of the Inhabitants, and acquaint himſelf with the Coaſt, Harbours,
and Landing-places, to all which the Gals were perfect Strangers. For al-
moſt none but Merchants reſort to that Iſland; nor have even they any
Knowledge of the Country, except the Sea-coaſt, and the Parts oppoſite to
Gaul. Having therefore called together the Merchants irom all Parts, they
could neither inform him of the largeneſs of the Iſland, nor what or how
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CR SARS COMMENTARIES.
powerſul the Nations were that inhabited it, nor of their Cuſtoms, Art of
War, or the Harbours fit to receive large Ships. For theſe Reaſons, before he
embarked himſelf, he thought proper to ſend C. Voluſenus with a Galley, to
et ſome knowledge of theſe things; commanding him, as ſoon as he had
informed himſelf in what he wanted to know, to return with all expedition.
He himſelf marched with his whole Army into the Territories of the Morin,
becauſe thence was the neareſt Paſſage into Britain. Here he ordered a great
many Ships from the neighbouring Ports to attend him, and the Fleet he had
made uſe of the Year before in the Venetian War.
XIX. MEAN-WHILE the Britons having notice of his Deſign, by the
Merchants that reſorted to their Iſland; Ambaſſadors from many of their
States came to Cz/ar, with an offer of Hoſtages, and Submiſſion to the Au-
thority of the People of Rome. To theſe he gave a favourable Audience;
and exhorting them to continue in the ſame mind, ſent them back into their
own Country. Along with them he diſpatched Comius, whom he had con-
ſtituted King of the Atrebatians; a Man in whoſe Virtue, Wiſdom, and Fi-
delity he greatly confided, and whoſe Authority in the Iſland was vegy con-
fiderable. To him he gave it in charge, to viſit as many States as h&could,
and perſuade them to enter into an Alliance with the Romans, letting them
know at the ſame time, that Cz/ar deſigned as ſoon as poſſible to come over
in perſon to their Iſland. Yo/uſenus having taken a View of the Country, as
far as was poſſible for one who had reſolved not to quit his Ship, or truſt
himſelf in the hands of the Barbarians, returned on the fifth Day, and ac-
quainted Cz/ar with his Diſcoveries.
XX. WHHIX Cæſar continued in thoſe Parts, for the fake of getting ready
his Fleet, Deputies arrived from almoſt all the Cantons of the Morini, to excuſe
their late War with the People of Rome, as proceeding wholly from a national
Fierceneſs, and their Ignorance of the Roman Cuſtoms ; promiſing likewiſe an
entire Submiſſion for the future. This fell out very opportunely for Cz/ar,
who was unwilling to leave any Enemies behind him, nor would the Seaſon
of the Year have even allowed him to engage in a War: Beſides, he judged it
by no means proper ſo far to entangle himſelf in theſe trivial Affairs, as to be
obliged to poſtpone the Expedition into Britain. He therefore ordered them
to ſend him a great Number of Hoſtages, and upon their being delivered,
received them into his Alliance. Having got together about eighty Tranſports,
which he thought would be ſufficient for the carrying over two Legions ; he
diſtributed the Gallies he had over and above, to the Queſtor, Lieutenants,
and Officers of the Cavalry. There were beſides eighteen Tranſports detained
by contrary Winds at a Port about eight Miles off, which he appointed to
carry over the Cavalry. The reſt of the Army, under the Command of
. Titurius Sabinus, and L. Arunculeius Cotta, were ſent againſt the Menapians,
and thoſe Cantons of the Morini which had not ſubmitted. P. Sulpicius Rufus
had the charge of the Harbour where he embarked, with a ſtrong Garriſon to
maintain it.
XXI. THINGS being in this manner ſettled, and the Wind ſpringing up
fair, he weighed Anchor about one in the Morning, ordering the Cavalry to
embark at the other Port, and follow him. But as theſe Orders were executed
but flowly, he himſelf about ten in the Morning reached the Coaſt of Britain,
where he ſaw all the Cliffs covered with the Enemy's Forces, The nature of
the
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OF HIS FARSIN GAUL. Book iv.
the Place was ſuch, that the Sea being bounded by ſteep Mountains, the
Enemy might eafily launch their Javelins upon us from above. Not think-
ing this therefore a convenient landing Place, he reſolved to lie by till three
in the Afternoon, and wait the arrival of the reſt of his Fleet.
having called the Lieutenants and military Tribunes together, he informed
them of what he had learnt from Yoluſenus, inſtructed them in the Part the
were to act, and particularly exhorted them to do every thing with readineſs
and at a Signal given, agreeable to the Rules of military Diſcipline, which in
Sea Affairs eſpecially required Expedition and Diſpatch, becauſe of all others
the moſt changeable and uncertain. Having diſmiſſed them, and finding
both the Wind and Tide favourable, he made the Signal for weighing Anchor,
and after failing about eight Miles farther, ſtopp'd over-againſt a plain and
open Shore, | |
XXII. BU T the Barbarians perceiving our Deſign, ſent their Cavalry
and Chariots before, which they frequently make uſe of in Battle; and
following with the reſt of their Forces, endeavoured to oppoſe our landing.
And indeed we found the Dithculty very great on many accounts: For our
Ships being large, required a great depth of Water; and the Soldiers, who
were wholly unacquainted with the Places, and had their Hands em-
barraſſed and loaden with a weight of Armour, were at the ſame time to
leap from the Ships, ſtand breaſt-high amidſt the Waves, and encounter
the Enemy; while they, fighting upon dry Ground, or advancing only a
little way into the Water, having the free uſe of all their Limbs, and in
Places which they perfectly knew, could boldly caſt their Darts, and ſpur
on their Horſes, well inured to that kind of Service. All theſe Circum-
ſtances ſerving to ſpread a Terror among our Men, who were wholly
ſtrangers to this way of fighting ; they puſhed not the Enemy with the
ſame Vigour and Spirit as was uſual for them in Combats upon dry
Ground. |
XXIII. CZ SAR obſerving this, ordered ſome Gallies, a kind of Ship-
ping leſs common with the Barbarians, and more eafily governed and put
in motion, to advance a little from the Tranſports towards the Shore, in
order to ſet upon the Enemy in flank, and by means of their Engines,
Slings, and Arrows, drive them to ſome diſtance. This proved of confi-
derable ſervice to our Men: For what with the ſurpriſe occaſioned by
the make of our Gallies, the motion of the Oars, and the playing of the
Engines, the Enemy were forced to halt, and in a little time began to
give back. But our Men ſtill demurring to leap into the Sea, chiefly be-
cauſe of the depth of the Water in thoſe parts; the Standard-bearer of the
tenth Legion, having firſt invoked the Gods for Succeſs, cried out aloud :
Follow me, Fellow-Soldiers, unleſs you will betray the Roman Eagle into
* the Hands of the Enemy ; for my part, I am refolved to diſcharge my
© Duty to Cæſar and the Commonwealth. Upon this he jumped into the
Sea, and advanced with the Eagle againſt the Enemy: whereat our Men
exhorting one another to prevent ſo ſignal a Diſgrace; all that were in the
Ship followed him: which being perceived by thoſe in the neareſt Veſſels,
they alſo did the like, and boldly approached the Enemy.
XXIV. THE Battle was obſtinate on both Sides : but our Men,
as being neither able to keep their Ranks, nor get firm footing, nor
follow
Mean-while
63
C SARS COMMENTARIES
follow their reſpective Standards; becauſe leaping promiſcuouſly from their
Ships, every one joined the firſt Enſign he met; were thereby thrown
into great Confuſion. The Enemy on the other hand being well acquainted
with the Shallows ; when they ſaw our Men advancing ſingly from the
Ships, ſpurred on their Horſes, and attacked them in that perplexity. In
one Place great numbers would gather round an handful of the Ro-
maus : others falling upon them in flank, galled them mightily with
their Darts. Which Cæſar obſerving, he ordered ſome ſmall Boats to be
manned, and ply about with Recruits. By this means the foremoſt Ranks of
our Men having got firm footing, were followed by all the reſt ; when falling
upon the Enemy briskly, they were ſoon put to the rout. But as the
Cavalry were not yet arrived, we could not purſue or advance far into the
Iſland; which was the only thing wanting to render the Victory
compleat.
64
hn T HE Enemy being thus vanquiſhed in Battle, no ſooner got
together” after their Defeat, than they diſpatched Ambaſſadors to Cęſar to
ſue for Peace; offering Hoſtages, and an entire Submiſſion to his Commands.
Along with theſe Ambaſſadors came Comius the Atrebatian, whom Cæſar,
as we have related above, had ſent before him into Britain. The Natives
ſeized him as ſoon as he landed, and tho' he was charged with a
Commiſſion from Cz/ar, threw him into Irons. But upon their late
Defeat they thought proper to ſend him back, throwing the Blame of
what had happened upon. the Multitude, and begged of Cz/ar to excuſe a
Fault proceeding from Ignorance. Cz/ar, after ſome Complaints of their
Behaviour, in that having of their own accord ſent Ambaſſadors to the
Continent to ſue for Peace, they had yet without any Reaſon begun a War
againſt him; told them at laſt he would forgive their Fault, and ordered
them to ſend a certain number of Hoſtages. Part were ſent immediately,
and the reſt, as living at ſome diſtance, they promiſed to deliver in a few
. Days. Mean- time they disbanded their Troops, and the ſeveral Chiefs
1 came to Cæſar's Camp, to manage their own Concerns, and thoſe of the
| | | States to which they belonged.
|
F XXVI. A Peace being thus concluded four Days after Cz/ar's Arrival in
Britain, the eighteen Tranſports appointed to carry the Cavalry, of whom
| we have ſpoken above, put to Sea with a gentle Gale. But when they
| had fo near approached the Coaſt, as to be even within view of the Camp;
ſo violent a Storm all on a ſudden aroſe, that being unable to hold on their
i Courſe, ſome were obliged to return to the Port whence they ſet out,
and others driven to the lower end of the Iſland weſtward, not without
great Danger. There they caſt anchor: but the Waves riſing very high, ſo
as to fill the Ships with Water, they were again in the Night obliged to
ſtand out to Sea, and make for the Continent of Gaul. That very Night.
it happened to be full Moon, when the Tides upon the Sea-Coaſt always
riſe higheſt, a thing at that time wholly unknown to the Romans. Thus
| at one and the ſame time, the Gallies which Cæſar had made uſe of to
1 tranſport his Men, and which he had ordered to be drawn up on the
Strand, were filled with the Tide; and the Tempeſt {ell ſuriouſly upon the
| Tranſports that lay at anchor in the Road. Nor was it poſſible for our
Men to attempt any thing for their preſervation. Many of the Ships being
daſhed to pieces, and the reſt having loſt their Anchors, Tackle, and Rig-
= ging,
OF HIS WARS INGAUL. Book w.
ging, which rendered them altogether. unfit for ſailing, a general Conſterna-
tion ſpread - itſelf thro' the Camp. For there were no other Ships to carry
back the Troops, nor any Materials to repair thoſe that had been diſabled
by the Tempeſt. And as it had been all along Cæſar's deſign to win-
ter in Gaul, he was wholly without Corn to ſubſiſt the Troops in thoſe
parts. 6 - |
XXVII. ALL this being known to the Britiſh Chiefs, who after the
Battle had repaired to Cæſars Camp, to perform the Conditions of the
Treaty; they began to hold Conferences among themſelves. And as they
plainly ſaw that the Romans were deſtitute both of Cavalry, Shipping, and
Corn; and eaſily judged; from the ſmallneſs of the Camp, that the number
of their Troops was but inconſiderable; in which Notion they were the
more confirmed, becauſe Cz/ar having brought over the Legions without
Baggage, had occaſion to incloſe but a ſmall ſpot of Ground: they
thought this a convenient Opportunity for taking up Arms, and by inter-
cepting the Roman Convoys to protract the Affair till Winter; being con-
fidently perſuaded, that by defeating theſe Troops, or cutting off their. re-
turn, they ſhould effectually put a ſtop to all future Attempts upon Britain.
Having therefore entered into a joint Confederacy, they by degrees left the
Camp, and began to draw the Iflanders together. But Cz/ar, tho' he was
not yet apprized of their Deſign, yet gueſſing in part at their Intentions,
by the Diſaſter which had befallen his Fleet, and the Delays formed in re-
lation to the Hoſtages, determined to provide againſt all Events. He there-
fore had Corn daily brought in to his Camp, and ordered the Timber of the
Ships that had been moſt damaged to be made uſe of in repairing the reſt,
ſending to Gaul for what other Materials he wanted. As the Soldiers were
indefatigable in this Service, his Fleet was ſoon in a Condition to fail, having
loft only twelve Ships. |
XXVIII. DURING theſe Tranſactions, the ſeventh Legion being ſent
out to forage according to Cuſtom ; as part were employed in cutting
down the Corn, and part in carrying it to the Camp, without ſuſpicion of
attack; news was brought to Cz/ar, that a greater Cloud of Duſt than
ordinary was ſeen on that fide where the Legion was. Cæſar ſuſpecting how
matters went, marched with the two Cohorts that were upon Guard, order-
ing two others to ſucceed in their room, and all the Soldiers in the
Camp to arm and follow him as ſoon as poſſible. When he was advanced
a little way from the Camp, he ſaw his Men overpower'd by the Enemy,
and with great difficulty able to ſuſtain the Fight, being driven into a
ſmall Compaſs, and expoſed on every fide to the Darts of their Adverſa-
ries. For as the Harveſt was gathered in every where elſe, and one onl
Field leſt; the Enemy ſuſpecting that our Men would come thither to fo-
rage, had hid themſelves during the Night in the Woods; and waiting till
our Men had quitted their Arms, and diſperſed themſelves to fall a reaping ;
they ſuddenly attacked them, killed ſome, put the reſt into diſorder, and be-
gan to ſurround them with their Horſes and Chariots.
XXIX. THEIR way of fighting with their Chariots is this: Firſt
they drive their Chariots. on all fades, and throw their Darts; inſomuch that
by the very terror of the Horſes, and noiſe of the Wheels, they often break
the Ranks of the Enemy, When they have forced their way' into the
8
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65
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66 CAÆ SARS COMMENTARIES:
midſt of the Cavalry, they quit their Chariots, and fight on Foot. Mean-
time the Drivers retire a little from the Combat, and place themſelves in
ſuch manner as to favour the Retreat of their Countrymen, ſhould they be
overpower'd by the Enemy. Thus in Action they perform the part both of
nimble Horſemen, and ſtable Infantry: and by continual Exerciſe and Uſe
have arrived at that Expertneſs, that in the moſt ſteep and difficult Places,
they can ſtop their Horſes upon a full ſtretch, turn them which way they
pleaſe, run along the Pole, reſt on the Harneſs, and throw themſelves back
into their Chariots with incredible Dexterity.
XXX. OUR Men being aſtoniſhed and confounded with this new way
of fighting, Cz/ar came very timely to their Relief: for upon his Approach
the Enemy made a ſtand, and the Romans began to recover from their Fear.
This fatisfied Cz/ar for the preſent, who not thinking it a proper ſeaſon to
provoke the Enemy, and bring on a general Engagement, ſtood facing them
for ſome time, and then led back the 'Legions to the Camp. The conti-
nual Rains that followed for ſome Days after, both kept the Romans within
their Intrenchments, and withheld the Enemy from attacking us. Mean-
time the Britons diſpatched Meſſengers into all parts, to make known to
their Countrymen the ſmall number of the Roman Troops, and the favonr-
able Opportunity they had of making immenſe Spoils, and freeing their
Country for ever from all future Invaſions, by ſtorming the Enemy's Camp.
Having by this means got together a great Body of Infantry and Cavalry, they
drew towards our Intrenchments.
al XXXI. CASAR, tho he foreſaw that the Enemy, if beaten, would
| in the ſame manner as before eſcape the Danger by flight; yet having got
| about thirty Horſe, whom Comius the Atrebatian had brought over with
il lim from Gaul; he drew up the Legions in order of Battle before the
| Camp: and falling upon the Britons, who were not able to ſuſtain the
' ſhock of our Men, ſoon put them to flight. The Romans purſuing them
i as long as their ſtrength would permit, made a terrible Slaughter; and
| j | ſetring fire to their Houſes and Villages a great way round, returned to
[ the Camp.
| . XXXII. THE fame Day Ambaſſadors came from the Enemy to Cz/ar
1 to ſue for Peace. Cz/ar doubled the number of Hoſtages he had before
impoſed upon them, and ordered them to be ſent over to him into Gaul,
= becauſe the Equinox coming on, and his Ships being leaky, he thought it
| not prudent to put off his return till Winter. A fair Wind offering, he
if ſet fail a little after midnight, and arrived ſafe in Gaul. Two of his
Tranſports not being able to reach the ſame Port with the reſt, were driven
3% into a Haven a little lower in the Country.
XXXIII. IN theſe two Veſſels were about three hundred Soldiers, who
having landed, and being upon their March to the Camp; the Morini, who had
ſubmitted to Cæſar upon his ſetting out for Britain, drawn by the hopes of
Plunder, ſurrounded them at firft with only a few Men, and ordered them
to lay down their Arms. under pain of being put to the Sword. But they,
caſting themſelves into an Orb, ſtood upon their Defence; when all on a
ſudden' fix thouſand more of the Enemy appeared, rouzed by the noiſe of
the Combatants. Cæſar having notice of what paſſed, ſent all his Cavalry
""7O
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book uv.
to the aſſiſtance of the Romans. Mean-while our Men withſtood all the
Attacks of the Enemy, and bravely maintained the Fight for upwards of fix
Hours, having {lain great Numbers of the Morini, while on their fide only a
few were wounded. But no ſooner did our Cavalry appear, than the Enemy,
throwing down their Arms, betook themſelves to flight, and were almoſt all
ſlain in the Purſuit.
XXXIV. THE Day after Cæſar ſent Z. Labienus, with the Legions returned
out of Britain, againſt the rebellious Morini; who being deprived by the
Drought of the Benefit of their Marſhes, which had ſerved them for ſhelter
the Year before, almoſt all fell into his Power. Mean-time Q Titurius, and
L. Cotta, who had been ſent againſt the Menapians, having laid waſte their
Territories with Fire and Sword, and plundered their Habitations, returned
to Cz/ar, not being able to come up with the Menapians themſelves, who had
retired into impenetrable Foreſts. Cz/ar quartered all his Troops among the
Belgians. Only two of the Britiſh States ſent Hoſtages into Caul, the reſt
neglecting to perform the Conditions of the Treaty. For theſe Succeſſes a
Thankſgiving of twenty Days was decreed by the Senate,
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THE ARGUMENT.
I. Cæſar leaving Orders with his Lieutenants in Gaul to build a Fleet, ſets out
for Italy and Illyricum, where he puts a flop to the Incurſions of the Piruſtæ.
II. Returning thence into Gaul, he marches againſt the Treviri, and quiets the
Diſturbances in that Province. IV. Dumnorix withdrawing from the Roman
Camp with the Æduan Cavalry, is purſued and ſlain. VII. Cæſar paſſes over
into Britain, VIII. And forces the Enemy from the Woods in which they had
talen ſhelter. IX. But underſtanding that his Fleet had ſuffered greatly by a
Storm, he quits the purſuit of the Britons, repairs his Fleet, fortifies his
Camp, and then returns againſt the Enemy. X. A deſcription of Britain,
and its Inhabitants, XI. Cæſar defeats the Britons in various Encounters.
XIV. Paſſes the Thames. XIX. Returns into Gaul. XX. And becauſe
of the great ſcarcity of Corn, diftributes his Legions among the ſeveral States.
XXI. Taſgetius ſlain among the Carnutes. XXII. Ambiorix and Cativulcus
1 excite ſeveral States to a Revolt. XXIII. Ambiorix by an artful Speech per-
ſuades Titurius to quit his Camp, and attacking him in his march, cuts him 0
it! with his whole Party. XXX. Being afterwards joined by the Nervians, he falls
11 upon Ciceros Camp. XXXVI. The noble Emulation of Pulfio and Varenus.
| 4 XXXVII. Cæſar marches to Ciceros relief. XLI. The Gauls quit the Siege,
1 and advance to meet bim. XLII. Cæſar defeats them in Battle. XLIV. And
1 | zo prevent their continual Revolts, reſolves to paſs the Winter in Gaul. XLV. The
Senones, Treviri, and other States, bear the Roman Yoke with impatience,
| XLVII. Indutiomarus attachs Labienus's Camp. XLIX. But being ſlain in the
it Attempt, the Gauls ſeparate, and Tranquillity is in a great meaſure reſtored.
EG FUE ST CBE IT AR
COMMENTARIES
WARS in G4 TU L,
B O O K v.
J. N the Conſulſhip of Lucius Domitius, and Appius Claudius, Czſar
| leaving his Winter-Quarters to go into 1zaly, as was his yearly Cuſtom,
gave Orders to his Lieutenants, who had the charge of the Legions, to
build as many Ships as poſſible during the Winter, and to repair fuch as were
old. He preſcribed the form and manner of building ; ordering them to be
ſomewhat lower than was uſual in the Mediterranean, for the the convenience
of embarking and landing his Men; which he judged the more neceflary, as
he had obſerved, that by reaſon of the frequent returns of the Tide, there was
leſs depth of Water upon the Brizih Coaſt. He likewiſe commanded them
to be built broader than ordinary, that they might receive the greater num-
ber of Horſes and Carriages; and to be e for lightneſs and expedition,
to which the lowneſs of their Decks greatly contributed. He ſent to Spain
for the Materials neceſſary in building and equipping them; and having
finiſhed the Diet of Ciſalpine Gaul, ſet out for Ihyricum, upon advice that
the Piruſtæ were laying waſte the Province by their Incurſions. When he
arrived there, he ordered the ſeveral States to furniſh their Contingents, and
appointed a Place of general Rendezvous. The Report of this no ſooner
ſpread among the Piruſtæ, than they ſent Ambaſſadors to inform him; that
nothing had been done againſt the Province by publick Authority, and that
they were ready to make what Satisfaction he required. Cæſar, pleaſed with
their Submiſſion, ordered them to bring him Hoſtages, and named the Day
by which they were to be delivered ; threatening them with a fierce War in
caſe of Diſobedience. Theſe being accordingly brought by the Day prefixed,
he appointed Arbitrators between the contending States, to eſtimate the Da-
mages, and determine what Reparation was to be made.
II. HAVING diſpatched theſe Affairs, and held a general Diet of the
Province, he returned again into Ciſalpine Gaul, and thence went to the
Army. Upon his Arrival, he viſited all the Quarters of the Legions ; and
found, that by the ſingular Diligence of the Soldiers, notwithſtanding the greateſt
ſcarcity of Materials, no leſs than fix hundred Tranſports, ſuch as we have
deſcribed above, and twenty-eight Gallies, were in ſuch forwardneſs, that in a
few
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CSA R's COMMENTARIES
few Days they would be ready to be launched. Having praiſed his Soldiers,
and thoſe whom he had ſet over the Works, he gave them what further In-
ſtructions he thought neceſſary, and ordered the whole Fleet to rendezvous at
Port-Itius, whence he knew lay the moſt commodious Paſſage to Britain; it
being there not above thirty Miles diſtant from the Continent. Leaving what
Soldiers he thought neceſſary for this Purpoſe, he advanced at the head of four
Legions without Baggage, and eight hundred Horſe, into the Country of the
Treviri; becauſe they neither appeared at the general Diets of Gaul, nor ſub-
mitted to the Orders of the Commonwealth; and were beſides reported to be
ſoliciting the Germans beyond the Rhine.
III. T HIS State is by far the moſt powerful of all Gaul in Horſe : They
have likewiſe a very ſtrong and numerous Infantry ; and, as we have before
obſerved, border upon the Rhine. Two of their principal Men, Indutiomarus
and Cingetorix, were at this time Competitors for the ſupreme Authority.
Cingetorix, as ſoon as he heard of the arrival of Cæſar and the Legions, came
to him, and aſſured him; that he and all of his Party would continue firm
to their Duty, and never abandon the Intereſt of the Romans: At the ſame
time he informed him of all that had paſſed among the T7reviri.. But
Indutiomarus, drawing together great Numbers of Horſe and Foot, and ſe-
curing ſuch as were unable to bear Arms in the Foreſt of Arden, which extends
from the Rhine, quite croſs the Country of Treves, to the Territories of the
Rhemi ; reſolved to try the fortune of War. But ſoon after, as ſeveral of the
leading Men of the State, partly out of attachment to Cingetorix, partly ter-
rified by the approach of the Roman Army, came to Cæſar to ſolicit in their
own behalf, fince they found themſelves incapable of effectually ſerving their
Country: 1ndutiomarus fearing an univerſal Defection, ſent likewiſe Ambaſſa- -
dors to him to acquaint him: „ That he had choſen to ſtay at home, and
« forbear coming to the Roman Camp, with no other view but to keep the
ce State in its Duty; leſt, in the Abſence of the Nobility, the People might
« have been drawn into ſome raſh Step: That the whole Country was now
« at his Command; and he ready, with Cæſar's Permiſhon, to attend him in
« Perſon, and put his own Concerns, as well as thoſe of the State, under his
© Protection.“ Tho' Cz/ar well underſtood the Reafon of his preſent Sub-
miſſion, and by what Conſiderations he had been deterred from the proſecu-
tion of his firſt Deſign ; yet unwilling to waſte the whole Summer in the
Country of Treves, when every thing was in readineſs for his Expedition into
Britain, he ordered Indutiomarus to attend him with two hundred Hoſtages.
Theſe being accordingly brought, and among them the Son, and all the
neareſt Relations of Indutiomarus, whom he had ſpecified by name; Cæſar
encouraged and exhorted him to continue firm in his Duty. Nevertheleſs,
aſſembling all the principal Men of Treves, he reconciled them one after ano-
ther to Cingetorix, as well on account of his ſingular Merit, as becauſe he
thought it of the greateſt Importance, to eſtabliſh thoroughly the Authority of
a Man, of whoſe ſteddy and inviolable Attachment he had ſuch convincing
Proof. Indutiomarus highly reſented this Proceeding, which tended ſo much
to the dimunition of his Power; and as he had all along been an Enemy to
the Romans, this new Affront provoked him ſtill more.
IV. THESE Affairs being ſettled, Cæſar arrived with his Legions at the
Port of Itius. There he found, that about forty of his Ships, built in the
Country of the Belgian, having been attacked by a Storm, and diſabled from
continuin g
OF HIS WARS INGAUL. Book v.
continuing their Voyage, had been obliged to put back. The reſt were all
_ equipped and rigged, ready to obey the firſt Signal. All the Cavalry of Gaul,
about four thouſand in number, and the prime Nobility of the ſeveral States,
met him likewiſe, by order, at this Place. His Deſign was, to leave only a few of
theſe Nobles behind him in Gaul, on whoſe Fidelity he could rely; and to take
the reſt with him to Britain as Hoſtages, the better to prevent any Commo-
tions during his Abſence. | |
V. DUMNORLN the Aduan, of whom we have ſpoken above, was
one of thoſe that attended him on this Occaſion. Him in particular he re-
ſolved to carry along with him, as he knew him to be a lover of Novelties,
ambitious, enterpriſing, and of great Intereſt and Authority among the Gawls.
Beſides all this, he had publickly ſaid in an Aſſembly of the Aduans, that
Cæſar had inveſted him with the Sovereignty of their State: which Reſolution,
tho' by no means pleaſing to the ÆMduans, they yet durſt not ſend Ambaſſadors
to Cæſar, either to oppoſe or get reverſed: Nor was Ce/ar otherwiſe informed
of the matter, but by thoſe whom he had placed about Damnorix, to have
an Eye over his Conduct. Dumnorix, at firſt, earneſtly petitioned to be left
in Gaul ; ſometimes pretending he was unuſed to failing, and afraid of the
Sea; ſometimes urging religious Engagements, which required him to ſtay at
home. But finding all his Endeavours to no purpoſe, he began to ſolicit the
Chiefs of the Gawls, diſcourſing them apart, and adviſing them not to leave
the Continent. The more to awaken: their Fears, he told them: „ That
« Ceſar had his particular Reaſons for carrying with him all the Nobility of
«© Gaul; becauſe not daring to diſpatch them in their own Country, he was
te in hopes of finding a favourable Opportunity to execute his cruel Purpoſe in
cc Britain. He therefore exhorted them to join in a mutual Alliance, and
. oblige themſelves by a ſolemn Oath, to purſue with common Conſent ſuch
| Meaſures as ſhould appear neceſſary for the preſervation of Gaul.
VI. THO' Cæſar was fully informed of theſe Practices; yet in conſidera-
tion of his ſingular Regard for the Mduans, he contented himſelf with en-
deavouring to check and traverſe his Deſigns: Determined notwithſtanding to
continue inflexible, and at all hazards prevent any Misfortune to himſelf and the
Commonwealth from a Spirit, which he found every Day growing more hardy
and intrepid. Being therefore detained. in this Place about five and twenty
Days, during which the North-Weſt Wind, very common on that Coaſt, hin-
dered him from failing ; he ſtudied by the ways of Gentleneſs and Perſuaſion,
to keep Dumnorix in his Duty, without neglecting however to watch all his
Motions. At laſt, the Wind ſpringing up fair, he ordered the Horſe and Foot
to embark. As this univerſally engaged the Attention of the Camp, Dumno-
rix, unknown to Ge/ar, drew off the ÆEaduan Cavalry, and began his march
homeward. Cæſar being informed of it, immediately put a ſtop to the Em-
barkation; and poſtponing every other Conſideration, ordered out a ſtrong
Party of Horſe to purſue and bring him back. If he made reſiſtance, or re-
fuſed to obey, they had Orders to kill him: For he judged, that a Man who
had ſlighted his perſonal Authority, would not pay any great regard to his
Commands in his Abſence. When they had overtaken him, he refuſed to re-
turn; and defending himſelf Sword in hand, implored the Aſſiſtance of his
Followers, often calling out, that he was free, and the Subject of a free State.
The Romans, according to the Orders they had received, ſurrounded and flew
him; upon which all the &duan Cavalry returned to Cæſar. |
. "Np VII.
73
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2 — — —
5 2 — — — —
— —
74
1
CAS AR's COMMENTARIES.
VII. THIS Affair concluded; and Labienus being left in Gaul with three
Legions, and two thouſand Horſe, to deſend the Port, provide Corn, have an
eye upon the Tranſactions of the Continent, and take meaſures accordingly;
Ce/ar weighed Anchor about Sun-ſet with five Legions, and the fame number
of Horſe he had left with Labienus; and advancing with a gentle South-wind,
continued his Courſe till midnight, when he found himſelf becalmed : but the
Tide ſtill driving him on, at day-break he ſaw Britain on his left. When
again following the return of the Tide, he rowed with all his might, to reach
that part of the Iſland which he had marked out the Summer before, as moſt
convenient for Landing. And on this occaſion the Diligence of the Soldiers can-
not be enough commended ; who labouring inceſſantly at the Oar, urged the
Tranſports and Ships of Burden ſo ſwiftly, that they equalled the Courſe of
the Gallies. The whole Fleet reached the Coaſt of Britain about Noon: nor
did any Enemy appear in view. But as Cz/ay aſterwards underſtood from the
Priſoners; though a great Army of Britons had repaired to the Coaſt; yet
terrified by the vaſt Number of Ships, which, together with thoſe of the laſt
Year's Expedition, and ſuch as had been fitted out by particular Perſons for
their own uſe, amounted to upwards of eight hundred; they retired haſtily from
the Shore, and hid themſelves behind the Mountains, |
VIII. CASAR having landed his Army, and choſen a proper Place for
his Camp; as ſoon as he underſtood from the Priſoners where the Enemy's
Forces lay; leaving teri Cohorts upon the Coaſt, together with three hundred
Horſe, to guard his Fleet; he ſet out about midnight in queſt of the Enemy ;
being under the leſs concern for his Ships, becauſe he had left them at Anchor
upon a {ſmooth and open Shore, under the Charge of Q. Atrius. After a
march of twelve Hours during the night, he came within fight of the Enemy;
who having poſted themſelves behind a River with their Cavalry and Chariots,
attacked us from the higher Ground, in order to oppoſe our Paſſage: but
being repulſed by our Horſe, they retreated towards the Woods, into a Place
ſtrongly fenced both by Nature and Art, and which, in all probability, had
been fortified before on occaſion of ſome domeſtick War: for all the Avenues
were ſecured by ſtrong Barricades of felled Trees. They never fallied out of
the Wood but in ſmall Parties, thinking it enough to defend the Entrance
againſt our Men. But the Soldiers of the ſeventh Legion, advancing under
cover of their Shields, and having caſt up a Mount, forced the Intrenchments
with little loſs, and obliged the Enemy to abandon the Wood. Cæſar forbid
all purſuit; both becauſe he was unacquainted with the nature of the Country ;
and the Day being far ſpent, he reſolved to employ the reſt of it in fortifying
his Camp.
IX. EARLY the next Morning, he divided his Troops both Horſe and
Foot into three Bodies, and ſent them out in purſuit of the Enemy. They
were advanced but a little way, and juſt come within fight of the Rear of the
Britons, when a Party of Horſe from Atrius came to Ceſar, and informed
him, „ That a dreadful Storm ariſing the Night before, had fallen violently
upon the Fleet, and driven almoſt all the Ships aſhore: That neither Anchors nor
“Cables, nor all the Addreſs of the Mariners and Pilots, had been able to reſiſt
« the Fury of the Tempeſt; which had done unſpeakable Damage to the
Fleet, by reaſon of the Ships running foul of one another.” Cæſar, upon
this Intelligence, recalls his Legions and Cavalry, commanding them to give
over the Purſuit, He himſelf returns to his Ships, and finds every thing ac-
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r
OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book v.
cording to the Reports and Letters he had received; forty of them being en-
tirely deſtroyed, and the reſt ſo damaged that they were hardly repairable. He
therefore ſet all the Carpenters of the Army to work, and wrote for others to
Gaul; ordering Labienus at the ſame time, with the Legions under his Com-
mand, to build what Ships he could. He thought it likewiſe ſafeſt, though a
Work of great Labour and Difficulty, to draw all his Ships on ſhore, and in-
cloſe them within the Fortifications of his Camp. Ten Days were ſpent in
this Service, during which the Soldiers had no intermiſſion of Fatigue, not even
in the Night. The Ships being in this manner ſecured, and the Camp ſtrongly
fortified, he left the ſame Troops to guard it as before, and returned to the
Place Where he had quitted the Purſuit of the Enemy. Upon his Arrival he
found the Forces of the Britons conſiderably increaſed. The chief Command
and Adminiſtration of the War, was, by common Conſent, conferred on Caſſi-
Belanus; whoſe Territories were divided from the Maritime States by the Thames,
a River eighty Miles diſtant from the Sea. This Prince had hitherto been en-
gaged in almoſt continual Wars with his Neighbours: but the Terror of our
Arrival making the Britons unite among themſelves, they intruſted him with
the whole Conduct of the War.
X. THE inland Parts of Britain are inhabited by thoſe, whom Fame re-
ports to be Natives of the Soil. The Sea-coaſt is peopled with Belgians, drawn
thither by the love of War and Plunder. Theſe laſt, paſſing over from dif-
ferent Parts, and ſettling in the Country, ftill retain the Names of the ſeveral
States whence they are deſcended. The Iſland is well peopled, full of Houſes
built after the manner of the Gawuls, and abounds in Cattle. They uſe braſs
Money, and iron Rings of a certain weight. The Provinces remote from the
Sea produce Tin, and thoſe upon the Coaſt Iron; but the latter in no great
Quantity. Their Braſs is all imported. All kinds of Wood grow here the
ſame as in Gaul, except the Fir and Bcach-tree. They think it unlawful to
feed upon Hares, Pullets, or Geeſe; yet they breed them up for their Diver-
fion and Pleaſure. The Climate is more temperate than in Gaul, and the
Colds leſs intenſe. The Iſland is triangular, one of its Sides facing Gaul. The
Extremity towards Kent, whence is the neareſt Paſſage to Gaul, lies Eaſtward:
the other ſtretches South-weſt. This fide extends about five hundred Miles.
Another {ide looks towards Spain weſtward. Over-againſt this lies Ireland, an
Iſland eſteemed not above half as large as Britain, and ſeparated from it by
an interval equal to that between Britain and Gaul. In this interval lies the
Ifle of Mona, beſides ſeveral other leſſer Iſlands, of which ſome write, that
at the time of the Winter-ſolftice, they have Night for thirty Days together.
We could make out nothing of this upon Enquiry, only diſcovered by means
of our Hour-glaſſes, that the Nights were ſhorter than in Gaul. The length
of this Side is computed at ſeven hundred Miles. The laſt fide faces the North-
eaſt, and is fronted by no part of the Continent, only towards one of its Ex-
tremities it ſeems to eye chiefly the German Coaſt. It is thought to extend
in length about eight hundred Miles. Thus the whole Iſland takes in a Circuit
of two thouſand Miles. The Inhabitants of Kent, which lies wholly on the
Sea-coaſt, are the moſt civilized of all the Britons, and differ but little in their
Manners from the Gals. The greater part of thoſe within the Country never
ſow their Lands, but live on Fleſh and Milk, and go clad in Skins. All the
Britons in general paint themſelves with Woad, which gives a bluiſh Caſt to
the Skin, and makes them look dreadful in Battle. They are long-haired; and
ſhave all the reſt. of the Body except the Head and upper Lip. Ten or twelve
of
75
+
CASAR'Gs COMMENTARIES
of them live together, having their Wives in common; eſpecially Brothers, or
Parents and Children amongſt themſelves: but the Iſſue is always aſcribed to
him who firſt eſpouſed the Mother. |
XI. THE Enemy's Horſe, ſupported by their Chariots, vigorouſly charged
our Cavalry on their march; yet we every where had the better, and drove
them to their Woods and Hills : But after making great Slaughter, venturing
to continue the Purſuit too far, we loſt ſome Men. Some time after, ſallying
unexpectedly from the Woods, and falling ſuddenly upon our Men while em-
ployed in fortifying their Camp, a ſharp Conflict enſued between them and
the advanced Guard. Cz/ar ſent two Cohorts to their Aſſiſtance; whom the
Britons charging in ſeparate Parties, ſo furpriſed with their new manner of
fighting, that they broke through, routed them, and returned without Loſs.
. Laberius Durus, a military Tribune, was ſlain on this occaſion: but ſome
freſh Cohorts coming up, the Britons were at laſt repulſed.
XII. BY this Action, which happened within view of the Camp, and of
which the whole Army were Spectators, it evidently appeared, that our heavy
armed Legions, who could neither purſue thoſe that retired, nor durſt venture
to forſake their Standards, were by no means a fit match for ſuch an Enemy.
Nor could even the Cavalry engage without great danger; it being uſual for
the Britons to counterfeit a Retreat, until they had drawn them a conſiderable
way from the Legions; when ſuddenly quitting their Chariots, they charged
them on foot, and by this unequal manner of fighting, made it alike dan-
gerous to purſue or retire. Add to all this, that they never fought in a Body,
but in ſmall Parties, and with conſiderable Intervals between. They had like-
wiſe their Detachments ſo placed, as eaſily to protect their flying Troops, and
ſend freſh Supplies where needful. w
XIII. THE next Day they ſtationed themſelves among the Hills, at a
diſtance from our Camp, and appeared only in ſmall Bodies, nor ſeemed ſo
forward to skirmiſh with our Cavalry as the Day before. But about Noon,
Cz/ar ordering out three Legions to forage, with all the Cavalry, under the
Command of C. Trebonius his Lieutenant; they fell ſuddenly upon the Foragers
on all fides, and even attacked the Legions and Standards. Our Men vigo-
_ rouſly returning the Charge, repulſed them; and the Cavalry finding them-
ſelves ſupported by the Foot, continued the Purſuit till they had utterly broken
them; inſomuch that great Numbers being ſlain, they could neither find an
opportunity to rally, deſcend from their Chariots, or face about to make Re-
ſiſtance. After this Defeat, the auxiliary Troops, which had come in from all
Parts, returned ſeverally to their own Homes; nor did the Enemy, from this
time, appear any more againſt us with their whole Forces.
XIV. CASAR perceiving their Deſign, matched towards the Thames, to
penetrate into the Kingdom of Caſſibelanus. This River is fordable only in
one place, and that not without great difficulty. When he arrived, he ſaw
the Enemy drawn up in great Numbers on the other fide. They had likewiſe
ſecured the Bank with ſharp Stakes, and driven many of the ſame kind-into
the bottom of the River, yet ſo as to be covered by the Water. CZ2/ar having
Intelligence of this from the Priſoners and Deſerters, ſent: the Cavalry before,
ordering the Legions to follow cloſe after; which they did with ſo much Expe-
dition and Briskneſs, though nothing but their Heads was above the Water, that
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL: Bock v.
* the Enemy; unable to ſuſtain their Charge, quitted the Banks, and betook
themſelves to flight. +
XV. CASSIBELANUS, as we have before intimated, finding him-
ſelf unable to keep the Field, disbanded all his other Forces; and retaining
only four thouſarid Chariots, watched our Motions, always keeping at ſome
diſtance from us, and ſheltering himſelf in Woods and inacceſſible Places, whi-
ther he had likewiſe made ſuch of the Inhabitants with their Cattle retire, as
lay upon our Rout: and if at any time our Cavalry ventured upon a freer Ex-
curſion into the Fields, to plunder and lay waſte the Country; as he was per-
fectly acquainted with all the Roads and Defiles, he would fally from the
| Woods with ſome of the Chariots, and fall upon our Men diſperſed and in diſ-
order. Theſe frequent Alarms obliged us to be much upon our Guard; nor
would Cz/ar ſuffer the Cavalry to remove to any diſtance from the Legions, or to
pillage and deſtroy the Country, unleſs where the Foot was at hand to ſuſtain them.
XVI. MEAN-TIME the 7rinibantes, one of the moſt powerful States in
thoſe parts, ſend Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar. Of this State was Mandubratius,
who had fled for Protection to Cz/ar in Gaul, that he might avoid the Fate
of his Father Imanuentius, whom Caſſibelanus had put to death. The Am-
baſſadors promiſed Obedience and Submiſſion in the name of the Province;
and withal intreated him to defend Mandubratius againſt the Violence of Caſ-
fibelanus, and reſtore him to the Government of their State. Cæſar ordered
them to deliver forty Hoſtages, and furniſh his Army with Corn ; ſending back
at the ſame time Mandubratius. They yielded to his Demands without
delay, ſent the appointed number of Hoſtages, and ſupplied him with
Corn, |
XVII. THE Protection granted to the 7rinobazites, ſecuring them from the
Inſults of the Soldiers; the Cenimagni, Sægontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and
Caſſi, ſend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar, and ſubmit. From them he had Intelli-
| gence, that he was not far from the Capital of Caſſibelanus, which was
ſituated amidſt Woods and Marſhes, and whither great numbers of Men and
Cattle were retired. A Town among the Britons is nothing more than a thick
Wood, fortified with a Ditch and Rampart, to ſerve as a place of Retreat
againſt the Incurſions of their Enemies. Thither he marched with his Legions :
and tho' the Place appeared to be extremely ſtrong both by Art and Nature,
he nevertheleſs reſolved to attack it in two ſeveral Quarters. The Enemy,
after a ſhort ſtand, were obliged at laſt to give way, and retire by another
part of the Wood. Vaſt numbers of Cattle were found in the Place ; and
many of the Britons were either made Priſoners, or loſt their lives in the
Purſuit. 5
XVIII. WHILE theſe things paſſed beyond the Thames, Caſſibelanus diſ-
patched Meſſengers to Kent, which, as we have before obſerved, was ſituated
along the Sea-Coaft. This Country was then under the Government of four
Kings, Cingetorix, Carnilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, who had Orders to
draw all their Forces together, and fall ſuddenly upon the naval Camp of the
Romans. But our Men ſallying upon them as they approached, made great
Slaughter of their Troops, took Cingetorix one of their Leaders priſoner, and
returned ſafe to the Camp. Caſſibelanus, upon the News of this Battle, diſ-
couraged by ſo many Loſſes, the b of his Territories, and above 0
| ; the
CA SARS COMMENTARIES
the Revolt of the Provinces; ſent Ambaſſadors to Ceſar to ſue for Peace, by the
Mediation of Comius of Arras.
XIX. CASA R deſigning to paſs the Winter in Gaul, becauſe of the fre-
quent Commotions in that Country; and reflecting that but a {mall part of
the Summer remained, during which it would be eaſy to protract the War;
demanded Hoſtages, and appointed the yearly Tribute which Britain was to
pay to the Romans. At the ſame time he ſtrictly charged Caſſibelanus, to offer
no Injury to Mandubratius or the Trinobantes, Having received the Hoſtages,
he led his Troops back to the Sea-ſide, Where he found his Fleet repaired.”
Orders were immediately given to launch it : and becauſe the number of
Priſoners was exceeding great, and ſeveral Ships had been deſtroyed. by the
Tempeſt, he reſolved to carry over his Men at two Embarkations. Happily
it ſo fell out, notwithſtanding the great number of Ships, and their frequent
paſſing and repaſſing, that not one periſhed either this or the preceding Year,
which had any Soldiers on board : whereas thoſe ſent empty to him from the
Continent, as well the Ships concerned in the firſt Embarkation, as others built
afterwards by Labienus, to the number of ſixty, were almoſt all driven back
or loſt. Cz/ar having waited for them a conſiderable time to no purpoſe, and
fearing to loſe the proper Seaſon for ſailing, as the time of the Equinox drew
near, choſe to ſtow his Men on board the few Ships he had : and taking the
Opportunity of an extraordinary Calm, ſet fail about ten at night, and by
day-break brought his whole Fleet ſafe to the Continent of Gaul.
XX. HAVING laid up his Fleet, and held a general Aſſembly of the
Gauls at Samarobriva; as the Crop had been very indifferent this Year by
reaſon of the great Droughts, he was obliged to quarter his Legions otherwiſe -
than in former Winters, and canton them one by one in the ſeveral Provinces of
Gaul. One Legion he quartered on the Morini, under the command of
C. Fabius: another among the Verpians, under Q. Cicero: a third with the
Aduans, under L. Roſcius: and a fourth in the Country of the Nhemi, on the
Borders of the Treviri, under Labienus. Three were ſent into Belgium, over
whom he appointed three Commanders; M. Craſſus his Queſtor, L. Munatius
Plancus, and C. Trebonius. The eighth and laſt, which Ce/ar had newly raiſed
on the other ſide of the Po, was ſent, together with five Cohorts, among the
Eburones, between the Rhine and the Meuſe, where Ambiorix and Cativulcus
reigned. At the head of this Body were two Commanders; Q. Titurius Sabi-
nus, and L. Arunculeius Cotta. By this diſtribution of his Legions, he thought
he had found an eaſy Remedy againſt the ſcarcity of Corn : and yet they all
lay within the compaſs of an hundred Miles, except that under L. Raſcius,
for which he was in no pain, as being quartered in a very quiet and friendly
Country. He reſolved however not to leave Gaul, till he had received advice
from all his Lieutenants, and was affured that their Quarters were eſtabliſhed,
fortified, and ſecured. 1
XXI. AMONG the Carnutes lived Taſgetius, a Man of diſtinguiſhed
Birth, and whoſe Anceſtors had been poſſeſſed of the Sovereignty in that State.
Cz/ar had reſtored him to the Dignity of his Forefathers, in conſideration of
his Virtue and Affection to him, and the many ſignal Services he had done
him in all his Wars. It was now the third Year of his Reign, when his Ene-
mies, many of whom were of his own State, conſpiring againſt him, openly
aſſaſſinated him. The Affair was laid before Cæſar: who fearing leſt the great
number
— aa - , - A =_ r
W CY —_ CVS WT, a, N A
9 9 RY m _
*
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book v.
humber concerned in the Plot might draw the State into a Revolt, ordered
L. Plancus, with a Legion from Belgium, to march ſpeedily into the Countr
of the Carnutes, fix his Winter-Quarters in that Province, and ſeizing all who
had been concerned in the murder of Taſgetius, ſend them Priſoners to him.
Mean-time he was informed by his Lieutenants and Queſtors, to whom he had
committed the care of the Legions, that they were ſeverally arrived at theit
appointed Quarters, and had fortified themſelves in them.
XXII. ABOUT fifteen Days after the arrival of the Legions in theit
Winter-Quarters, a ſudden Inſurrection and Revolt broke out among the
Eburones, by the ſecret Practices of Ambiorix and Cativulcus. Theſe two
Princes had been to meet Sabinus and Cotta on their Frontiers, and in a
friendly manner had ſupplied them with Corn: but now inſtigated by Indu-
ONS OT ITT SOT EIS.” *. -; "IO
tiomarus of Treves, they excited their People to take up Arms; and having
ſurpriſed ſome Soldiers that were gone to cut Wood, came with a great Body
of Troops to attack the Roman Camp. Our Men immediately flew to Arms,
aſcended the Rampart, and ſending out a Detachment of Spaniſh Horſe,
put their Cavalty to rout. Upon this, deſpairing of Succeſs, they drew off
their Men from the Attack ; and, according to their Cuſtom, demanded
a Conference; pretending they had ſomething to fay which concerned
the common Intereſt, and might ſerve to put an end to the preſent
Differences.
XXIII. ACCORDINGLY C. Arpinius, a Roman Knight, the Friend
of & Titurius; and Q. Junius of Spain, who had frequently before been ſent
by Cæſar to Ambiorix, were deputed to treat. Ambiorix addrefled them in
Words to this effect: “ That he had in no fort forgot the many Oblgations
&« he lay under to Ceſar ; who had freed him from the Tribute he had been
« wont to pay the Atuatici; and who had reſtored him his Son and Nephew,
« whom that People, after receiving them as Hoſtages, had treated as Slaves:
« That the Hoſtilities he had juſt committed were not the effect of his own
e private Animoſity to the Romans, but in conſequence of a Reſolution of the
State; where the Government was of ſuch a nature, that the People had
as much Power over him, as he over the People: That even the State
« itſelf had been in a manner forced into this War, by a ſudden Confederacy
« of all Gaul: That he could appeal to his own Weakneſs for the truth of
« what he ſaid, being not ſo very unskilled in Affairs as to imagine, that the
cc Forces of the Eburones were a match for the Power of the Romans: That
te jt was a Project formed by all the States of Gaul in common, who had
« agreed to ſtorm in one Day, the very Day on which he ſpoke, all the
« Quarters of the Roman Army; ſo that no one might be able to ſuccour
tc another: That it was not eaſy for Gauls to refift the Importunity of thoſe of
« their own Nation, — in a Propoſal to act in concert for the recovery of
« their Liberty : But that, after having performed what the common Voice of
« his Country demanded, he thought he might now liſten to that of Gratitude :
c That he Gund himſelf compelled by his Attachment to Cæſar, and by his
Friendſhip for Sabinus, to give notice of the extreme Danger to which the
« Legion was expoſed : That a great Body of Germans had actually paſſed
« the Rhine, and would be there in two Days at fartheſt: That Sabinus and
« Cotta were to conſider, whether it would not be proper to retire with their
« Troops, before the neighbouring States could be apprized of theit Deſign,
*« and go and join Labienus or Cicero, who were neither of them diſtant much
« above
de
CA SARS COMMENTARIES
te above fifty Miles: That, as far as regarded himſelf, he engaged by all that
« yas ſacred to ſecure their Retreat thro his Territories; and undertook it the
« more readily, as he ſhould thereby not only diſcharge his Duty to his Coun-
« try, in delivering it from the Inconvenience of wintering the Romans, but
ce at the ſame time manifeſt his Gratitude to Ce/ar.” Having made this Speech
he withdrew.
XXIV. ARPINIUS and Junius reported what they had heard to the
Lieutenants; who alarmed at the ſuddenneſs of the thing, thought the Infor-
mation not to be neglected, tho it came from an Enemy: Nor were they a
pg
little moved by this Conhideration, that it appeared to them altogether incre-
dible, that the Eburones, a weak and inconfiderable State, ſhould of their
own accord preſume to take up Arms againſt the Romans. They therefore
laid the Matter before a Council of War, where a warm Debate aroſe.
L. Arunculeius, with a great number of military Tribunes, and Centurions of
the firſt rank, were againſt undertaking any thing haſtily, or quitting their
Winter-Quarters, before they had received Orders to that purpoſe from Cz/ar.
They alledged : “ That having ſtrongly fortified their Camp, they were able
ce to defend themſelves, even againſt all the Forces of the Germans: That the
cc late Attempt of the Gault was a ſufficient Proof of this, whom they had
« not only withſtood with Courage, but repulſed with Loſs: That they had
© Provifions in abundance, and might therefore ſecurely wait the arrival of
ce relief from Cæſar and the neighbouring Legions: In fine, that nothing could
« be more diſhonourable, or argue greater want of Judgment, than in Affairs
ce of the higheſt moment, to take Meaſures upon the Information of an
e Enemy.“ Tituriys, on the other hand, exclaimed : - © That it would be
ce then too late to think of retiring, when the Enemy in greater numbers,
ce and ſtrengthened by the acceſſion of the Germans, ſhould come up againſt
« them; or when the Quarters next them ſhould have received ſome fignal
& Check: That the time for Deliberation was ſhort : That Cæſar, he made no
c queſtion, was gone into Traly; it not being likely, that either the Carnutes
« would have formed the Deſign of aſſaſſinating Ta/getins, or the Eburones
<« in ſo contemptuous a manner aſſaulted the Roman Camp, had they not been
ce aſſured of his Departure: That the Information of an Enemy weighed not with
« him, but the real Circumſtances of Things. The Rhine was not far off. The
«© Germans were much exaſperated by the death of Arioviſtus, and their late fre-
« quent Defeats. Gaul burnt with Impatience to throw off the Roman Yoke,
« avenge the many Loſſes they had ſuſtained, and recover their former Glory in
% War, of which now ſcarce a Shadow remained. In ſhort, who could imagine
ce that Ambiorix, without a certainty of being ſupported, would have embarked in
e ſodangerous an Enterprize ? That his Opinion was in all Reſpects ſafe; becauſe,
« if no ch Confederacy had been formed, they had nothing to apprehend in
« marching to the neareſt Legion; if, on the contrary, all Gaul and Ger-
« nnany were united, Expedition alone could fave them from Deſtruction:
* Whereas, by following the Advice of Cotta, and thoſe who were againſt a
* Retreat; tho' the Danger perhaps might not prove immediate, yet were
A they ſure in the end of periſhing by Famine.” The Diſpute continued for
ſome time; Cotta, and the principal Officers, ſtrongly oppoſing the march of
the Troops. At laſt Sabinus raiſing his Voice, that he might be heard by
the Soldiers without: © Be it ſo, then, (ſays he,) ſince you ſeem fo reſolved :
* I am not he among you who is moſt afraid of Death. But if any Mis-
* fortune happens, thoſe who hear me will know whom to blame. In two
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OF HISWARS IN GAUL. Book v.
te Days, did not you oppoſe it, we might eaſily reach the Quarters next us;
« and there, in conjunction with our Fellow-Soldiers, confront the common
Danger: whereas by keeping the Troops ſeparate and at a diſtance, you re-
ce duce them to the Neceſſity of periſhing by Sword or Famine.”
XXV. THE Council was then going to riſe: but the Officers, ſurrounding
their Generals, conjured them not to put all to hazard by their Diſſenſion and
Obſtinacy. They told them, That whatever Reſolution was taken, whether
« to go or ſtay, the Danger was by no means great, provided they acted with
ce union among themſelves; but their Diſagreement threatned the Troops with
cc inevitable Deſtruction. The Debate continued till midnight: when at
length Cotta, vanquiſhed by Importunity, yielded to the Opinion of Sabinus.
Orders were given for marching by break of Day. The remainder of the
Night was none of it employed in ſleep; each Man being taken up in chooſing
what things to carry along with him, and what of his Winter- neceſſaries to
leave behind. In ſhort, they did every thing to make their ſtay more dan-
gerous; and by their Fatigue and want of Reſt, incapacitate themſelves for
a vigorous Defence upon their march. At Day-break they left their Camp,
not like Men acting by the Advice of an Enemy, but as if Ambiorix had been
their particular Friend; marching in a very extended Column, and followed by
a great Train of Baggage.
XXVI. THE Enemy judging from the Hurry and Motion in the Camp,
that the Romans intended to leave it, placed themſelves in Ambuſcade in two
Bodies in a Wood ; where, well-ſheltered and covered from view, they waited
at about two Miles diſtance their Arrival; and when the greateſt part of the
Army had entered a large Valley, ſuddenly appearing on both ſides of it, they
attacked them at the ſame time in Front and Rear, and obliged them to fight
in a Place of great diſadvantage.
XXVII. THEN at length 7izurivs, like one who had neglected all the
neceſſary Precautions, unable to hide his Concern, ran up and down among
the Troops, and began to diſpoſe them in order of Battle ; but with an Air
ſo timid and diſconcerted, that it appeared he had no hopes of Succeſs; as
happens for the moſt part to thoſe who leave all to the Moment of Execution.
But Cotta, who had foreſeen that this might happen, and had therefore oppoſed:
the Departure of the Troops, omitted nothing in his power for the common
Safety ; calling to and encouraging the Men like an able General, and at the
ſame time fighting with the Bravery of a common Soldier. And becauſe the
great Length of the Column rendered it difficult for the Lieutenants to remedy
all Diſorders, and repair expeditiouſly enough to the Places where their Pre-
ſence was neceſſary; Orders were given to quit the Defence of the Bag-
gage, and form into an Orb. This Diſpoſition, though not improper in theſe
Circumſtances, was nevertheleſs attended with very unhappy Conſequences ;
for being conſidered as the Effet of Terror and Deſpair, it diſcouraged our
Men, and augmented the Confidence of the Enemy. Beſides, as unavoidably
happens on ſuch, Occaſions, many of the Soldiers quitting their Enſigns, haſtened
to fetch from the Baggage what they had of moſt value, and filled all Parts
with Uproar and Lamentation.
XXVIII. THE Gauls mean-while conducted themſelves with great Pru-
dence; their Officers proclaimed through the Ranks, © That not a Man ſhould
Y « ſtir
81
" %
CAS ARS COMMENTARIES
« ſtir from his Poſt; that the Booty was theirs, and every thing belonging to
« the Romans muſt certainly fall into their Hands: but that all depended upon
{© ſecuring the Victory.“ Our Men were not inferior to the Enemy either in
Valour, Number, or way of fighting. Though they had neither General nor
Fortune on their fide, they hoped ſtill by their Bravery to ſurmount all Difh-
culties; and whenever any of the Cohorts ſallied out, fo as to join the Enemy
hand to hand, a conſiderable, Slaughter of the Gauls enſued. This being per-
ceived by Ambiorix, he ordered his Men to caſt their Darts at a diſtance, to
avoid a cloſe Fight, retire before the Romans whenever they advanced, and
purſue them as they returned to their Standards: in which way of fighting
they were become ſo expert, by the lightneſs of their Arms, and daily Exer-
ciſe, that it was impoſſible to do them any hurt. Theſe Orders were exactly
followed; inſomuch that when any Cohort left the Orb, and came forward to
attack the Enemy, they retreated and diſperſed in a moment: mean-while it
uncovered its own Flanks, and expoſed them to the Darts on either fide. The
Danger was ſtill greater when they returned; for then not only the Troops
that ſtood next them, but thoſe who had retired before them, ſurrounded and
charged them on all hands. If, on the-contrary, they choſe to continue in their
Poſt; neither could their Valour any thing avail them, nor was it poſſible for
Men ſtanding fo cloſe together, to avoid the Darts of ſo great a Multitude.
And yet notwithſtanding all theſe Diſadvantages, and the many Wounds they
had received, they ſtill maintained their Ground; and though much of the
Day was now ſpent, the Fight having continued from Sun-rile till two in the
Afternoon, they did nothing in all that time unworthy the Dignity of the
Roman Name. At length T. Balventius, who the Year before had been made
firſt Centurion of a Legion, a Man of diſtinguiſhed Courage, and great Au-
thority among the Troops, had both his Thighs pierced with a Dart. Q. Lu-
canius, an Officer of the ſame Rank, endeavouring to reſcue his Son, whom
he ſaw ſurrounded by the Enemy, was killed after a brave Reſiſtance. And
L. Cotta the Lieutenant, encouraging the ſeveral Cohorts and Companies, re-
ceived a Blow on the Mouth from a Sling. | |
\
XXIX. SO many Misfortunes quite diſpirited Titurius; who perceivi
Ambiorix at a diſtance animating his Troops, ſent Cz. Pompey his Interpreter,
to beg Quarter for himſelf and his Soldiers. Ambiorix replied ; „That he
« was ready to grant him a Conference if he defired it: That he hoped to
« prevail with the Multitude to ſpare the Romans; and that as to Sabinus him-
&« felf, he gave his Word no hurt ſhould be done him.” Sabinus communi-
cated this Anſwer to Cotta, propoſing that they ſhould leave the Battle, and
go and confer with Ambiorix, from whom he was in hopes of obtaining
Quarter both for themſelves and their Men. Cotta abſolutely refuſed to treat
with an armed Enemy, and perſiſted in that Reſolution. Sabinus ordered the
military Tribunes and principal Centurions that were about his Perſon to fol-
low him, and when he drew near Ambiorix, being commanded to lay down
his Arms, obeyed; charging thoſe that were with him to do the ſame. Mean-
while, as they were treating about the Conditions, Ambiorix ſpinning out the
Deliberations on purpoſe, he was by degrees ſurrounded and ſlain. Then the
Gauls, according to their Cuſtom, raiſing a Shout, and calling out Victory,
charged our Troops with great Fury, and put them into Diſorder. L. Corta,
fighting manſully, was ſlain, with the greateſt part of the Soldiers. The reſt
retreated to the Camp they had quitted in the Morning; of whom L. Petrofi-
dius the Standard-bearer, finding himſelf fore preſſed by the Enemy, threw the
8 | Eagle
OF HIS WARS INGAUL. Book v.
Eagle within the Intrenchments, and was killed fighting bravely before the
Camp. Thoſe that remained, with much ado, ſuſtained the Attack till Night;
but finding themſelves without Hope, they killed one another to the laſt Man.
A few who had eſcaped out of the Fight, got by different ways to Labienus's
Camp, and brought him the News of this fad Event.
XXX. AMBIORIAX, elated with this Victory, marched immediately at
the head of his Cavalry into the Country of the Atuatici, which bordered upon
his Territories; and travelling Day and Night without intermiſſion, left Orders
for the Infantry to follow him. Having informed them of his Succeſs, and
rouſed them to Arms, he the next Day arrived among the Vervians; and
urged them not to loſe the preſent favourable Opportunity of freeing them-
ſelves for ever from the Yoke of Slavery, and avenging the Injuries they had
received from the Romans. He told them, „That two of their Lieutenants
« had been ſlain, and a great part of their Army cut to pieces: That it would
ce be an eaſy matter, ſuddenly to attack and deſtroy the Legion quartered in
« their Country under Cicero: and that he was himſelf ready to aſſiſt them
<« in the Enterpriſe.” By this Speech he eafily drew in the Mervians.
XXXI. ACCORDINGLY, having forthwith diſpatched Meſſengers to
"the Centrones, Grudii, Levaci, Pleumoſians, and Gorduni, who are all ſubject
to their State ; they afſembled what Forces they could, and came unexpectedly
upon Ciceros Quarters, who as yet had heard nothing of the Fate of Trturius.
Here likewiſe it unavoidably tell out, that the Soldiers ſent to cut Wood for Firing
and the Fortifications of the Camp, were intercepted by the ſudden Arrival of
their Cavalry. Having put all theſe to the Sword; the Eburones, Atuatici, and
Mervians, with their Allies and Tributaries, amounting to a formidable Army,
came and attacked the Camp. Our Men immediately flew to Arms, aſcended
the Rampart, and with great difficulty ſuſtained that Day's Aſſault; for the
Enemy placed all their hopes in Diſpatch, and firmly believed that if they
came off Conquerors on this Occaſion, they could not fail of Victory every
where elſe.
XXXII CICERO's firſt Care was to write to Cz/ar, promiſing the
Meſſengers great Rewards if they carried his Letters ſafe. But as all the ways
were beſet by the Enemy's Troops, his Couriers were continually intercepted,
Mean-while of the Materials brought for fortifying the Camp, an hundred and
twenty Towers were built during the Night with incredible diſpatch, and the
Works about the Rampart compleated. Next Day the Enemy, with a much
greater Force than before, attacked the Camp, filled the Ditch, but were again
repulſed by our Men. This continued for ſeveral Days together. The Night
was wholly employed in repairing the Breaches made by Day, inſomuch that
neither the fick nor wounded were permitted to reſt. Whatever might be
of uſe to reſiſt the next Day's Aſſault, was prepared with great diligence
during the Night. Stakes were hardened in the Fire; Paliſades planted in
great Number ; Towers raiſed upon all Parts of the Rampart; and the whole
ſtrengthened with a Parapet and Battlements. Cicero himſelf, though much
out of order, would take no reſt, even during the Night; ſo that the Sol-
diers were obliged to force him from time to time to take ſome Repoſe.
XXXIII. MEAN-TIME ſuch of the VNervian Chiefs and Leaders, as
had any Intimacy or Friendſhip with Cicero, defired a Conference. This
being
.
«Nas. *
— 1 —
1
CA SAR Ss COMMENTARIES
being agreed to, they addreſſed him in the ſame ſtrain as Ambiorix had before
uſed towards Sabinus : © That all Gaul was in Arms: That the Germans had
« paſſed the Rhine: That Czſar and the reſt of the Troops were beſieged in
« their Winter-Quarters. They told him likewiſe of the Fate of Sabinus;
and, to gain Credit, produced Ambiorix ; adding: That it was in vain to
« expect Relief from thoſe who were themſelves in the utmoſt diſtreſs : That
« they meant not however any Injury to Cicero and the People of Rome, but
« merely to prevent their wintering in the Country, and eſtabliſhing that
« Practice into a Cuſtom : That he was therefore at liberty to leave his Quarters
« without moleſtation, and retire in ſafety where he pleaſed. To this Ciceros
only anſwered : That it was not uſual with the People of Rome to accept
« Conditions from an armed Enemy: But if they would lay down their
« Arms, he promiſed to interpoſe his Mediation, and permit them to ſend
ce Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar, from whoſe Juſtice they might reaſonably expect
« ͤRedreſs.“ |
XXXIV. THE MNervians, driven from this Hope, ſurrounded the Camp
with a Line, whoſe Rampart was eleven Foot high, and Ditch fifteen Foot
deep. They had learnt ſomething of this in their former Wars with Cæſar,
and the Priſoners they had made gave them further Inſtructions. But being
unprovided of the Tools neceſſary in this kind of Service, they were obliged
to cut the Turf with their Swords, dig up the Earth with their Hands, and
carry it in their Cloaks. And hence it will be eaſy to form ſome judgment
of their Number: For in leſs than three Hours they compleated a Line of fit-
teen Miles in Circuit. The following Days were employed in raiſing Towers,
proportioned to the height of our Rampart; and in preparing Scythes, and
wooden Galleries, in which they were again aſſiſted by the Priſoners =
XXXV. ON the ſeventh Day of the Attack, a very high Wind ariſing ;
they began to throw red-hot Balls of Clay, and burning Javelins, upon the
Barracks of the Romans, which after the manner of the Gauls were thatched
with Straw. Theſe ſoon took fire; and the Flames were in a moment ſpread
by the Wind into all parts of the Camp. The Enemy falling on with a mighty
Shout, as if already ſecure of Victory, advanced their Towers and Galleries,
and prepared to ſcale the Rampart. But ſuch was the Conſtancy and preſence of
Mind of the Soldiers; that tho the Flames ſurrounded them on every fide, and
they were oppreſſed with the multitude of the Enemies Darts; tho' they ſaw
their Huts, their Baggage, and their whole Fortunes in a blaze ; yet not only
did they continue firm in their Poſts, but ſcarce a Man offered ſo much as to
look behind him; ſo intent were they on fighting and repelling the Enemy.
This was much the hardeſt Day for our Troops; but had nevertheleſs this
fortunate Iſſue, that far the greateſt number of the Enemy were on that Day
wounded or ſlain: For as they had crowded cloſe up to the Rampart, thoſe be-
hind prevented the front Ranks from retiring. The Flames abating by de-
grees, and the Enemy having brought forward one of their Towers to the very
foot of the Rampart ; the Centurions of the third Cohort drew off their Men
a little, beckoning to the Gauls, and challenging them to enter: But as not a
Man would run the hazard, they attacked them on all ſides with Stones,
drove them from the Tower, and ſet it on fire.
XXXVI. I N this Legion were two Centurions of diſtinguiſhed Valour,
7. Pulſo, and L. Varenus, who ſtood fair for being raiſed to the firſt Rank of
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— — — — — — —5
OF HISWARS IN GAUL. Book v.
their Order. Theſe were perpetually diſputing with one another the Pre-
eminence in Courage, and at every Year's Promotion contended with great
Eagerneſs for Precedence. In the heat of the Attack beſore the Rampart,
Pulfio addreſſing Yarems : © What hinders you now, (ſays he;) or what more
« glorious Opportunity would you deſire of ſignalizing your Bravery ? This,
ee this is the Day for determining the Controverſy between us.” At theſe
Words he fallied out of the Camp, and ruſhed amidſt the thickeſt of the
Gauls. Nor did Yarenus decline the Challenge; but thinking his Honour at
ſtake, followed at ſome diſtance. Pulſio darted his Javelin at the Enemy, and
transfixed a Gaul that was coming forward to engage him: who falling dead
of the Wound, the Multitude advanced to cover 125 with their Shields, and
all poured their Darts upon Pulſio, giving him no time to retire. A Javelin
pierced his Shield, and ſtuck faſt in his Belt. This Accident entangling his
right Hand, prevented him drawing his Sword, and gave the Enemy time to
ſurround him. Varenus his Rival flew to his Aſſiſtance, and endeavoured to
reſcue him. Immediately the Multitude quitting Pulfio, as fancying the Dart
had diſpatched- him, all turned upon Farenus. He met them with his Sword
drawn, charged them hand to hand; and having laid one dead at his feet,
drove back the reſt: But purſuing with too much eagerneſs, ſtept into a Hole,
and fell down. Pulſio in his turn haſtened to extricate him; and both toge-
ther, after having flain a multitude of the Gawls, and acquired infinite Ap-
plauſe, retired unhurt within the Intrenchments. Thus Fortune gave ſuch a
turn to the Diſpute, that each owed his Life to his Adverſary ; nor was it
poſſible to decide, to which of them the Prize of Valour was due,
XXXVII. AS the Defence every day became more difficult and hazardous,
chiefly by the great multitude of killed and wounded, which conſiderably leſ-
ſened the number of Defendants ; Cicero ſent Letter upon Letter to inform
Ceſar of his Danger. Many of theſe Couriers falling into the Enemy's Hands,
were tortured to death within view of our Soldiers. There was at that time
in the Roman Camp a Nervian of Diſtinction, by name Vertico, who in the
beginning of the Siege had fled to Cicero, and given ample Proofs of his Fi-
delity. This Man, by the hopes of Liberty, and a promiſe of great Rewards,
engaged one of his Slaves to carry a Letter to Cæſar. Having concealed it in
his Javelin, and paſſed thro' the Camp of the Gauls without ſuſpicion, as being
himſelf of that Nation, he arrived ſafe at Cz/ar's Quarters, who by this means
was informed of the Danger of Cicero and the Legion. |
XXXVIII. CASAR receiving the Letter about five in the Afternoon,
immediately diſpatched a Meſſenger to M. Craſſus, who was quartered among
the Bellovaci, twenty-five Miles off, ordering him to draw out his Legion at
midnight, and march with all the expedition he could to join him. Craſſus,
according to his Orders, came along with the Courier. He ſent likewiſe to
C. Fabius, directing him to lead his Legion into the Country of the Atreba-
tians, which lay in the way to Cicero. He wrote to Labienus, if it could be
done with ſafety, to meet him upon the Frontiers of the Vervians. He him-
ſelf in the mean time aſſembled about four hundred Horſe from the neareſt
Garriſons, reſolying not to wait for the reſt of the Army, which lay at too
great a diſtance.
XXXIX. AT nine in the Morning he had notice from his Scouts of the
Arrival of Craſſus. That Day he marched twenty Miles, leaving Craſſus with a
5 2 Legion
85
86 | CASARs COMMENTARIES.
Legion at Samarobriva, where he had depoſited the Baggage, Hoſtages, pubs
lick Papers, and all the Proviſions which had been laid up for the Winter.
Fabius, in conſequence of his Inſtructions, having made all the haſte he could,
met him with his Legion. Labienus, who had been informed of the death
of Sabinus, and the deſtruction of the Troops under his Command, and who
ſaw all the Forces of Treves advancing againſt him; fearing left if he ſhould
| quit his Quarters, the Enemy might conſtrue it as a flight, and that it would
* be impoſſible for him to ſuſtain their Attack, eſpecially as they were fluſhed
with their late Succeſs; wrote to Cz/ar, informing him of the Danger that
would attend the quitting his Camp, of the Diſaſter that had happened among
the Eburones, and that all the Forces of the Neviri, both Horſe and Fobt, were
encamped within three Miles of him. ä a
XL. CA SAR apptoving his Reaſons ; tho he thereby found hiniſelf re-
duced from three to two Legions, was yet ſenſible that all depended upon ex-
pedition. He makes forced marches; and reaching the Territories of the
L Nervians, learnt from ſome Priſoners the ſtate of the Siege, Ind the danger
j the Legion was in. Immediately lie engages a Gauliſp Horſeman, by the
| Promiſe of great Rewards, to carry a Letter to Cicero. It was wrote in Greek
| | Characters, that if it fell into the Enemies Hands, it might fiot be intelligible
to them. The Meſſenger had Orders, in caſe he found it impracticable to
it penetrate himſelf into the Roman Camp, to tie the Letter to a Javelin, and
i! throw it in. In this Letter Cz/a# ſent Cicero word, that he was already on
| the march- to relieve him; and would be up very ſoon ; exhorting him in
| the mean time, to defend himſelf with his wonted Bravery. The Gaul,
| dreading a diſcovery, threw the Letter into the Camp as he had been ordered:
11 But the Javelin by accident ſticking in a Tower, remained there two Days un-
1 perceived. On the third a Soldier favy it, took it down, and brought it to
Cicero,; who immediately read it in full Aſſembly, and diffuſed the common
Joy thro the whole Camp. At the fame time they perceived the Smoke of
the Villages fired by Cæſar in his march; which put the Artival of the Succours
beyond all doubt. E” 9 FR Dy
XLI. THE Gauls having notice of it alſo by their Scouts, thought proper
co quit the Siege, and go to meet Cz/ar. Their Army conſiſted of about
* fixty thouſand Men. Cicero, now at liberty, applied again to Yertico, for the
Slave ſpoken. of above; and having admoniſhed him to uſe the utmoſt Dili-
ence and Circumſpection, diſpatched him with a Letter to Ceſar, informing
fim that the Enemy had raiſed the Siege, and were advancing againſt him
with all their Forces. Cz/ar received the Letter about midnight, communi-
cated the Contents to his Army, and exhorted them to meet the Enemy
with Courage. Next day he decamped early, and after a march of four
Miles, diſcovered the Gault on the other fide of a large Valley, with a River
1 in front. It was dangerous to engage ſo great a Force upon unequal Ground.
i" Knowing therefore that the Siege of Ciceros Camp was raiſed, and having no
longer any Reaſon to be in a hurry, he encamped in the moſt convenient Spot
he could find, and compleated his Tntrenchments. His Army conſiſting of no
more than ſeven thouſand Men without Baggage, required at beſt but a very
ſmall Camp; yet he purpoſely contracted it as much as poſſible, to inſpite
the Enemy with the greater Contempt of him. Mean-time ſending out Scouts
2 ſides, he endeavoured to find where he might croſs the Valley with moſt
Safety. b 8 e
XLII.
OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book v.
XIII. THE reſt of the Day paſſed in light Skirmiſhes between the Cavalry
near the Brook ;. but the main Body of the Arniy on both Sides kept within
their Lines: The Gault, in expectation of more Forces, which were not yet
come up: Cz/ar, that by pretending Fear, he might draw the Enemy on this
{ide the Valley, and engage them before his Camp; or, if that could not be
effected, that having diſcovered the Paſſes, he might be enabled to croſs. the
Valley and Rivulet with leſs danger. Early next Morning the Enemy's Ca-
valry coming up to our Camp, charged our Horſe ; who, by Cæſar's Or-
At the fame.
ders, purpoſely pave ground, and retired behind the Works,
time he cauſed the Ramparts to be raiſed higher, the Gates to be barricaded,
and cautioned the Soldiers, in the execution of theſe Orders, to run up and
down tumultuouſly, and affect an air of Timidity and Concern. The Ene-
my, invited by all theſe Appearances, croſſed the Valley, and drew up in a |
very diſadvantageous Poſt, Our Men mean-while retiring from the Rampart,
they approached ſtill nearer, caſt their Darts on all ſides within the Trenches,
and ſent Heralds round the Camp to proclaim, that if any of the Gault or
Romans had a mind to come over to them, they ſhould be at liberty ſo to do
till nine O clock, after which no Quarter would. be granted. Nay, fo far
did they carry their Contempt, that thinking they could not break in by the
Gates, (which, to deceive { 698 were ſtopt up with ſingle rows of Turf,
ſome began to ſcale the Rampart, others to fill up the Ditch. But then Cæſar
fallying by all the Gates at once, and charging them briskly with his Ca-
valry, put them ſo precipitately to flight, that not a Man offered to make
the leaſt Reſiſtance. Great numbers of them were ſlain, and
ad the reſt obliged
to throw down their Arms.
XLII. NOT caring to purſue them far, on account of the Woods and
Marſhes that lay in his way; and finding that conſiderable execution had
been done. upon the ſpot, he the ſame Day joined Cicero with all his Forces;
where beholding . the Towers, Galleries, and other Works of the Gaule, he
could not help being ſtruck with Admiration. He then reviewed Cicero's Le-
gion, and found that not a tenth Man had eſcaped without Wounds; which
gave him a juſt Idea of the greatneſs of the Danger to which they had been
expoſed, and of the vigorous Defence they had made. He beftowed great
Commendations on the Legion, and its Commander; and addreſſed himſelf to
the Centurions and military Tribunes by name, of whoſe Valour Cicero made
honourable mention. He. learnt particularly from the Priſoners all the Cir-
cumſtances of the unhappy Affair of Sabinus and Cotta: and calling the
Soldiers together next Day, gave them an Account of the whole Tranſaction,
comforted them, confirmed their Courage, and told' them; that a Diſaſter oc-
caſioned by the Imprudence and Raſhneſs of the Lieutenant, ought to give
them the leſs Diſturbance ; as by the Favour of the immortal Gods, and their
Valour, Vengeance had followed ſo ſuddenly, that neither had the Joy of the
Enemy for the Victory continued any time, nor their Grief for the Loſs
remained long without allay. + - - . oi d
XLIV. MEAN-TIME che Report of Ce#/ar's Victory flew with incre-
dible ſpeed thro the Country of the Reems to Labienus. For tho he lay at
the diſtance of fifty Miles from Ciceros Camp, whither Cæſar did not arrive
till paſt three in the Afternoon ; yet before midnight a Shout was raiſed at the
Gates of his Camp, by which the Nhemi ſigniſied to him Ce/ar's Victory,
and their, on Congratulation on that Succeſs. The Report of this being
carried
$2
CASAR's COMMENTARIES
carried to to the Treviriz Indutiomarus, who the next Day had determined to
attack Labienus's Camp, made off in the Night, and retired with all his
Forces into his own Country. Cz/ar ſent back Fabius with his Legion to his
former Quarters, reſolving to winter himſelf near Samarobriva with three
Legions, diſtributed in three different Cantonments ; and as all Gaul was in
motion, to continue with the Army. in perſon, For the defeat and death of
Sabinus ſpteading every where, almoſt all the States of Gaul were meditating
a Revolt; and with this view ſent Meſſengers and Deputies into all Parts, to
concert Meaſures, and contrive where to begin the War. Nay they held Aſ-
ſemblies by Night in deſart Places; inſomuch that during the whole Winter,
ſcarce a Day paſſed, but Cz/ar had Intelligence of ſome new Reſolves or In-
ſurrections of the Gaul. Among the reſt; L. Roſcius his Lieutenant, who
commanded the thirteenth Legion, ſent him word: that great numbers of
Gauli, from the ſeveral States of Armorica, had aſſembled to attack him, and
advanced within eight Miles of his Camp; but upon hearing of Cz/ar's
Victory, had ſeparated ſo haſtily, that their Retreat had all the appearance of
a Flight. |
XLV. BUT Ceſar ſummoning the principal Noblemen of every State to
attend him; partly by Menaces, making them ſenſible he was no Stranger to
their Deſigns; partly by Exhortations, found means to keep the greateſt part
of Gaul in its duty. The Senones however, a potent State, and of great
Authority among the Gawls, formed the deſign of publickly aſſaſſinating Cava-
rinus, whom Cæſar had given them for a King; whoſe. Brother Moriza/gus
had held the Sovereignty at Ce/ar's-arrival in Gaul, and whole Anceſtors had
long been in poſſeſſion of the ſame Dignity, But he having Intelligence of the
Plot, thought proper to fly; whereupon purſuing him to the very Frontiers,
they drove him from his Palace and Throne: and ſending Ambaſſadors to
Cæſar to juſtify their Conduct; upon his ordering their whole Senate to repair
to him, they refuſed to ſubmit. So powerful was this Example amongſt the
Barbarians, that ſome at laſt were found of Courage enough to begin the War;
and ſo great a Change did it produce in the Inclinations of all: that except the
Aduans and Rhemi, who had been always particularly diſtinguiſhed and
favoured by Cz/ar; the firſt, on account of their ancient and inviolable Fide-
lity to the People of Rome; the laft, for their late Services in the Gallicł
War; ſcarce was there a ſingle State in all Gaul that did not incur ſuſpicion.
Nor is this, in truth, ſo much to be wondered at; as for many other Reaſons,
fo particularly for this: that a People famed above all Nations for their
military Virtues, could not with Patience bear to ſee themſelves ſo far
ſtript of their former Renown, as to be forced to ſubmit to the Yoke of the
Romans. ES 393-1 ads 23; „ 64
XLVLINDUTIOMA RUS and the Treviri ceaſed not, during the whole
Winter, to ſend Ambaſſadors over the Rhine; ſoliciting the German States;
offering them Money; and urging, that a great part of our Army having al-
ready been cut off, much the leaſt conſiderable remained. But no part of
that Country could be perſuaded to come into their Deſigns: Becauſe having
twice before tried their Fortune with the Romans, in the War with Ariovi ſdus,
and in the Defeat of the Tenchrberi; they were reſolved, they told them, to
run no more Hazards. Indutiomarus, diſappointed of this Hope, was not leſs
achve- in drawing Forces together, ſoliciting Recruits from the neighbouring
States, providing Horſes, and encouraging even Out- laws and Convicts, by
. 5 che
e
not be wanting: he called an Aſſembly of the States in Arms. This, ac-
cording to the Cuſtom of the Gault, implies an actual commencement of
War; and, by a ſtanding Law, obliges all their Youth to appear at the Diet
in Arms; in which they are ſo extremely ſtrict, that whoſoever has the misfor-
tune to come laſt, is put to death in ſight of the Multitude, with all manner
of Torments. In this Aſſembly, Cingetorix, the head of the oppoſite Faction,
and Son-in-law of Indutiomarus; who, as we have related above, had de-
clared for Cz/ar, and ſtill continued firm to him, was proclaimed a publick
Enemy, and his Eſtate confiſcated. After which [ndutiomarus acquainted the
Council, that the Senones, Carnutes, and ſeveral other States of Gaul had ſoli-
cited his Aſſiſtance ; that he accordingly intended to join his Forces with
theirs, taking his rout thro the Territories of the Rhemi, and giving up their
Lands to be plundered ; but that before he began his march, he was defirous
of maſtering the Camp of Labienus. To that end he gave the neceſſary
Directions.
XLVIII. LABIENUS, whoſe Camp, both by the nature of the
Ground, and the Fortifications he had added, was extremely ftrong, feared
nothing, either for himſelf or the Legion ; but nevertheleſs was intent how
he might give the Enemy forme confiderable Blow. Having therefore been in-
formed by Cingetorix and his Adherents, of the Speech made by Indutiomarus
in the Council of Gaul; he ſent Deputies to the neighbouring States, ſolicited
Cavalry from all Parts, and appointed them a Day of Rendezvous. Mean-time
Indutiomarus, with all his Cavalry, appeared almoſt every Day within fight of
the Camp; one while, to examine its Situation ; another, to intimidate La-
bienus, or invite him to a Conference. On theſe Occaſions, it was uſual for
the Enemy to caſt their Darts over the Rampart. Labienus kept his Men
within the Works, and uſed all the Methods he could think of to make the
Gauls believe he was afraid of them.
XLIX. INDUTIOMARUS approaching the Trenches every Day
with greater Contempt than before: Labienus received into his Camp, by
night, all the Cavalry he had ſent for from the neighbouring States; and was
ſo careful to reſtrain his Men within their Lines, by Guards planted at all the
Outlets, that it was impoſſible for the Treviri to get Intelligence of the Rein-
forcement he had received. Mean-time Indutiomarus, according to Cuſtom,
came up to the Camp, and continued there the greater part of the Day. The
Cavalry diſcharged their Darts over the Rampart, and in opprobrious Language
challenged our Men to fight. The Romans making no Anſwer, they retired
towards Night, but diſperſed and without Order. Then Labienus, ordering a
ſudden Sally with all the Cavalry, ſtrictly cautioned and charged his Men,
that as ſoon as they had put the Gauls to flight, (which happened accord-
ing to his Expectation, ) they ſhould all ſingle out Indutiomarus, nor offer
A a to
—
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—— Bi
yo
C SAR's COMMENTARIES.
to wound a Man of the Enemy, till they ſaw him ſlain: for he was unwilling
that any Delay, occaſioned by the Slaughter of the reſt, ſhould. give him an
Opportunity to eſcape. He promiſed great Rewards to the Man that ſhould
Kill him; and ſent the Cokoits after to ſuſtain the Horſe. The Deſign ſuc-
ceeded : for as all were intent upon Indutiomarus alone, he was overtaken and
ſlain in paſſing a River, and his Head brought back to the Camp. Our Ca-
valry, in their Return, put all to the Sword that came in their way. Upon the
news of this Defeat, the Forces of the Eburones and Mervianus returned home,
and Gaul was ſomewhat quieter the reſt of the Winter.
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——— ——
THE ARGUMENT.
I. Cæſar, aphrebending greater Commotions in Gaul, augments his Forces. II. He
reduces the Nervians by a ſudden Invaſion. III. And admits the Senones,
Carnutes, and Menapians 20 4 Surrender. VI. Labienus pretending Fear,
ſuddenly attacks and routs the Treviri. IX. Cæſar paſſes the Rhine @ ſecond
time. X. The Suevians prepare to oppoſe the Romans. XI. The Manners of
the Gauls and Germans deſcribed. XII. The Æduans and Sequani at the
head of two oppoſite Factions in Gaul. The Sequani declining in Power, the
Rhemi /ub/titute themſelves in their Place. XIII. Deſcription of the Druids.
XV. The Religion of the Gauls. XVI. The Gauls and Germans differ much
as to their Manners and Cuſtoms. XXIII. The Hercynian Foreff. XXIV. A
Bull with one Horn. XXV. Wild Aſſes. XXVI. Bufalos. XXVII. Cæſar,
fearing the Want of Proviſions, repaſſes the Rhine, and marches againſf Am-
biorix. XXVIII. The great Power of Fortune. XXIX. Ambiorix disbands
his Troops, and counſels them 70 provide for their own Safety. XXX. Cæſar
divides his Army, and marches in perſon in queſt of Ambiorix. XXXI. Is
obliged to proceed with great Circumſpection in ravaging the Country. XXXII.
The Sicambri croſs the Rhine, and fall upon Ciceros Camp. XXXV. The
aftoniſhing Bravery of Sextius Baculus apon this Occafion. XXXVII. The
Romans /uffer ſome Loſs. XXXVIII. The Germans at length relinquiſh the
Attack, and return home. XL. Cæſar lays waſte the Country of the Eburones.
Ambiorix narrowly eſcapes being talen. XLT, Cæſar returns to Italy.
[ 93 ]
%% 2 G& $ 1-R'sg
COMMENTARIES
7 =. 0+ 08” 9 9
.
1 SAR, for many Reaſons, expecting greater Commotions in Gaul,
8 ordered his Lieutenants M. Silanus, C. Antiftius Reginus, and T. Sex-
| tius, to levy Troops. At the ſame time he deſired of Cu. Pompey
the Proconſul, that ſince he was himſelf detained by publick Affairs at Rome,
he would ſet on foot the Legion he had inliſted in Ciſalpine Gaul during his
Conſulſhip, and ſend it to him: for he conſidered it as of the utmoſt Impor-
tance towards ſecuring a proper Reſpect from the Gauls for the time to come,
to give them ſuch an Idea of the Power of Italy, as might convince them that
it was not only able ſpeedily to repair any Lofles ſuſtained, 'but even to bring
a greater Force into the Field. Friendſhip and the good of the Commonwealth
equally determined Pompey to yield to this Requeſt: and the Levies being
compleated with great diligence by the Lieutenants, three new Legions were
formed and brought into Gaul before the end of Winter. Thus, having doubled
the Number of Cohorts loſt under Titurius, he ſoon made the Enemy ſenſible,
both by his Expedition and the Strength of the Reinforcement, of what they
had to apprehend from the Power and Diſcipline of the Romans.
II. INDUTIOMARUS being flain, as we have related above, the
Treviri conferred the Command on his Relations. They perſiſted likewiſe in
ſoliciting the Germans, and making them offers of Money. But not bein
able to prevail with thoſe that lay neareft them, they applied to ſome of the
more remote States; and finding them inclined to treat, entered into a ſolemn
Engagement with them, giving Hoſtages for Security of the Money ſtipulated,
and aſſociating Ambiorix into the Confederacy. Cæſar informed of theſe things,
and finding that he was threatned with War on all ſides; that the Vervians,
Atuatici, and Menapians, with all the Germans on this ſide the Rhine, were
actually in Arms; that the Senones refuſed to attend him according to Orders,
and were tampering with the Carnutes and other neighbouring States; and that
the Trevirs were ſoliciting the Germans by frequent Embaſſies; he judged it
would be neceflary to open the Campaign early. Accordingly, without wait-
ing till-the Winter was at an end, he drew together the four neareſt Legions,
and fell unexpectedly into the Territories of the. Vervians, before they could
B b either
CES AR's COMMENT ARIES
either aſſemble in a Body, or find means to ſave themſelves by Flight. Having
carried off a great Number of Men and Cattle, enriched his Soldiers with the
Booty, and laid waſte the Country; he compelled them to ſubmit and give
Hoſtages, and then led back his Legions to their Winter-Quarters.
III. EARLY in the Spring, having ſummoned a general Aſſembly of
Gaul, purſuant to his Deſign: as all the other States but the Senones, Carnutes,
and Treviri appeared; looking upon this as the beginning of a Revolt, and
willing to poſtpone every thing elſe, he adjourned the Diet to Paris. This
City was upon the Borders of the Senones, and had been united with them,
about an Age before; but was thought to have no ſhare in their preſent R
volt. Having declared the Adjournment to the Aſſembly, he the ſame Day ſet
out with his Legions againſt the Senones, and by great Marches reached their
Territories. Acco, who was at the head of the Confederacy, hearing of his
| Approach, ordered the Multitude to ſhelter themſelves in the Towns: but before
that could be done, the Romans appeared. This obliged them to change their
Meaſures, and ſend Deputies to Cz/ar to implore Forgiveneſs. They were
ſeconded by the Zduans, the old and faithful Allies of the Romans, at whoſe
Requeſt Cz/ar readily pardoned them; and the rather, becauſe the Summer
being now come, he had no mind to ſpend the Seaſon for Action in proceeding
formally againſt the Guilty. He ordered them to ſend an hundred Hoſtages,
whom he committed to the Cuſtody of the Aduaus. The Carnutes too, at the
Interceſſion of the Rhemi, under whoſe Protection they were, having ſent De-
uties and Hoſtages, obtained the ſame Conditions. Cz/ar then went to the
Aſſembly of the States, put an end to the Diet, and ordered the Gault to pro-
vide him Cavalry, |
IV. TRANQUILLITY being reſtored in theſe Parts, Cz/ar turned all
his Thoughts to the Management of the War with Ambiorix and the Treviri.
He ordered Cavarinus to attend him with the Cavalry of the S2nones, to prevent
any new Commotions in his Abſence, either in conſequence of the Reſentment
of that Prince, or the Hatred he had incurred of the State. And having thus
ſettled all things to his mind, as he knew Ambiorix was determined not to hazard
a Battle, he ſet himſelf to watch his other Deſigns.
V. THE Menapians, whoſe Territories border upon thoſe of the Eburones,
are ſecured by Woods and Moraſſes on every fide; and were the only People
of Gaul, who had not ſent Ambaſſadors to Cz/ar to defire a Peace. He knew
Ambiorix was in good Intelligence with them; and that by means of the 7re-
viri, he had alſo entered into an Alliance with the Germans. He therefore
thought it beſt to deprive him of theſe Reſources, before he attacked him in per-
ſon; leſt deſpairing of being able to defend himſelf, he ſhould either retire among
the Menaprons, or throw himſelf into the Arms of the Germans beyond the
Rhine. This Reſolution being taken, he ſent the Baggage of the whole Army
to Labienus in the Country of the Treviri, ordered him a Reinforcement of
two Legions, and marched himſelf againſt the Menapians with five Legions,
who carried nothing with them but their Arms. That Nation truſting to their
Situation, inſtead of aſſembling Forces, retreated to their Woods and Moraſles,
and carried all their Effects along with them. Cæſar, dividing his Forces with
C. Fabius his Lieutenant, and M. Craſſus his Queſtor; and having ſpeedily
fniſhed his Bridges; entered their Country in three Bodies, ſet all their Houſes
and Villages on fire, and carried off ſuch Numbers of Men and Cattle, that
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2
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vi.
the Menapians were at laſt conſtrained to ſue for Peace. He granted it, on
Condition they ſent him Hoſtages, and engaged not to admit Ambiorix or any
one from him into their Territories; threatning to treat them as Enemies if
they did. Theſe things ſettled, he left Comius of Arras there, with a Body of
Horſe to keep them in Awe, and ſet out himſelf againſt the 7revir:.
VI WHILST Cæſar was thus employed, the Treviri, having drawn to-
gether a great Number of Horſe and Foot, were preparing to attack the Legion
which had wintered in their Territories under Labienus. They were now ad-
vanced within two Days march of the Lieutenant's Camp, when they learnt
that he had received a Reinforcement of two Legions from .Cz/ar. Upon this
encamping at about fifteen Miles diſtance, they reſolved to wait for the Auxi-
liaries they expected from Germany. Labienus having Intelligence of their
Deſign, and hoping their Raſhneſs might furniſh him with an Opportunity of
fighting, left the Baggage under a Guard of five Cohorts; and with the twenty-
five remaining, and all his Cavalry, marched towards the Enemy, and pitched
his Camp about a Mile from them. ;
VII. BETWEEN Labienus and the Enemy was a River, with ſteep Banks,
and difficult to paſs. And indeed neither was Labienus himſelf minded to try
the Paſſage, nor did he expect the Enemy would offer at ſuch an Attempt.
The hope of being joined by the Auxiliaries grew ſtronger in the Camp of the
Gauls every Day. Labienus declared publickly in a Council of War; „That
« as the Germans were ſaid to be upon their march, he was determined not
« to expoſe himſelf and the Army to danger, but would decamp early next
« Morning,” 'This was ſoon carried to the Enemy; for as our Cavalry con-
ſiſted moſtly of Gault, it was natural for ſome of them to favour their Coun-
men. ; Sons aſſembling the military Tribunes and principal Centurions
during the night, laid before them his real Deſign: and the better to betray
the Enemy into a ſuſpicion of his being afraid, gave Orders for decamping
with more Noiſe and Tumult than was uſual in a Roman Army. By this means
his march had all the Appearance of a Flight; and the Enemy, whoſe Camp
was ſo very near, had Notice of it before Day-break from their Spies.
VIII. SCARCE had our Rear got without the Trenches, when the Gauli
encouraging one another not to loſe ſo fair a Prey, or ſtay in Expectation of
the Germans, at a time the Romans were retreating in ſuch a Panick; and
conſidering it as an Indignity, with ſo great a Superiority of Forces, to forbear
attacking an handful of Men already put to Flight and incumbered with their
Baggage; reſolved to paſs the River, and engage the Romans, notwithſtanding
the Diſadvantage of the Ground. Labienus, who had foreſeen this; that he
might draw them all over the River, continued the Feint of his march, and
went on quietly. Then ſending the Baggage a little before, and ordering it
to be placed upon a riſing Ground: * Behold, Fellow-ſoldiers, ſays he, the
« Opportunity you ſo much deſired : You have the Enemy at a diſadvantage,
« and in a Place where they cannot ſuſtain the Onſet: ſhew only under my
„ Command the Valour you have ſo often manifeſted to our General; think
« him preſent, and that he ſees and obſerves you.” At the ſame time he or-
dered them to face about, and form in Line of Battle; and detaching a few
Troops of horſe to guard the Baggage, drew up the reſt on the two Wings. Our Men
gave a ſudden Shout, and threw their Javelins. The Enemy, contrary to their
Expectation, ſeeing thoſe whom they imagined put to flight, marching againſt
them
9
—
CK SARS COMMENTARIES
them with diſplayed Banners, could not ſuſtain the very firſt Shock; but
betaking themſelves immediately to flight, took Refuge in the neareſt Woods.
Labienus purſuing with his Cavalry, put many of the Enemy to the Sword, and
took a great Number of Priſoners; inſomuch that within a few Days the whole
State was obliged to ſubmit: for the Germans, who were coming to their Aſ-
ſiſtance, upon hearing of their Defeat, returned home. The Relations of In-
dutiomarus, who had been the Authors of the Revolt, choſe likewiſe to retire
with them, and abandon their Country. Cingetorix, who had always con-
tinued faithful to the Romans, was thereupon inveſted with the ſupreme Au-
thority. . |
IX. CASAR, after his Arrival in Treves, from among the Menapians,
reſolved for two Reaſons to paſs the Rhine: One, becauſe the Germans had
aſſiſted the Treviri againſt the Romans: the other, to deprive Ambiorix of a
Retreat into thoſe Parts. In conſequence of this Reſolution, he ſet about
making a Bridge on the River, but ſomewhat higher up than before. As the
Form and Manner was known, the Soldiers, by their extraordinary Diligence,
finiſhed the Work in a few Days. Leaving a ſtrong Guard on the fide of
Treves, to prevent any ſudden Inſurrection in that Country, he carried over the
reſt of his Army. The U6bians, who had before ſubmitted and given Hoſtages,
ſent Ambaſladors to him to vindicate their Conduct, and aſſure him, that they
had neither ſent Troops to the Aſſiſtance of the Treviri, nor in any Inſtance
departed from their Engagements. They urged and requeſted, that he would
ſpare. their Territories, and not, out of a general Hatred to the Germans, in-
volve the Innocent in the Puniſhment of the Guilty. If he deſired more Hoſ-
tages, they told him they were ready to ſend them. Cz/ar finding upon. In-
quiry, that the Supplies had been ſent by the Suevians, accepted the Submiſſion:
of the Ubians: and preparing to march againſt the Suevians, informed him-
ſelf of the Ways and Acceſſes to their Country.
X. A FEW Days after, he had Intelligence from the Ubiazs, that the
Suevians were drawing their Forces to a general Rendezvous, and had
ſent Orders to all the Nations under their Juriſdiction, to furniſh their
Contingents of Horſe and Foot. Upon this, having furniſhed himſelf with
Proviſions, and choſen a proper Place for his Camp, he ordered the Ubians to
retire into their Towns with their Cattle and Effects ; hoping that fo unskilful
and barbarous an Enemy, might eaſily be drawn by the want of Proviſions,
to fight in a Place of Diſadvantage. He further injoined the Ubians to ſend
Spies into all Parts, to learn the Deſigns and Motions of the Suevians. They
readily complied, and in a few Days brought him back word; „That the
« Suevians, upon certain Information of the Arrival of the Roman Army, had
« retired to the remoteſt Part of the Country, with all their own Forces, and
« thoſe of their Allies: that there they had reſolved to wait the coming up
« of the Romans, at the Entrance of a Foreſt of immenſe Extent, called Ba-
e cenis, which reached a great way into the Country, and ſerved as a Barrier
« between the Cheruſci and Suevians, to prevent their mutual Incurſions.“
*
XI. ON this Occaſion it may not be improper to ſay ſomewhat of the
Manners of the Gauls and Germans, and the difference of Cuſtoms between
theſe two Nations. A ſpirit of Faction prevails throughout Gaul, and that
not only in their ſeveral States, Diſtricts, and Villages, but almoſt in every pri-
vate Family. The Men of greateſt Eſteem and Conſideration among them,
| arc
OS.
*
OF HIS WARS INGAUL. Book vi.
are commonly at the head of theſe Factions, and give what turn they think
proper to all publick Deliberations and Counſels. This Cuſtom is of long
ſtanding, and ſeems deſigned to ſecure thoſe of lower rank from the Oppreſ-
ſion of the powerful: for the Leaders always take care to protect thoſe of their
Party, otherwiſe they would ſoon loſe all their Authority. This equally ob-
tains thro' the whole Continent of Gaul, the Provinces being in general divided
into two Factions.
XII. WHEN Cæſar arrived in the Country, the Aduans were at the
head of one Faction, and the Sequani of the other. Theſe laſt being the
weaker, becauſe the Mduans had long bore the greateſt ſway, and had a
number of conſiderable States in their dependence; they united with Arioviflus
and the Germans, whom by great Preſents and Promiſes they drew over the
Rhine to their Aſſiſtance. This Alliance made them ſo powerful, that having
worſted their Adverſaries in ſeveral Battles, and killed almoſt all their Nobility ; -
they forced the States dependent upon the ÆAduans to have recourſe to them for
Protection; obliged the Æduans themſelves to give the Children of their
principal Nobility as Hoſtages, {wear publickly, not to attempt any thing againſt
the Sequani, and reſign up to their poſſeſſion a part of their Territories; and
by this means rendered themſelves in a manner Sovereigns of all Gaul. Divi-
tiacus, in this Neceſſity, applied to the Senate of Rome for Relief, but without
effect. Cæſar's arrival ſoon changed the face of Affairs. The Æduan Hoſta-
es were ſent back, their former Clients reſtored, and new ones procured them
y Cæſar's Intereſt; it appearing, that ſuch as were under their Protection,
enjoyed a more equal and milder Lot: by all which their Fortune and Au-
thority being conſiderably enlarged, the Seguani were obliged to reſign the So-
vereignty. The Remi ſucceeded in their place: and as they were known to
be in the ſame degree of Favour with Cz/ar, ſuch as could not get over their
old Animoſity to the Æaduans, put themſelves under their Protection. The
Rhemi were extremely attentive to the Intereſts of their Clients, and thereby
both preſerved their old Authority, and that which they had newly acquired.
Such therefore was the then Situation of Gaul, that the AZdunns poſſeſſing
indiſputably the firſt Rank, the Rhemi were next in Conſideration and
Dignity. |
XIII. OVER all Gaul, there are only two Orders of Men, in any degree
of Honour and Eſteem : for the common People are little better than Slaves,
attempt nothing of themſelves, and have no ſhare in the publick Deliberations.
As they are generally oppreſſed with Debt, heavy Tributes, or the Exactions
of their Superiors ; they make themſelves Vaſſals to the Great, who exerciſe
over them the ſame juriſdiction, as Maſters do over Slaves. The two Orders of
Men, with whom, as we have ſaid, all Authority and Diſtinctions are lodged,
are the Druids and Nobles. The Druids preſide in matters of Religion, have
the care of publick and private Sacrifices, and interpret the will of the Gods.
They have the direction and education of the Youth, by whom they are held.
in great honour. In almoſt all Controverſies, whether publick or private, the
deciſion is left to them: and if any Crime is committed, any Murder perpe-
trated ; if any Diſpute ariſes touching an Inheritance, or the limits of adjoining
Eſtates ; - in all ſuch Caſes, they are the ſupreme Judges. They decree Re-
wards and Puniſhments; and if any one refuſes to ſubmit to their Sentence,
whether Magiſtrate or private Man, they interdict him the Sacrifices. This is
the greateſt Puniſhment that can be inflicted among the Gault; becauſe ſuch 5
/ Cc WERE
97
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CAESAR's COMMENTARIES
as are under this Prohibition, are conſidered as impious and wicked: all Men
| ſhun them, and decline their Converſation and Fellowſhip, left they ſhould
ſuffer from the Contagion of their Misfortunes. They can neither have re-
courſe 'to the Law for Juſtice, nor are capable of any publick Othce. The
Druids are all under one Chief, who poſſeſſes the ſupreme Authority in that
Body. Upon his death, if any one remarkably excels the reſt, he ſucceeds : but
if there are ſeveral Candidates of equal Merit, the Affair is determined by
plurality of ſuffrages. Sometimes they even have recourſe to Arms before the
Election can be brought to an Iſſue. Once a Year they aſſemble at a conſe-
crated Place in the Territories of the Carnutes, whoſe Country is ſuppoſed to be
the middle of Gaul. Hither ſuch as have any Suits depending flock from all
parts, and ſubmit implicitly to their Decrees. Their Inſtitution is ſuppoſed to
come originally from Britain, whence it paſſed into Gaul; and even at this
day, ſuch as are deſirous of being perfect in it, travel thither for Inſtruction.
The Druids never go to War, are exempted from Taxes and military Service,
and enjoy all manner of Immunities. Theſe mighty Encouragements induce
multitudes of their own accord to follow that Profeſſion ; and many are fent
by their Parents and Relations. They are taught to repeat a great number of
Verſes by heart, and often ſpend twenty Years upon this Inſtitution : for it is
deemed unlawful to commit their Statutes to Writing ; tho' in other matters,
whether publick or private, they make uſe of Greek Characters. They ſeem
to me to follow this Method for two Reaſons: to hide their Myſteries from the
knowledge of the Vulgar; and to exerciſe the Memory of their Scholars,
which would be apt to lie neglected, had they Letters to truſt to, as we find
is often the caſe. It is one of their principal Maxims that the Soul never dies,
but after death paſſes from one Body to another; which, they think, contri-
butes greatly to exalt Mens Courage, by diſarming Death of its Terrors.
They teach likewiſe many things relating to the Stars and their motions, the
magnitude of the World and our Earth, the nature of Things, and the power
and prerogatives of the immortal Gods.
XIV. THE other Order of Men is the Nobles, whoſe whole Study and
Occupation is War. Before Cz/ar's Arrival in Gaul, they were almoſt every
Year at War, either offenſive or defenſive; and they judge of the power and
quality of their Nobles, by his Vaſſals, and the number of Men he keeps in
his 1 for theſe are the only marks of Grandeur they make any Ac-
count ot. |
XV. THE whole Nation of the Gault is extremely addicted to Superſti-
tion: whence in threatning Diſtempers, and the imminent Dangers of War,
they make no ſcruple to ſacrifice Men, or engage themſelves by Vow to ſuch
Sacrifices; in which they make uſe of the Miniſtry of the Druids: for it is a
prevalent Opinion among them, that nothing but the life of Man can atone
for the life of Man; inſomuch that they have eſtabliſhed even publick Sacri-
fices of this kind. Some prepare huge Coloſſus's of Offer Twigs, into which
they put Men alive, and ſetting fire to them, thoſe within expire amidſt the
Flames. They prefer for Victims ſuch as have been convicted of Theft, Rob-
bery, or other Crimes; believing them the moſt accepable to the Gods: but
when real Criminals are wanting, the innocent ate often made to ſuffer. Mer-
, Eury is the chief Deity with them: of him they have many Images, account
him the Inventor of all Arts, their Guide and Conductor in their Journeys,
and the Patron of Merchandize and Gain. Next to him are Apollo, and
Mars,
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5 ee er I
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vi.
| Mars, and Jupiter, and Minerva. Their Notions in regard to them are
pretty much the ſame with thofe of other Nations. Apollo is their God of
Phyſick; Minerva of Works and Manufactures; b holds the Empire of
Heaven; and Mas preſides in War. To this laſt, when they reſolve upon a
Battle, they commonly devote the Spoil. If they prove victorious, they offer
up all the Cattle taken, and ſet apart the reſt of the Plunder in a Place ap-
inted for that purpoſe: and it is common in many Provinces, to ſee theſe
Neun of Offerings piled up in conſecrated Places. Nay it rarely hap-
pens, that any one ſhews ſo great a Diſregard of Religion, as either to conceal
the Plunder, or pillage the publick Oblations; and the ſevereſt Puniſhments are
inflicted upon ſuch Offenders.
XVI. TH E Gatls fancy themſelves to be deſcended from the God Pluto;
which, it ſeems, is an eſtabliſhed Tradition among the Druids. For this Reaſon
they compute the Time by Nights, not by Days; and in the Obſervance of ©
Birth-days, new Moons, and the beginning of the Year, always commence the
Celebration from the preceding Night. In one Cuſtom they differ from almoſt
all other Nations; that they never ſuffer their Children to come openly into
their preſence, until they are of age to bear Arms: for the Appearance of a
Son in publick with his Father, before he has reached the age of Manhood,
is accounted diſhonourable. |
XVII WHATEVER Fortune the Woman brings, the Husband is
obliged to equal it out of his own Eſtate, This whole Sum, with its annual
Product, is left untouched, and falls always to the ſhare of the Survivor. The
Men have Power of Life and Death over their Wives and Children: and when
5 any Father of a Family of illuſtrious Rank dies, his Relations aſſemble, and
upon the leaſt ground of Suſpicion put even his Wives to the Torture like
Slaves. If they are found guilty, Iron and Fire are employed to torment
and deſtroy them. Their Funerals are magnificent and ſumptuous, according
to their 5 815 6 Every thing that was dear to the deceaſed, even Animals, are
thrown into the Pile : and formerly ſuch of their Slaves and Clients as they
loved moſt, ſacrificed themſelves at the Funeral of their Lord.
XVIII. IN their beſt regulated States they have a Law, that whoever hears
any thing relating to the Publick, whether by rumor or otherwiſe, ſhall give
immediate notice to the Magiſtrate, without imparting it to any one elſe: for
the nature of the People is ſuch, that raſh and unexperienced Men, alarmed
by falſe Reports, are often hurtied to the greateſt Extremities, and take upon
them to determine in matters of the higheſt Conſequence. The Magiftrates
ſtifle things improper to be known, and only communicate to the Multitude
what they think needful for the ſervice of the Commonwealth : nor do the Laws
Pormit to ſpeak of State Affairs, except in publick Council.
XIX. THE Germans differ widely in their Manners from the Gauls. For
neither have they Druids to preſide in religious Affairs; nor do they trouble
themſelves about Sacrifices. They acknowledge no Gods but thoſe that are
Objects of Sight, and by whoſe Power they are apparently benefited ; the
Sun, the Moon, Fire. Of others they know nothing ; not even by Report.
Their whole Life is addicted to Hunting and War; and from their Infancy
they ate inured to Fatigue and Hardſhips. They efteem thoſe moſt, who con-
tinue longeſt ſtrangers to Women; as imagining nothing contributes ſo much
to
99
100 CASAR's COMMENTAL, ES
to Stature, Strength, and Vigour of Body: but to have : Commerce of this
kind before the age of twenty, is accounted in the higheſt degree ignominious.
Nor is it poſſible to conceal any Irregularity this way; becauſe they bathe pro-
miſcuouſly in Rivers, and are clothed in Skins, or ſhort Mantles of Fur,
which leave the gteateſt part of their Bodies naked.
XX. AGRICULTURE is little regarded among them, as they live
| moſtly on Milk, Cheeſe, and the Fleſh of Animals. Nor has any Man Lands
| of his own, or diſtinguiſhed by fixed Boundaries. The Magiſtrates, and thoſe
| in Authority, portion out yearly to every Canton and Family, ſuch a quantity
of Land, and in what part of the Country they think proper; and the Year
following remove them to ſome other Spot. Many Reaſons are aſſigned for
this Practice: leſt ſeduced by Habit and Continuance, they. ſhould learn to
prefer Tillage to War: leſt a deſire of enlarging their Poſſeſſions ſhould gain
i ground, and prompt the ſtronger to expel the weaker : left they ſhould be-
| | come curious in their Buildings, in order to guard againſt the extremes of Heat
and Cold: leſt Avarice ſhould get footing amongſt them, whence ſpring Fac-
tions and Diſcords: in fine, to preſerve Contentment and Equanimity among the
People, when they find their Poſſeſſions nothing inferior to thoſe of the moſt
powerful.
XXI. IT is accounted honourable for States to have the Country all around
them lie waſte and depopulated : for they think it an argument of Valour to
expel their Neighbours, and ſuffer none to ſettle near them ; at the ſame time
| that they are themſelves alſo the ſafer, as having nothing to apprehend from fud-
den Incurſions. When a State is engaged in War, either offenſive or defenſive,
they make choice of Magiſtrates to preſide in it, whom they arm with a Power
vv of Life and Death. In time of Peace there are no publick Magiſtrates ; but
Il | the Chiefs of the ſeveral Provinces and Clans adminiſter Juſtice, and decide
Differences within their reſpective Limits. Robbery has nothing infamous in
it, when committed without the Territories of the State to which they belong:
_ == they even pretend that it ſerves to exerciſe their Youth, and prevent the growth
of Sloth. When any of their Princes in this caſe offers himſelf publickly in
Council as a Leader, ſuch as approve of the Expedition riſe up, profeſs themſelves
'F ready to follow him, and are applauded by the whole Multitude. They who
= go back ſrom their Engagement are looked upon as Traitors and Deſerters,
and loſe all Efteem and Credit for the time to come. The Laws of Hoſpita-
lity are held inviolable among them. All that fly to them for Refuge, on
whatever Account, are ſure of Protection and Defence; their Houſes are open
to receive them, and they plentifully ſupply their Wants.
r 8
1 XXII. FORMERLY the Gault exceeded the Germans in Bravery, often
1 made War upon them, and as they abounded in People beyond what the
Wt Country could maintain, ſent ſeveral Colonies over the Rhine. Accordingly
_ . the more fertile Places of Germany, in the neighbourhood of the Hercynian
i} 1 Foreſt, (which I find mentioned by Eratofthenes and other Greek Writers
2F | under the name of Orcinia,) fell to the ſhare of the Volcæ, who ſettled in
1 thoſe Parts, and have ever ſince kept poſſeſſion. They are in the higheſt Re-
5 putation for Juſtice and Bravery, and no leſs remarkable than the Germans
Il | | for Poverty, Abſtinence, and Patience of Fatigue; conforming exactly to their
1 | Cuſtoms, both in habit and way of living. But the neighbourhood of the
| | |
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'x Roman Province, and an acquaintance with Traffick, has introduced Luxury
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vr.
and Abundance among the Gau/s ; whence becoming by little and little an
unequal match for the Germans, and being worſted in many Battles, they no
longer pretend to compare with them in Valour. |
XXIII. THE Hercynian Foreſt, of Which we have been juſt ſpeaking,
is about nine Days Journey in breadth: for as the Germans are ignorant of the
uſe of Meaſures, there is no other way of computing it. It begins from the
Confines of the Helvetians, Memetes, and Rauraci; and following directly the
courſe of the Danube, extends to the Territories of the Anartes and Dacians.
Thence turning from the River to the left, it runs thro a multitude of different
Regions: and tho there are many in the Country, who have advanced ſixt
Days Journey into this Foreſt; yet no one pretends to have reached the extre-
mity of it, or diſcovered how far it extends. Many different ſpecies of Ani-
mals, unknown in other Countries, harbour here; the moſt remarkable of
which, and that beſt deſerve to be mentioned, are theſe.
XXIV. THERE is a Bull that nearly reſembles a Stag, with only one
Horn riſing from the middle of his Forehead, taller and ſtraighter than thoſe
of our Cattle, and which at top divides into many large Branches. The Males
and Females are ſhaped alike, and have Horns the ſame in fize,
XXV. HERE are likewiſe a kind of wild Aſſes, ſhaped and ſpotted like
Goats, but of a larger ſize; without Horns, or Joints in their Legs; that never
lie down to ſleep; nor can raiſe themſelves, if by any Accident they are over-
thrown. They lean againſt Trees, which ſerve to ſupport them when they
ſleep. Hence the Huntſmen, after having diſcovered their haunts, either
looſen the Roots of the Trees, or ſaw them almoſt quite off; ſo that when the
Animal, according to Cuſtom, reclines againſt them, they immediately give
way, and both fall down together.
XXVI. A Third ſpecies of Animals are the Uri, nearly equalling the Ele-
phant in bulk ; but in colour, ſhape, and kind, reſembling a Bull. They are
of uncommon ſtrength and ſwiftneſs, and ſpare neither Man nor Beaft that
comes in their way. They are taken and ſlain by means of Pits dug on pur-
poſe. This way of Hunting is ſrequent among the Youth, and ſerves to inure
them to Fatigue. They who kill the greateſt number, and produce their
Horns in publick as a Proof, are in high Reputation with their Countrymen.
It is found impoſſible to tame them, or conquer their fierceneſs, tho taken
never ſo young. Their Horns, both in largeneſs, figure, and kind, differ
much from thoſe of our Bulls. The Natives preſerve them with great care,
tip their edges with Silver, and uſe them inſtead of Cups on their moſt ſolemn
Feſtivals. |
XXVII. CASAR underſtanding from the Ubian Scouts, that the Suevi-
ans were retired into their Woods; and fearing the want of Proviſions, be-
cauſe, as we have already obſerved, the Germans are but little addicted to
Agriculture; reſolved not to advance any farther. But to keep the Enemy
ſtill under ſome awe of his Return, and prevent their ſending Succours to
Gaul; having repaſſed the Rhine, he only broke down about two hundred
Feet of his Bridge, on the German fide; and to ſecure the reſt, built at the
extremity a Tower of four Stories, where he left a Garriſon of twelve Cohorts, -
D d and
101
_ — “ETG. — —
102
CASAR's COMMENTARIES
and ſtrengthened the Place with all manner of Works: Young C. Volcatius
Tullus had the charge of the Fort and Garriſon. He himſelf, as ſoon as the.
Corn began to be ripe, marched againſt Ambiorix; taking his way thro the Foreſt
of Arden, which is much the largeſt in all Gaul, and reaches from the Banks
of the Rhine, and the Confines of Treves, quite to the Verwvians, thro' a Space
of more than five hundred Miles. L. Minucius Baſfilus was ſent before with
all the Cavalry, in hopes that the quickneſs of his march, and the opportunity
of ſame lucky Conjuncture, might enable him to do ſomething conſiderable.
He had orders to light no Fires in his Camp, the better to conceal his Ap-
proach from the Enemy; and Cæſar aſſured him, he would follow with all
expedition. Bafilus exactly followed his Inſtructions; and coming ſuddenly
and unexpectedly upon the Gauli, ſurpriſed great numbers of them in the Field.
Being informed by them of the Place whither Ambiorix had retired with a few
Cavalry, he marched directly againſt him.
XXVIII. BUT as Fortune has a conſiderable ſhare in all human Concerns,
fo particularly in thoſe f War. For as it was a very extraordinary Chance,
that he ſhould thus come upon Ambiorix unprepared, and ſurpriſe him with
his perſonal Arrival, before he had the leaſt notice of it from Fame or Report:
ſo was it an equal effect of Fortune, that the Gaul himſelf, after having loſt
his Arms, Horſes, and Chatiots, ſhould yet find means to eſcape. This was
principally owing to the ſituation of his Houſe, which was ſurrounded with a
Wood; it being cuſtomary among the Gaw/s, in order to avoid the Heats, to
build in the neighbourhood of Woods and Rivers. By this means his Atten-
dants and Friends, poſſeſſing themſelves of a Defile, ſuſtained for a time the
Attack of our Cavalry; during which, one of his Servants. having provided
bim with a Horſe, he eſcaped into the Woods. Thus Fortune remarkably
played her Part, both in bringing him into the Danger, and delivering him
Out Or 1t. a +
XXIX. AMBIORT X, after his Eſcape, made no Attempt to draw his
Forces together; nor is it known whether he acted in this manner out of
Choice, as nat thinking it ſafe to hazard a Battle; or becauſe he thought he
ſhould not have ſufficient time, being ſurpriſed by the ſudden Arrival of the
Cavalry, and believing that all the reſt of the Army followed. Diſpatching
therefore Meſſengers privately thro' the Country, he counſelled every one to
provide for his awn Safety; upon which ſome took refuge in the Foreſt of Ar-
den, arid ſome in the adjoining Moraſſes. Thoſe who lived upon the Sea- Coaſt,
hid themſelves in the Iſlands formed by the Tide at high Water: and many
abandoning their Country altogether, truſted themſelves and their all to the
Faith of Foreigners. Cativulcus, who jointly with Ambioriæx was King of the
Eburones, and had affociated with him in all his Deſigns, being of a very ad-
vanced Age, and unable to bear the Fatigues of War or Flight ; after many
Imprecations againſt Arbiorix, who had been the prime Contriver of the Re-
volt; poiſoned himſelf with an extract of Yew, a Tree very commom in Gaul
and Germany, The Segni and Comdrufi, originally German Nations, whoſe
Territories lay between thoſe of Freves and the Eburoxes, ſent Ambaſſadors
to Ce/ar to intreat: That he would not conſider them as Enemies, nor look
«upon all the Germans on this fide the Rbixe as equally obnoxious : That they
„had harboured no Thoughts of War, nor been any ways aiding to Ainbiorix.
Ce/at finding it to be ſo by the Anſwers of the Priſoners, ordered them to
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OFHISWARS IN GAUL. Book vi. 103
deliver up ſuch of the Eburones as had fled to them for Refuge; and promiſed,
upon that Condition, not to moleſt their Territories.
XXX. THEN dividing his Army into three Bodies, he ſent all the Baggage
to Atuatuca, a Caſtle fituated almoſt in the heart of the Country of the Ebu-
rones, where Titurius and Arunculeius had been quartered during the Winter.
This Place he choſe, as for other Reaſons, ſo likewiſe becauſe the Fortifications
raiſed the Year before were ſtill entire, which would leſſen the Labour of his
Soldiers, He left the fourteenth Legion to guard the Baggage, being one of
the three lately levied in Jraly, and brought thence into Gaul. C. Tullius
Cicero had the Charge both of the Legion and Fort, which was further
ſtrengthened with an additional Guard of two hundred Horſe. The Army
being thus divided; he ſent 7. Labienus, with three Legions, towards the Sea-
coaſt, and the Provinces that border upon the Menapians; C. Trebonins, with
a like Number of Legions, to lay waſte the Country adjoining to the Atuatici;
and reſolved to march himſelf with the other three towards the Sche/d, which
flows into the Meuſe, and to the Extremities of the Foreſt of Arden, whither
he was informed Ambiorix had retired with a few Horſe. He promiſed, at his
Departure, to return in ſeven Days; the Legion he had left in Garriſon being
provided with Corn only for that time: and exhorted Labienus and Trebonius,
if they found it conſiſtent with the publick Advantage, to return likewiſe with
their Legions within the ſame ſpace; that joining counſel together, and taking
their Meaſures from the Conduct of the Enemy, they might reſolve where
next to carry the War,
' XXXI. THERE was, as we have already obſerved, no formed Body of 4
Troops, no Garriſon, no fortified Town to defend by Arms; but a Multitude =
diſperſed on all fides. Wherever a Cave, or a Thicket, or a Moraſs offered = |
them Shelter, thither they retired. Theſe Places were well known to the Na-
tives; and great Care and Caution was required on our part, not for the Secu-
rity of the whole Army, (which had no danger to fear whilſt in a Body, from
Enemies diſperſed and full of Terror;) but for the Preſervation of each Indi-
vidual. And yet even this regarded not a little the whole Army: for the
Deſire of Plunder drew many of the Men to a great diſtance; and the Woods,
full of Defiles and hidden Ways, hindered them from keeping together in a
Body. If Cz/ar meant to terminate the War altogether, and extirpate this
Race of perfidious Men ; the Soldiers muſt be divided into ſmall Parties, and
detached on all fides. If, on the contrary, he kept his Men together, as the
Rules of War, and the Roman Diſcipline required; the Enemy were ſheltered
by their Situation, nor wanted Boldneſs to form Ambuſcades, and cut off
Stragglers. Amidft theſe Difficulties, all poffible Precautions were taken; and
although the Soldiers were eagerly bent upon Revenge, yet Cæſar choſe
rather not to puſh the Enemy too far, than expoſe his Men to danger. He
therefore ſent Meſſengers to the neighbouring States, inviting them all by
the hopes of Plunder, to join in the Deſtruction of the Eburones; chooſing
rather to expoſe the Lives of the Gawuis in the Woods, than of the Legio-
nary Soldiers; and hoping by the Multitude employed againſt them, totally
to extirpate the Name and Memory of a State, whoſe Revolt had rendered
them ſo obnoxious. Accordingly great Numbers flocked ſuddenly thither from
all Parts,
XXXII.
C SARS COMMENTARIES
XXXII. THUS were the Eburones attacked on all ſides, and the Havock
continued till the ſeventh Day, which Cæſar had appointed for returning to his
Camp and Baggage. It then evidently appeared what Influence Fortune has
over War, and how many Accidents ſpring from her Interpoſition. The Enemy
being diſperſed and full of Terror, as we have related above; there remained
no Body of Troops in the Field, to give any the leaſt ground of Fear. A
Report ſpread among the Germans beyond the Rhine, that the Territories of
the Eburones were given up to Plunder, and all without diſtinction invited
to ſhare in the Spoil. The Sicambri, who inhabit upon the Rhine, and had
afforded a Retreat to the U/iperes and Tenchtheri, as mentioned above; aſſembled
immediately a Body of two thouſand Horſe, paſſed the River in Barks about
thirty Miles below Cz/ar's Bridge and Fort, and advanced directly towards the
Territories of the Eburones. Many of thoſe that fled, and had diſperſed them-
ſelves up and down the Country, fell into their Hands; as likewiſe abundance
of Cattle, of which the Barbarians are extremely covetous. Allured by this
Succels they advanced farther. Neither Woods nor Moraſſes proved any Ob-
ſtacles to Men, trained up from their Infancy to Wars and Incurſions. In-
quiring of the Priſoners concerning Cz/ar, they underſtood that he was a
great way off, and had left the Country with his whole Army. One in par-
ticular addreſſing them: Why, ſays he, do you loſe time in purſuit of ſo
« {light and trifling a Booty, when Fortune offers one of ſo much greater
« Value, In three Hours you may reach Atuatuca, where the Romans have
« depoſited all their Wealth. The Garriſon is hardly ſufficient to line the
« Rampart, much leſs to ſally out of their Intrenchments.” Urged by this
hope, they left their preſent Booty in a Place of Safety, and marched directly
to Atuatuca, being conducted by the Captive who had given them the In-
formation.
XXXIII. CICERO, who hitherto had kept his Soldiers ſtrictly within the
Camp, according to Cz/ar's Orders, nor ſuffered fo much as a Servant to
ſtraggle beyond the Lines; ſeeing the ſeventh Day arrive, began to deſpair
of Cz/ar's Return, who, as he heard, was marched farther into the Country,
and had ſent him no Notice of his Rout. Wherefore tired with the\con-
tinual Murmurs of the Soldiers, who complained of his Patience, and told
him they were kept like Men beſieged; and not ſuſpecting that any Accident
could befal him, within the ſmall Extent of three Miles; eſpecially as the
Enemy, oppoſed by nine Legions, and a very numerous Cavalry, were in a
manner totally diſperſed and cut off; he ſent out five Cohorts to forage in
an adjoining Field, ſeparated from the Camp only by a ſingle Hill. A great
many ſick Men had been left behind by Cæſar, of whom about three hundred,
that were now pretty well recovered, joined the Detachment. Theſe were
followed by almoſt all the Servants of the Camp, together with a vaſt Number
of Carts and Carriage-Horles,
XXXIV. IN that very Inftant, as Fortune would have it, the German
Cavalry arrived; and without diſcontinuing their Courſe, endeavoured to
force an immediate Entrance by the Decuman Gate. As their March had
been covered by a Wood, they were not diſcovered till they were juſt upon
the Camp; inſomuch that the Sutlers, who kept their Booths under the
Rampart, had not time to retire within the Intrenchments. Our Men were
ſo ſurpriſed at this ſudden and unexpected Attack, that the Cohort upon
N | Guard
OE HIS VAR STN GAU L. Book vi.
a Prize eſcape out of their hands.
ſhew of defending themſelves.
were, they ſurrounded and fell upon them on all ſides.
Guard could ſcarce ſuſtain the firſt Onſet. The Enemy ſpread themſelves
on all ſides to find a Place of Entrance. The Romans with difficulty
fended the Gates; the Rampart ſecuring them every where elſe. The whole
Camp was in an Uproar, every one inquiring of another the Cauſe of the
Confuſion; nor could they determine which way to advance the Standards,
or where to poſt themſelves. Some reported the Camp was already taken:
others, that the Germans, having deſtroyed Cz/ar and his Army, were come
victorious to ſtorm their Trenches. The greater Number, full of imaginary
Fears, when they conſidered the Place in which they were encamped, called
to mind the Fate of Cotta and Titurius, who periſhed in that very Fort.
This univerſal Conſternation being perceived by the Barbarians, confirmed
them in the Belief of what the Priſoners had told them, that there was ſcarce
any Garriſon within to defend the Camp. They renewed their Endeavours to
force the Intrenchments, and mutually exhorted one another, not to let ſo fair
de-
XXXV. AMONG the fick in Garriſon was P. Sextius Baculus, a Cen-
turion of the firſt Rank, of whom mention has been made in former Battles,
and who had not taſted Food for five Days. This Officer, anxious for his own
Safety, and that of the Legion, ruſhed unarmed out of his Tent. He ſaw the
Enemy at hand, and the Danger extreme. Snatching the firſt Arms that of
fered, he poſted himſelf in the Gate of the Camp. The Centurions of the
Cohort upon Guard followed the Example, and for a while ſuſtained the Ene-
mies Charge. Sextius expired under a multitude of Wounds, and was with
difficulty carried off by the Soldiers. This ſhort Delay gave the reſt time to
reſume their Courage; ſo far, at leaſt, as to mount the Rampart, and make a
XXXVI. MEAN-TIME our Foragers returning, heard the Noiſe at the
Camp. The Cavalry advancing before, were ſoon apprized of the Danger.
Here was no Fortification to ſhelter the frighted Troops. The new Levies,
unexperienced in matters of War, fixed their Eyes upon the Tribunes and Cen-
turions, waiting their Orders. Not a Man was found ſo hardy and reſolute,
as not to be diſturbed by ſo unexpected an Accident. The Germans perceiving
our Enſigns at a diſtance, gave over the Attack of the Camp, imagining at
firſt it was Cz/ar and the Legions, which the Priſoners had informed them
were marched farther into the Country. But ſoon obſerving how few they
XXXVII. THE Servants of the Camp fled to the neateſt riſing Ground;
whence being immediately driven, they threw. themſelves amongſt the Ranks
of the Cohorts, and thereby increaſed their Terror. Some were for drawing
up in form of a Wedge, and forcing their way thro' the Enemy: for as the
Camp was ſo very near, they imagined, that if ſome fell, the reſt at leaſt muſt
eſcape. Others were for retiring to an Eminence, and all ſharing there the
ſame Fate. The veteran Soldiers, who had marched out with the Detachment,
could not by any means reliſh this Propoſal : wherefore mutually encouraging
one another; and being led by C. Trebonius a Roman Knight, under whoſe
command they were, they broke thio the midſt of the Enemy, and all to a
Man arrived ſafe in the Camp. The Servants and Cavalry following them,
and ſeconding their Retreat, were likewiſe by their Bravery preſerved. But
the
E e
1035
106
CNS AR's COMMENTARIES
the Troops who had retired to the Hill, being unexperienced in military
Affairs, could neither perſiſt in the Reſolution they had taken of defending
themſelves ſrom the higher Ground, nor imitate that brisk and vigorous Effort
which they ſaw had been ſo ſerviceable to their Companions: but endeavour-
ing to gain the Camp, quitted the advantage of their Situation. The Centu-
rions, ſome of whom had been ſelected from veteran Legions, and on account of
their Bravery promoted to higher Stations among the new Levies; ſought reſo-
lutely to maintain the Glory they had acquired, and endeavoured to ſell their
Lives as dear as they could. Their Valour obliging the Enemy to fall back a
little, part of the Troops, contrary to Expectation, reached the Camp. The
reſt were ſurrounded and cut to pieces by the Barbarians. |
XXXVIII. THE Germans, deſpairing to carry the Camp, as they ſaw our
Men now prepared to defend the Works, repaſſed the Rhine with the Booty
they had depoſited in the Woods. But ſo great was the Terror of the
Romans, even after their Retreat, that C. Yoluſenus arriving in the Camp the
ſame Night with the Cavalry, could not perſuade them that Cz/ar and the
Army were ſafe. For Fear had taken ſo thorough a poſſeſſion of their
Minds, that as if bereft of Underſtanding, they. perſiſted in believing the
Infantry was wholly deſtroyed, and that the Cavalry alone had eſcaped :
it ſeeming to them altogether incredible, that the Germans would have dared
to attack the Camp, had no Misfortune befallen the Roman Army. But
Cz/ar's Arrival ſoon put an end to their Fears.
XXXIX. UPON his Return, being informed of what had happened,
he only complained of the ſending out the Cohorts to forage; ob-
ſerving : „ That in War nothing ought to be left to Fortune, whoſe
« Power appeared evidently in the ſudden Arrival of the Enemy, and
« much more in their coming up unperceived to the very Gates of the
« Camp.” But nothing in this whole Affair appeared to him more wonderful,
than that the Germans having croſſed the Rhine with defign to plunder the
Territories of Ambiorix, ſhould by falling upon the Roman Camp do him a
moſt acceptable Service,
XL. CASAR marched a ſecond time to harraſs the Enemy, and
having drawn a great number of Troops together from the neighbouring
States, ſent them into all Parts upon this Service. All the Houſes and
Villages were ſet on fire: the Plunder was univerſal : the vaſt number of
Men and Horſes not only deſtroyed great Quantities of Corn, but the Rains
and advanced Seaſon made Havock of all that was left; inſomuch that if any
of the Enemy eſcaped for the preſent, it ſeemed yet likely, that after the
Retreat of the Army, they muſt periſh by Famine. As the Cavalry were
divided into many Parties, they often came to Places, where the Priſoners
not only informed them they had ſeen Ambiorix flying, but that he could
even yet be ſcarce out of view. The Hope of coming up with him made
them leave nothing unattempted, as imagining they would thereby gain the
higheſt Favour with Cæſar, whoſe good Fortune wanted only this to render
it compleat. But all their Endeavours were fruitleſs: for he ſtill found
means to hide himſelf in the Woods and Moraſſes; whence removing pri-
vately in the Night, he eſcaped into other Regions, accompanied with only
four Horſemen, in whom alone he durſt confide.
XLI.
OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book vr.
XLI. CAESAR having deſtroyed the whole Country, led back his Army
into the Territories of the Rhemi, with the loſs of only two Cohorts. There
he ſummoned a general Aſſembly of Gaul, to examine into the Affair of
the Senones and Carnutes: and having paſſed a ſevere Sentence againſt
Acco, the Contriver of the Revolt, ordered him to be executed on the ſpot.
Some fearing a like fate, fled: whom having baniſhed by a Decree of the
Diet, he quartered two Legions in Treves, two among the Lingones, and the
remaining {ix at Agendicum, in the Country of the Senones. And having
provided the Army with Corn, he went, purſuant to his Deſign, into 1raly,
to hold the Aſſemblies of Ciſalpine Gaul.
GIVLIUS
107
—
”
— — — —2— ——
Ns
FF”
TY LF
C.
COMMENTARIES
O F
1
VS -
—
e
—
{4
ſurrounds Aleſia with Lines of
THE AAN N 1.
I. The Gauls concert Meaſures for renewing the War. II. The Carnutes maſſacre
a number of Roman Citizens at Genabum. IV. Vercingetorix excizes his
Followers to 4 Revolt, and by the conſent of many Wations is declared Gene-
raliſſimo of the League. VIII. Cæſar ſuddenly invades Auvergne. X. Ver-
cingetorix inveſtis Gergovia, whither. he is followed by Cæſar. XI. Cæſar
makes himſelf maſter of Vellaunodunum and Genabum. XII. Vercingetorix
quits the Siege of Gergovia, Czlar poſſeſſes himſelf of Noviodunum, puts
Vercingetorix's Cavalry to flight, and inveſts Avaricum. XIII, By Advice of
Vercingetorix, he Biturigians ſet fire to their Towns, that they may not fur-
niſh Subſence to the Romans. XVI. Cæſar in great Straits for want of
Cornu. XVII. The two Armies near each other, but without coming to a
Battle. XIX. Vercingetorix, @ccuſed of Treaſon, clears himſelf. XXI. Cæſar
continues the Siege of Avaricum. XXII. The Conſtruction of the Walls of
Towns among the Gauls. XXIII. Avaricum, after a reſolute defence, is at laſt
talen by Storm. XXVIII. Vercingetorix conſoles his Men by a Speech.
XXIX. And prepares with greater Forces to renew the War. XXX. Cæſar
muiets the intefline Diviſions of the Æduans. XXXII. Sers out upon his march
towards Auvergne. XXXIII. Paſſes the Allier by a Feint, XXXIV. And
arriving before Gergovia, ſeizes an Eminence near the Town. XXXV, The
Zduans form the deſign of a Revolt from the Romans. XXXVIII. But by
Cæſar Prudence and Diligence, are in ſome meaſure prevented. XLI. Cæſar
carries three of the Enemy's Camps before 3 XLIV. De Romans
preſſing the Attack too far, are repulſed with great Slaughter. XLIX. Cæſar
reprehends the temerity of his Soldiers. L. And reſolves to retire into the
Country of the Fduans. LII. Noviodunum ſeized and jet on fire by the
treachery of the Fduans. LIV. Labienus, after a ſucceſsful Expedition
againſ} the Pariſians, returns 10 Cæſar with all his Forces. LVII. The Re-
volt of the Æduans followed by that of almoſt all Gaul. LVIII. Preparations
for War. LIX. The Gauls, under the conduct of Vercingetorix, attack
Cæſar in the Territories of the Lingones. LXI. But are routed with great
Slaughter. LXII. Cæſar purſues them as far as Aleſia. LXIII. Deſcription
of that Town. LXIV. The Gauls defeated in an Engagement between the
Cavalry. LXV. Vercingetorix ſends away all his Horſe. EXVI. Cæſar
Circumvallation and Contravallation.
LXIX. The Gauls, drawing their Forces together, endeavour to raiſe the
Siege. LXXI. Critognatus's Speech to the Garriſon of. Aleſia. LXXII, The
Gauls within and without the Town prepare to attack the Romans. LXXIII. A
Battle of the Horſe, in which the Romans have the Advantage. LXXIV. The
Gauls nale ſeveral Attempts upon the Roman Lines, but are always repulſed
with loſs. LXXXI. At length the Romans ſallying from their Intrenchments,
defeat the Gauls with great Slaughter. LXXXII. Aleſia ſurrenders.
LXXIII. The Æduans and Averni ſubmit. Cæſar ſends his Army into
IVinter-RQuarters. ”
GFDL FS Ci $: RS
COMMENTARIES
0 H
ret.
.
I. ESA R having quieted the Commotions in Gaul, went, as he
f deſigned, into Italy, to preſide in the Aſſembly of the States.
A There he was informed of the death of P. Chdius : and under-
ſtanding farther, that the Senate had paſſed a Decree, ordering all the Youth
of Traly to take up Arms, he reſolved to levy Troops over the whole Pro-
vince. The Report of this ſoon ſpread into farther Gaul and the Gauls
themſelves, forward to encourage ſuch Rumors, added of their own accord
what the Caſe ſeemed to require: That Cæſar was detained by a domeſtick
« Sedition, and could not, while theſe Diſorders continued, come to head
ce the Army.” Animated by this Opportunity; they, who before lamented
their ſubjection to the Romans, now began with more freedom and boldneſs
to enter upon Meaſures of War. The leading Men of the Nation, concert-
ing private Meetings among themſelves, in Woods and remote Places, com-
plained of the death' of Acco; remonſtrated, that ſuch might one time or
other be their own Fate ; and after bemoaning the common Fortune of their
Country, endeavoured by all manner of Promiſes and Rewards, to draw over
ſome to begin the War, and with the hazard of their own Lives, pave the way
to the liberty of Gaul. But chiefly they thought it incumbent upon them,
before their ſecret Conferences {ſhould be diſcovered, to cut off Cz/ar's return
to the Army. This appeared abundantly eaſy ; becauſe neither would the Le-
gions, in the abſence of their General, dare to quit their Winter-Quarters ;
nor was it poſſible for the General to join the Legions, without a Body of
Troops to guard him. In fine, they concluded it was better to die brave!
in the Field, than not recover their former Glory in War, and the Liberty
they had received from their Anceſtors,
II. SUCH were the Debates in the private Councils of the Gawls : when
the Carnutes, declaring their readineſs to ſubmit to any Danger for the com-
mon Safety, offered to be the firſt in taking up Arms againſt the Romans.
And becauſe the preſent giving of Hoſtages might endanger a too early diſco-
very of their Deſigns, they propoſed ; that the other States ſhould bind them-
ſelves by a ſolemn Oath, in preſence of the military Enfigns, which is the
moſt
*,
112
CASAR's COMMENTARIES
moſt ſacred Obligation among the Gauls, not to abandon them during the
courſe of the War. This Offer of the Carnutes was received with univerſal
Applauſe, the Oath required was taken by all preſent, and the time for Action
being fixed, the Aſſembly ſeparated,
III. WHEN the appointed Day came; the Carnutes, headed by Cotuatus
and Conetodunus, Men of deſperate Reſolution, flew upon a Signal given td
Genabum ; maſſacred the Roman Citizens ſettled there on account of Trade;
among the reſt C. Fuſius Cotta, a Roman Knight of Eminence, whom Cæſar
had appointed to ſuperintend the care of Proviſions; and plundered their
Effects. The Fame of this ſoon ſpread into all the Provinces of Gaul. For
when any thing ſingular and extraordinary happens, they publiſh it from Place
to Place by Outcries, which being ſucceſſively repeated by Men ſtationed on
purpoſe, are carried with incredible expedition over the whole Country. And
thus it was on the preſent Occaſion. For what had been done at Genabum about
Sun-riſe, was known before nine at Night in the Territories of the Averni, a
diſtance of one hundred and fixty Miles.
IV. FIRED by this Example, Vercingetorix, the Son of Celtillus, of the
Nation of the Averni, a young Nobleman of great Power and Intereſt, whoſe
Father had preſided over all Celtic Gaul, and for aiming at the Sovereignty
been put to death by his Countrymen ; calling his Clients and Followers
together, eaſily perſuaded them to a Revolt. His deſign being diſcovered,
the People immediately flew to Arms: and Gobanitio his Uncle, with the
other principal Men of the State, dreading the Conſequences of ſo raſh an
Enterpriſe, united all their Authority againſt him, and expelled him the
City Gergovia. Yet ſtill he adhered to his former Reſolution, and aſſembling
all the Outlaws and . Fugitives he could find, engaged them in his Service.
Having by this means got together a Body of Troops, he brought all to whom
he applied himſelf to fall in with his Views ; preſſed them to take up Arms
for the common Liberty; and. finding his Forces greatly increaſed, quickly
drove thoſe out of the Territories of Auvergne, who had ſo lately expelled him
the City Gergovia. Upon this he was ſaluted King by his Followers: and diſ-
patching Ambaſſadors into all Parts, exhorted them to continue firm to the
Confederacy. The Senones, Parifians, : Piftones, Cadurci, Turones, Aulerci,
Lemovices, Andes, and all the other Nations bordering upon the Ocean,
readily came into the Alliance, and with unanimous conſent declared him
Generaliſſimo of the League. Armed with this Authority, he demanded.
Hoſtages of the ſeveral States; ordered them to furniſh a certain number of
Men immediately ; appointed what quantity of Arms each was to prepare,
with the time by which they muſt be in readineſs; and above all applied
himſelf to have on foot a numerous Cavalry. To the moſt extreme Diligence,
he joined an extreme rigor of Command ; and by the ſeverity of his Puniſh-
ments, obliged the irreſolute to declare themſelves : for in greater Faults, the
Criminals, after having been tortured, were burnt alive: and for lighter Offences,
ordering the Ears of the guilty to be cut off, or one of their Eyes put out,
he ſent them thus mutilated home, to ſerve as an Example to the reſt, and by
the rigor of their Sufferings to keep others in awe.
V. HAVING by the terror of theſe Puniſhments ſpeedily aſſembled an
Army: he ſent Luterius of Quercy, a bold and enterpriſing Man, with part
of the Forces againſt the Ruzhen;; and marched himſelf into the Territories of
| | ; - the
-+
OF HIS ARS INGAUL. Book vi.
the Biturigians. The Biturigians, upon his Arrival, diſpatched Ambaſſadors
to the ÆQuduans, under whoſe Protection they were, to demand Succours againſt
the Enemy. The Aduans, by advice of the Lieutenants Cz/ar had left with
the Army, ordered a ſupply of Horſe and Foot to the aſſiſtance of the Bitu-
rigians. This Body of Troops, advancing to the Banks of the Loire, which
divides the Biturigians from the Aduans, halted there a few Days; and not
daring to paſs that River, returned again to their own Country. The reaſgn
of this Conduct, according to the Report made to our Lieutenants, was an
apprehenſion of Treachery from the Biturigiant + for that People, as they
pretended, had formed the deſign of ſurrounding them beyond the Loire, on
one fide with their own Troops, on the other with thoſe of Auvergne Whe-
ther this was the real cauſe of their Return, or whether they acted perfidiouſly
in the Affair, is what we have not been able to learn with certainty, and there-
fore cannot venture to affirm. The Biturigians, on their departure, imme-
diately joined the Forces of the Averni.
VI. THESE things being reported to Cæſar in Italy; as the Troub'es
at Rome were in a great meaſure quieted by the Care and Vigilance of
Pompey, he ſet out immediately for Tanſalpine Gaul. Upon his arrival there,
he found it extremely difficult to reſolve, after what manner to rejoin the
Army. For ſhould he order the Legions to repair to the Province, he fore-
ſaw they would be attacked on their march in his abſence: and ſhould he
himſelf proceed to the Quarters of the Legions, he was not without appre-
henfions of Danger, even from thoſe States that ſeemingly continued faithful
to the Romans.
VII. IN the mean-time Luterius of Quercy, who had been ſent into the
Territories of the Rutbeni, brought over that State to the Alliance of the
Averni ; advancing thence among the MWitobrigiant and Gabali, he received
Hoſtages from both Nations; and having got together a numerous Body of
Troops, drew towards Marbonne, to attack the Roman Province on that fide.
Cæſar being informed of his Deſign, thought it firſt and principally incum-
bent upon him, to provide for the ſecurity of the Province. With this view
he flew to Varhonne; confirmed the wavering and timorous ; placed Garriſons
in the Towns of the Rutheni ſubject to the Romans; allo in thoſe of the
Volſcians, Tolgſatians, and other States bordering upon the Enemy: and having
thus taken effectual Meaſures againſt Luterius, ordered part of the provincial
Forces, with the Recruits he had brought from Iraly, to rendezvous
upon the Frontiers of the Helvians, whoſe Territories adjoin to thoſe of
the Averni. |
VIII. THESE Diſpoſitions being made, and Luterius checked and forced
to retire, becauſe he did not think it adviſeable to venture among the Roman
Garriſons; Cz/ar advanced into the Country of the Helvians. Altho' the
Mountains of the Sevennes, which ſeparate the Helvians from Auvergne, by
the great depth of the Snow in that extreme rigorous Seaſon, threatened to
obſtruct his march; yet having cleared away the Snow, which lay to the
depth of ſix Feet, and with infinite Labor to the Soldiers opened a Paſſage
over the Mountains, he at length reached the Confines of the Averni. As
they were altogether unprepared, regarding the Severnes as an impenetrable
Barrier, impaſſable at that Seaſon even to ſingle Men, he. ordered the Cavalry
to ſpread themſelves on all ſides, and ſtrike as univerſal a Terror into the
TS” WS Enemy
*
112
114
CAS A R's COMMENTARIES
Enemy as poſſible. Fame and Meſſengers from the State ſoon informed Yercin-
getorix of the Diſaſter befallen his Country. All the Averni gathered round
him in a Body, and with Looks full of Diſmay, conjured him to regard their
Fortunes, and not abandon them to the ravages of the Noman Army; more
eſpecially, as he how ſaw the whole War pointed againſt them. Vercingetorix,
moved by their Intreaties, put his Army upon the march, and quitting the
Territories of the Biturigiaus, drew towards Auvergne.
IX. THIS Cz/ar had foreſeen: and after a ſtay of two Days in thoſe
Parts, ſet out under pretence of fetching a Reinforcement. He left young
Brutus to command in his Abſence ; charged him to diſperſe the Cavalry as
wide as he could; and promiſed to return, if poſſible, within three Days.
Then, deceiving the Romans themſelves, that he might the better impoſe upon
the Gault, he poſted by yu Journeys to Vienne. There he found the new
levied Cavalry whom he had | ſent thither ſome time before: and travelling
Day and Night without Intermiſſion, thro' the Country of the Aduans,
to prevent by his expedition any Deſigns they might form againſt him;
he at length reached the Confines of the Lingones, where two of his Le-
gions wintered. Thence ſending immediately to the reſt, he drew them
all together into a Body, before the Aerni could be apprized of his
Arrival. |
X. YERCINGETORIY, upon Notice of this, led back his Army
into the Territories of the Biturigiam; and niarching thence, reſolved to inveſt
Gergovia, a Town belonging to the Boii, where they had been ſettled by Cæſar
after the defeat of the Helvetians, and made ſubject to the Aduan State,
This Step greatly perplexed the Roman General: if he continued encamped
with his Legions in one Place during the reſt of the Winter, and abandoned
the Subjects of the Æduans to the Attempts of the Enemy; he had reaſon to
apprehend that the Gaali, ſeeing him afford no Protection to his Friends,
would univerſally give into a Revolt: if, on the contrary, he took the Field
early, he risked the want of Proviſion and Forage, by the great Difficulty of
procuring Convoys. Reſolving however at all hazards, not to ſubmit to an
Affront, that muſt for ever alienate the Hearts of his Allies; he preflingly
enjoined the Mduans to be very careful in ſupplying him with Proviſions: and
diſpatching Meſſengers to the Bozi, to inform them of his Approach, exhorted
them to continue firm to their Duty, and ſuſtain with Courage the Aſſaults of
the Enemy. Mean-while leaving two Legions and the Baggage of the whole
Army at Azendicam, he ſet out upon his march to their Relief.
XI ARRIVING the next Day before V, ellaunodunum, a City of the
S2nones ; that he might leave no Enemy behind him capable of obſtructing
his Convoys, he reſolved to beſiege it, and in two Days compleated his Cir-
cumvallation. On the third, Deputies came from the Town to treat about
a Surrender : when ordering them to deliver up their Arms, Horſes, and fix
hundred Hoſtages, he left C. Zrebonius, one of his Lieutenants, to cauſe the
Articles be put in Execution; and continuing his march with all Dili-
gence, advanced towards Genabum. The Carnutes, to whom this City be-
longed, were drawing Troops together for its Defence; imagining that the
Siege of Yellannodumm,; of which they had juſt- then received Intelligence,
would be a Work of ſome time. Cæſar reached the Place in two Days, en-
_ camped before it, and finding it began to be late. deferred the Aſſault till
next
*
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book yn.
next Morning. Mean-while he gave the neceſſary Orders to his Men: and
becauſe the Town had a Bridge over the Loire, by which the Inhabitants might
endeavour to eſcape in the night, he obliged two Legions to continue under
Arms. A little before midnight, the Genabians, as he had foreſeen, ſtole
ſilently out of the City, and began to paſs the River. Notice being given
of this by his Spies; he ſet fire to the Gates, introduced the Legions whom he
had kept in readineſs for that purpoſe, and took poſſeſſion of the Place.
Very few of the Enemy eſcaped on this Occafion ; becauſe the narrowneſs of
the Bridge and Paſſages obſtructed the flight of the Multitude. Cæſar ordered
the Town to be plundered and burnt; diſtributed the Spoil among the Soldiers;
and crofling the Loire with his whole Army, advanced into the Territories of
the Biturigians. |
XII. TE RCIVGETORI AX, upon notice of his Approach, quitted the
Siege of Ger govia, and marched directly to meet him. Cz/ar mean-while had
ſat down before Voviodunum, a City of the Biturigiant, that lay upon his
Rout. The Inhabitants ſending Deputies to the Camp, to implore Forgiveneſs
and Safety : that he might the ſooner accompliſh his Deſigns, in which Expe-
dition had hitherto availed him ſo much, he ordered them to deliver up their
Arms, Horſes, and a certain number of Hoſtages. Part of the Hoſtages had
been already ſent; the other Articles of the Treaty were upon the point of
execution; and even ſorne Centurions and Soldiers had entered the Place, to
ſearch for Arms and Horſes: when the Enemy's Cavalry, who were a little ad-
vanced before the reſt of the Army, appeared at a diſtance. Immediately the
beſieged, upon this proſpect of Relief, ſetting up a Shout, flew to Arms, ſhut
the Gates, and manned the Walls. The Centurions in the Town, judging from
the Noiſe among the Gault, that they had ſome new Project in view, poſted
themſelves with their Swords drawn at the Gates; and getting all their Men
together, retreated without loſs to the Camp. Cz/ar ordering the Cavalry to
advance, fell upon the Enemy's Horſe ; and finding his Troops hard prefſed,
ſuſtained them with ſome Squadrons of Germans, whom, to the number of
about four hundred, he had all along retained in his Service. The Gauls,
unable to ſtand their Charge, at length betook themſelves to flight, and were
driven with great Slaughter to the main Body of their Army. Upon this the
People of Moviodunum, terrified anew by the defeat of their Friends, ſeized
all who had been inftrumental in breaking the Capitulation, ſent them Priſoners
to Cz/ar's Camp, and delivered up the Town. Thefe Affairs difpatched, Cz/ar
directed his march towards Avaricum. As this was the ſtrongeſt and moſt
conſiderable City of the Biturigians, and ſituate in the fineſt part of the Country,
he eafily perſuaded himſelf, that by the reduction of it, he ſhould bring
the whole Nation under Subje&ion. - ©
XIII. FERCINGETORIAN, after ſo many ſucceſſive Loſſes, at
Vellaunodunum, Genabith, Noviothium ; calling a general Council of his
Followers, repreſented : © That it was neceffary to refolve upon a very dif-
c ferent Plan of War, from that which hitherto had been purſued ; and above
« all things make it their Endeavour, to intercept the Roman Convoys and
« Foragers : That this was both a ſure and practicable Scheme, as they them-
ſelves abounded in Horſe, and the Seaſon of the Year greatly favoured the
Deſign : That the Ground as yet affording no produce, the Enemy muſt
unavoidably difperſe themſelves in the Villages for Subſiſtence, and give
them daily opportunities of cutting them off by means of their r
8 | | | cc at
**
0
cc
cc
«c
IIS
11 ˙ RD Oo ERS.
_ - -
116
CKSARS COMMENTARIES
© That where Life and Liberty were at ſtake, Property and private Poſſeſſion
e ought to be neglected: That therefore the beſt Reſolution they could take
« was, to ſet all their Houſes and Villages on fire, from the Territories of the
« Boii, to wherever the Romans might extend their Quarters for the ſake of
« Forage : That they themſelves had no reaſon to apprehend Scarcity, .as they
e would be plentifully ſupplied by thoſe States, whoſe Territories ſhould be-
« come the ſeat of the War; whereas the Enemy muſt either be reduced to
« the neceſſity of ſtarving, or making diſtant and dangerous Excurſions from
« their Camp: That it equally anſwered the Purpoſe of the Gauls, to cut the
« Roman Army to pieces, or ſeize upon their Baggage and Convoys ; becauſe
without theſe laſt, it would be impoſſible for them to carry on. the War:
« That they ought to ſet fire even to the Towns themſelves, which were not
« ſtrong enough by Art or Nature, to be perfectly ſecure againſt all Danger; as
e by this means they would neither become Places of retreat to their own Men,
4 to ſcreen them from military Service; nor contribute to the ſupport of the
« Romans, by the Supplies and Plunder they might furniſh : In fine, that
« tho' theſe things were indeed grievous and terrible, they ought yet to eſteem
« jt ſtill more terrible and grievous, to ſee their Wives and Children dragged
« into Captivity, and themſelves expoſed to Slaughter, which was the unavoid-
« able Lot of the Vanquiſhed.“
XIV. T HIS Propoſal being approved by all, upwards of twenty Cities of
the Biturigians were burnt in one Day. The like was done in other States.
Nothing but Conflagrations were to be ſeen over the whole Country. And
tho' the Natives bore this Deſolation with extreme Regret, they nevertheleſs
conſoled themſelves with the hope, that an approaching and certain Victory,
would ſoon enable them to recover their Loſſes. A Debate ariſing in Council
about Avaricum, whether it would be proper to defend or ſet it on fire; the
Biturigians, falling proſtrate at the Feet of the reſt of the Gault, implored :
« That they might not be obliged to burn with their own Hands, one of the
cc fineſt Cities of all Gaul, which was both the Ornament and Security of their
e State; more eſpecially, as the Town itſelf, almoſt wholly ſurrounded by a
« River and Morals, and affording but one very narrow Approach, was,
« from the nature of its Situation, capable of an eaſy Defence.” Their Re-
queſt prevailed ; Vercingetorix, tho he at firſt oppoſed, afterwards coming
into the Deſign ; partly moved by the Intreaties of the Biturigians, partly by
the Compaſſion of the Multitude, A choſen Garriſon was immediately put
into the Place.
XV. FERCINGETORIX followed Czfſar by eaſy marches, and
choſe for his Camp a Place ſurrounded with Woods and Marſhes, about fifteen
Miles diſtant from Avaricum. There he had hourly Intelligence by his
Scouts, of all that paſſed before the Town; and ſent his Orders from
time to time to the Garriſon. Mean-while he ſtrictly watched our Convoys and
Foragers ; ſet upon our diſperſed Parties, who were obliged to fetch Proviſions
from a great diſtance ; and in ſpite of all Endeavours to prevent it, by chooſing
ſuch Times and Routs, as were moſt likely to deceive his Vigilance, very much
incommoded them by his Attacks.
XVI. CASA R. encamping on that fide of the Town, where the inter-
miſſion 'of the River and Moraſs formed, as we have faid, a narrow Ap-
' proach ; began to raiſe a Mount, bring forward his battering Engines, and
prepare
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vn:
prepare two Towers of Aſſault; without troubling himſelf about Lines of
Circumvallation, which the nature of the Ground rendered impoſſible. Mean-
while he was continually ſoliciting the Aduans and Boii for Corn: but re-
ceived no great Supplies from either; partly occaſioned by the Negligence of
the £duans, who were not hearty in the Affair; partly by the want of Ability
in the Boii, who poſſeſſing only a ſmall and inconfiderable Territory, ſoon
conſumed all the produce of their own Lands. But tho' the Army laboured
under the greateſt ſcarcity of Corn, thro the Inability of the Boii, the want of
Inclination in the X4uarns, and the univerſal devaſtation of the Country: tho
they were even for many Days altogether without Bread, and had nothing to
appeaſe their extreme Hunger, but the Cattle brought from diſtant Villages:
yet not an Expreſſion was heard oyer the whole Camp, unworthy the Majeſty
of the Roman Name, or the Glory they had acquired by former Victories.
Nay, when Cz/ar viſited the different Quarters of the Legions in perſon, and
offered to raiſe the Siege, if they found the Famine inſupportable ; they all
with one Voice requeſted him not to do it, adding: * That during the many
« Years they had ſerved under him, they never yet had met with any Check,
« or undertaken ought in which they had not ſucceeded : That they could not
« but look upon it as inglorious, to relinquiſh a Siege they had once begun;
« and had rather undergo the greateſt Hardſhips, than not revenge the Blood
« of the Roman Citizens, perfidiouſly maſſacred by the Gauls at Genabum.”
The ſame they faid to the Centurions and military Tribunes, intreating them
to report their Sentiments to Cæſar.
XVII. AND now the Towers began to approach the Walls ; when Cz/ar
was informed by ſome Priſoners, that Vercingetorix having conſumed all the
Forage round him, had removed his Camp nearer to Avaricum, and was gone
himſelf at the head of the Cavalry, and the light- armed Troops accuſtomed to
fight in their Intervals, to form an Ambuſcade for the Romans, in a Place
where it was ſuppoſed they would come next Day to forage. Upon this In-
telligence, ſetting out about midnight in great Silence, he arrived next Mornin
at the Enemy's Camp. But they having had timely Notice of his Approach
by their Scouts, inſtantly conveyed their Baggage and Carriages into a thick
Wood, and drew up in order of Battle upon an open Hill. Cz/ar then or-
dered all the Baggage to be brought together into one Place, and the Soldiers
to prepare for an Engagement.
XVIII. THE Hill itſelf where the Enemy ſtood, riſing all the way
with an eaſy aſcent, was almoſt wholly ſurrounded by a Moraſs, difficult and
dangerous to be paſſed, tho' not above fifty Foot over. Here the Gauls, con-
fiding in the ſtrength of their Poſt, and having broke down all the Bridges
over the Moraſs, appeared with an air of Reſolution. They had formed them-
{elves into different Bodies, according to their ſeveral States; and planting ſelect
Detachments at all the Avenues and Fords, waited with determined Courage,
thar if the Romans ſhould attempt to force their way thorow, they might fall
upon them from the higher Ground while entangled in the Mud. To attend
only to the nearneſs of the two Armies, they ſeemed as if ready to fight us
on even Terms; but when the advantage of their Situation was conſidered, all
this Oſtentation of Bravery, was eaſily diſcerned to be meer Shew and Pre-
tence. Nevertheleſs the Romans full of Indignation, that the Enemy ſhould
dare to face them with ſo ſmall a Space between, loudly demanded to be led
to Battle. Cæſar checked their Ardor we the preſent, and endeavoured to
H h make
117
wo
* 118 CR SARS COMMENTARIES
5 make them ſenſible, that in attacking an Army ſo ſtrongly poſted, the Victory
| muſt coſt extremely dear, and be attended with the loſs of many brave Men.
| il | To this he told them, he was the more averſe, becauſe finding them prepared
| [ to face every kind of Danger for his Glory, he thought he could not be too
| tender of the Lives of thoſe who merited fo highly at his hands. Having by
if this Speech conſoled the Soldiers, he led them back the ſame Day to their
if Camp, and applied himſelf wholly to the carrying on of the Siege. _
XIX. FERCINGETORIX, upon his return to the Camp, was ac-
| cuſed by the Army of Treaſon. The removal of his Quarters nearer to thoſe
It of the Enemy ; his departure at the head of all the Cavalry ; his leaving fo
[ many Troops without a Commander in chief ; and the opportune and ſpeedy
| Arrival of the Romans during his Abſence : All theſe, they ſaid, could not
| eaſily happen by chance, or without deſign ; and gave great reaſon to believe,
that he had rather owe the Sovereignty of Gaul to Ce/ar's Grant, than to the
= Favour and free Choice of his Countrymen. To this Charge he replied :
1 „ That the removal of his Camp was occafioned by the want of Forage, and
« done at their own expreſs Deſire: That he had lodged himſelf nearer to the
% Romans, on account of the advantage of the Ground, which ſecured him
« againft all Attacks: That Cavalry were by no means wanted in a Morals,
« but might have been extremely ſerviceable in the Place to which he had car-
« ried them: That he purpoſely forbore naming a Commander in chief at
« his Departure, left the Impatience of the Multitude ſhould have forced him
« upon a Battle; to which he perceived they were all ſtrongly inclined, thro'
« a certain weakneſs and effeminacy of Mind, that rendered them incapable
© of long Fatigue: That whether Accident or Intelligence brought the Ro-
ce mans to their Camp; they ought to thank, in the one caſe Fortune, in the
« other the Informer, for giving them an opportunity of diſcovering from the
« higher Ground the inconſiderable Number, and deſpiſing the feeble Efforts
« of the Enemy; who not daring to hazard an Engagement, ignominiouſly
« retreated to their Camp: That for his part, he ſcorned treacherouſly to hold
« an Authority of Cz/ar, which he hoped ſoon to merit by a Victory, already
« ina manner affured, both to himſelf and the reſt of the Gaul: That he
« was willing even to reſign the Command, if they thought the Honor done
« him by that Diſtinction too great for the Advantages procured by his Con-
« duct. And, added he, to convince you of the Truth and Sincerity of my
« Words, hear the Roman Soldiers themſelves.” He then produced ſome Slaves,
whom he had made Priſoners a few Days before in foraging, and by Severity
and hard Uſage brought to his purpoſe. Theſe, according to the Leſſon
taught them beforehand, declared: That they were legionary Soldiers: That
« urged by Hunger, they had privately ſtolen out of the Camp, to ſearch
« for Corn and Cattle in the Fields: That the whole Army labored under
« the like Scarcity, and was reduced to fo weak a Condition, as no longer
to be capable of ſupporting Fatigue: That the General had therefore re-
R « ſolved, if the Town held out three Days longer, to draw off his Men from
« the Siege. Such (ſaid Vercingetorix) are the Services you receive from the
« Man whom you have not ſcrupled to charge with Treaſon. To him it is
« owing, that without drawing a Sword, you ſee a powerful and victorious
Army almoſt wholly deſtroyed by Famine ; and effectual care taken, that
* when Neceſſity compels them to ſeek Refuge in a ſhameful Flight, no
&« State ſhall receive them into its Territories.
-
* — _ — — A
Þ ber a 4.
—— —- 4
My „ * — Thi — — — = =S — "tne +
—
A
XX.
OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book vn.
XX. THE whole Multitude ſet up a ſhout; and ftriking, as their manner
was, their Lances againſt their Swords, to denote their Approbation of the
Speaker, declared Vercingetorix a conſummate General, whoſe Fidelity ought
not to be queſtioned, and whoſe Conduct deſerved the higheſt Praiſes.
They decreed, that ten thouſand Men, choſen out of all the Troops, ſhould be
ſent to reinforce the Garriſon of Avaricum; it ſeeming too hazardous to rely
upon the Biturigians alone for the defence of a Place, whoſe preſerva-
tion, they imagined, would neceſſarily give them the ſuperiority in the
War. |
XXI. AND indeed, tho' the Siege was carried on by our Men with in-
credible Bravery, yet were all their Efforts in a great meaſure rendered ineffec-
tual, by the Addreſs and Contrivances of the Gault. For they are a People of
ſingular Ingenuity, extremely quick of Apprehenſion, and very happy in imi-
tating what they ſee practiſed. They not only turned afide our Hooks with
Ropes, and after having ſeized them, drew them into the Town with Engines ;
but likewiſe ſet themſelves to undermine the Mount: in which they the
more ſucceeded, becauſe the Country abounding with Iron Mines, they are
perfectly skilled in that whole Art. At the ſame time they raiſed Towers on
all parts of the Wall, covered them carefully with raw Hides, and continuing
their Sallies Day and Night, either ſet fire to the Mount, or fell upon the
Workmen. In proportion as our Towers increaſed in height, by the continual
addition to the Mount; in like manner did they advance the Towers upon
their Walls, by raiſing one Story perpetually over another: and counterwork-
ing our Mines with the utmoſt Diligence, they either filled them up with
great Stones, or poured melted Pitch into them, or repulſed the Miners with
long Stakes, burnt and ſharpened at the end; all which very much retarded
the Approaches, and kept us at a diftance from the Place.
XXII. THE fortified Towns among the Gauls have their Walls moſtly built
in the following manner. Long maſly Beams of Wood are placed upon the
Ground, at the equal diſtances of two Feet one from another, and fo as to
. conſtitute by their length the thickneſs of the Wall. Theſe being again croſſed
over by others, which ſerve to bind them together, have their Intervals on the
inſide filled up with Earth, and on the outfide with large Stones. The farft
Courſe thus compleated and firmly joined, a fecond is laid over it ; which al-
lowing the fame openings between the Beams, reſts them not immediately
upon thoſe. of the order below, but diſpoſes them artfully above their Inter-
vals, and connects them as before with interjacent Earth and Stones. In this
manner the Work is carried on to a proper height, and pleaſes the Eye by its
uniform Variety, the alternate Courſes of Stones and Beams, running in even
Lines, according to their ſeveral Orders. Nor is it leſs adapted to Security and
Defence. For the Stones are proof againſt Fire, and the whole Maſs is impe-
netrable to the Ram; becauſe being ſtrongly bound together by continual
Beams, to a depth of forty Foot, it can neither be disjointed nor thrown
down. |
XXIII. SUCH were the Obſtacles we met with in the Siege. But the
Soldiers, tho' obliged to ſtruggle during the whole time, with Cold, Dirt, and
perpetual Rains ; yet by dint of Labor overcame all Difficulties, and at the
end of twenty-five Days, had raiſed a Mount three hundred and thirty Feet
broad, and eighty Feet high, When it was brought almoſt cloſe to the
PL Walls,
119
Ä
CASA Rs COMMENTARIES.
Walls, Cæſar according to Cuſtom attending the Works, and encouraging the
Soldiers to labor without intermiſſion; a little before midnight it was obſerved
to ſmoke, the Enemy having undermined and fired it. At the ſame time they
raiſed a mighty Shout, and fallying vigorouſly by two ſeveral Gates, attacked
the Works on both ſides. Some threw lighted Torches and dry Wood from
the Walls upon the Mount, others Pitch and all ſorts of Combuſtibles; fo
that it was hard to determine on which fide to make head againſt the Enemy,
or where firſt to apply Redreſs. But as Cz/ar kept always two Legions upon
Guard in the Trenches, beſides great numbers employed in the Works, who
relieved one another by turns: his Troops were ſoon in a Condition; ſome to
oppoſe thoſe that fallied from the Town; others to draw off the Towers, and
make openings in the Mount; whilſt the whole Multitude ran to extinguiſh
the Flames,
XXIV. THE Fight continued with great Obſtinacy during the remaining
part of the Night: the Enemy ſtill entertained hopes of Victory; and perliſted
with the more firmneſs, as they ſaw the Mantles that covered the Towers burnt
down, and the Romans unable to reſcue them for want of ſhelter. At the
ſame time freſh Troops were continually ſent, to ſupply the place of thoſe that
were fatigued ; the Beſieged believing, - that the ſafety of Gaul entirely de-
pended upon the iſſue of that critical Moment. And here I cannot forbear
mentioning a remarkable Inſtance of Intrepidity, to which I was myſelf a Wit-
neſs on this Occaſion. A certain Gaul poſted before the Gate of the City,
threw into the Fire Balls of Pitch and Tallow to feed it. This Man being ex- -
poſed to the diſcharge of a Roman Battery, was ftruck thro' the Side with a
Dart and expired. Another ſtriding over his Body, immediately took his
Place. He alſo was killed in the ſame manner. A third ſucceeded : to the
third a fourth: nor was this dangerous Poſt left vacant, till the Fire of the
Mount being extinguiſhed, and the Enemy repulſed on all fides, 'an end was
put to the Conflict.
XXV. THE Gauls having tried all methods of Defence, and finding that
none of them ſucceeded, conſulted next Day about leaving the Town; in
Concert with, and even by the Order of Vercingetorix. This they hoped
eaſily to effect in the Night; as that General's Camp was not far off, and the
Moraſs between them and the Romans, would ſerve to cover their Retreat.
Night came, and the Beſieged were preparing to put their Deſign in execu-
tion: when ſuddenly the Women running out into the Streets, and caſting
themſelves at their Husbands Feet, conjured them with many Tears, not to
abandon to the Fury of an enraged Enemy, them and their common Children,
whom Nature and Weakneſs rendered incapable of Flight. But finding their
Intreaties ineffectual; for in extreme Danger, Fear often excludes Compaſſion;
they began to ſet up a loud Cry, and inform the Romans of the intended
Flight. This alarmed the Garriſon, who apprehending the Paſſages would be
ſeized by our Horſe, deſiſted from their Reſolution,
XXVI. NEXT Day Cæſar brought forward the Tower, and gave the ne-
ceſſary Directions about the Works. A heavy Rain chancing juſt then to fall,
he thought it a favourable Opportunity for effecting his Deſign ; as he obſerved
the Wall to be leſs ſtrictly guarded. Wherefore ordering the Soldiers to abate
a little of their Vigor, and having inſtructed them in what manner to proceed ;
he exhorted the Legions, who advanced under cover” of the Machines, to ſeize
| at
OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book vi.
at laſt the Fruit of a Victory acquired by ſo many Toils. Then, promiſing
Rewards to thoſe who ſhould firſt ſcale the Town, he gave the ſignal of At-
tack. The Romans ruſhed ſuddenly upon the Enemy from all Parts, and in
a moment poſſeſſed themſelves of the Walls. DET
XXVII. THE Gauls terrified at this new manner of Aſſault, and driven
from their Towers and Battlements, drew up triangle-wiſe in the Squares and
open Places, that on whatever fide our Men ſhould come to attack them, they
might face in order of Battle. But obſerving that we till kept upon the
Walls, and were endeavouring to get poſſeſſion of their whole Circuit; they be-
gan to fear they ſhould have no Outlet to eſcape by; and throwing down
their Arms, ran tumultuouſly to the fartheſt part of the Town. There many
fell within the City, the narrowneſs of the Gates obſtructing their flight:
others were {lain by the Cavalry without the Walls : nor did any one for the
preſent think of Plunder. The Romans eager to revenge the Maſſacre at
Genabum, and exaſperated by the obſtinate defence of the Place, ſpared neither
old Men, Women, nor Children; inſomuch that of all that Multitude,
amounting to about forty thouſand, ſcarce eight hundred, who had quitted
the Town upon the firſt Alarm, eſcaped ſaſe to Vercingetorixs Camp. They
arrived there late in the Night, and were received in great Silence: for Ver-
cingetorix fearing leſt their entrance in a Body, and the Compaſſion it would
naturally raiſe among the Troops, might occaſion ſome Tumult in the Camp,
had ſent out his Friends, and the principal Noblemen of each Province, to meet
them by the way, and conduct them ſeparately to the Quarters of their ſeveral
States.
XXVIII NEXT Day having called a Council, he conſoled and exhorted
the Troops, not to be too much diſheartened, or caſt down by their late
Misfortune : © That the Romans had not overcome by Bravery, or in the Field;
« but by their Addreſs and Skill in Sieges, with which part of War the Gauls
« were leſs acquainted : That it was deceiving themſelves to hope for Succeſs
« in every meaſure they might think fit to purſue : That himſelf, as they all
« knew, had never adviſed the defence of Avaricum, and could not but im-
« pute the preſent Diſaſter to the Imprudence of the Biturigians, and the too
ce eaſy Compliance of the reſt : That he hoped however ſoon to compenſate it
« by ſuperior Advantages, as he was uſing his utmoſt -Endeavours to bring
ce over the other States, which had hitherto refuſed their Concurrence, and to
« form one general Confederacy of all Gaul, againſt whoſe united Strength,
ce not the whole Earth would be able to prevail: That he had even in a great
« meaſure effected his Deſign, and in the mean time only required of them,
« for the ſake of the common Safety, that they would ſet about fortifying
« their Camp, the better to ſecure them from the ſudden Attacks of the
« Enemy.” This Speech was not unpleaſing to the Gauls; and the rather,
as notwithſtanding ſo great a Blow, Vercingetorix ſeemed to have loſt nothing of
his Courage; neither withdrawing from publick view, nor ſhunning the ſight of
the Multitude. They even began to entertain a higher Opinion of his Prudence
and Foreſight, as from the firſt he had adviſed the burning of Avaricum, and
at laſt ſent Orders to abandon it. And thus bad Succeſs, which uſually ſinks the
Reputation of a Commander, ſerved only to augment his Credit, and give
him greater Authority among the Troops. At the ſame time they were full of
Hopes, from the Aſſurances he had given them, of ſeeing the other States
accede to the Alliance. And now for the firſt time the Gauls ſet about forti-
I 1 fying
121
CA SARS COMMENTARIES
fying their Camp; being ſo humbled by their late Misfortune, that tho natu-
rally impatient of Fatigue, they reſolved to refuſe no Labor impoſed upon them
by their General. |
XXIX. NOR was. Vercingetorix leſs active on his fide, to bring over the
other Provinces of Gaul to the Confederacy, endeavouring to gain the leading
Men in each by Preſents and Promiſes, For this purpole he made choice of
fit Agents, who by their Addreſs, or particular Ties of Friendſhip, were moſt
likely to influence thoſe to whom they were ſent. He provided Arms and
Clothing for the Troops that had eſcaped from Avaricum; and to repair the
| Loſs ſuſtained by the taking of that Place, gave Orders to the ſeveral States,
to furniſh a certain number of Men, and ſend them to the Camp by a Day
prefixed. At the ſame time he commanded all the Archers, of which there
were great numbers in Gaul, to be ſought out and brought to the Army. By
theſe meaſures he ſoon replaced the Men whom he loſt at the Siege of Ava-
ricum. Mean-while Theutomatus, the Son of Ollovico, and King of the Vito-
brigians, whoſe Father had been ſtiled Friend and Ally by the Senate of Nome,
came and joined him with a great Body of Horſe, which he had raiſed in his
own Territories, and in the Province of Aguitain.
XXX. CA SAR finding great plenty of Corn and other Proviſions at
__ _Avaricum, ſtayed there ſeveral Days to refreſh his Men, after the Fatigue and.
Scarcity they had ſo lately undergone. Winter was now drawing towards a
period; and as the Seaſon itſelf invited him to take the Field, he reſolved to
march againſt the Enemy, either to draw them out of the Woods and Marſhes,
or beſiege them in their Faſtneſſes. While he was full of theſe Thoughts, Depu-
ties arrived {rom the Z4vans, to beg his Interpoſition and Authority, for ſettling
the differences of their State. Every thing there, they told him, threatned
« an inteſtine War. For whereas it had all along been the Cuſtom to be
governed by a ſingle Magiſtrate, who poſſeſſed the ſupreme Power for the
« {ſpace of one Year; they had now two diſputing for that Title, each pre-
« tending his Election was according, to Law: That the one was Convictolita-
« ig, an illuſtrious and popular young Nobleman; the other Catus, of an
« ancient Family, great Authority, and powerful Relations, whoſe Brother
% Videliacus had exerciſed the ſame Office the Year before: That the whole
State was in Arms, the Senate divided, and each Party backed by their
« Clients among the People; nor had they any other hopes of eſcaping a civil
« War, but in his Care and timely Endeavours to put an end to the
« Controverſy.” wy i
XXXI. ALTH O' Cz/ar was ſenſible it would greatly prejudice his Af-
fairs, to quit the purſuit of the War, and the Enemy; yet reflecting on the
Miſchiefs that often ariſe from Diviſions, and deſirous if. poſſible to prevent
ſo powerful a State, in ſtrict Amity with the People of Rome, and which he
had always in a particular manner cheriſhed and befriended, from having re-
courſe to the method of Violence and Arms, which might drive the Party
that leaſt confided in his Friendſhip, to ſeek the Aſſiſtance of Vercingetorix;
he reſolved to make it his farſt Care, to put a ſtop: to the progreſs of theſe Diſ-
orders. And becauſe by the Conſtitutions of the Æduans, it was not lawtul
for the ſupreme Magiſtrate, to paſs beyond the Limits of the State; that he
might not ſeem to detract from their Privileges, he reſolved to go in perſon
thither, and ſummoned the Senate and two Candidates to meet him at Deciſe.
The
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vn.
The Aſſembly was very numerous: when finding, upon Enquiry, that Corrs
had been declared chief Magiſtrate by his own Brpther, in preſence of only
a few Electors privately called together, without regard to Time or Place, and
even contrary to the expreſs Laws of the State, which forbid two of the ſame
Family, while yet both alive, either to hold the ſupreme Dignity, or ſo much
as ſit together in the Senate; he obliged him to reſign in favour of Convicto-
litanis, who upon the Expiration of the Office of the preceding Magiſtrate,
had been elected in all the Forms by the Prieſts.
XXXII. THIS Sentence being paſſed; and having exhorted the AÆduans
to lay aſide their Quarrels and Diviſions, and apply themſelves ſolely to the
Buſineſs of the preſent War; to expect with confidence the full Recompence
of their Services, as ſoon as the Reduction of Gaul was compleated ; and to
ſend him immediately all their Cavalry, with ten thouſand Foot, to form a
Chain of Poſts for the Security of his Convoys; he divided his Army into two
Parts. Four Legions, under the Conduct of Labienus, were ſent againſt the
Senoner and Parifians. Six, headed by himſelf in perſon, marched along the
Banks of the Allier, towards the Territories of the Averni, with defign to
inveſt Gergovia. Part of the Cavalry followed the Rout of Labienus; part
remained with Ceſar. Vercingetorix having notice of this, broke down all
the Bridges upon the Alier, and began his march on the other fide of the
River. |
XXXIII. As both Armies were continually in view, encamped almoſt
over-againſt each other; and the Enemies Scouts ſo ſtationed, that it was
impoſſible for the Romans to make a Bridge for carrying over their Forces :
Cz/ar began to be uneaſy, leſt he ſhould be hindered the greateſt part of the
Summer by the River, becauſe the Allier is ſeldom fordable till towards Au-
zumn. To prevent this Inconvenience, he encamped in a place full of Woods,
over-againſt one of thoſe Bridges which Yercingetorix had cauſed to be broken
down: and remaining there privately next Day with a good Body of Troops,
formed by draughting every fourth Cohort, that the Number of Legions
might ſtill appear compleat; he ſent forward the reſt of the Army with all
the Baggage as uſual, ordering them to march as far as they could. When
by the time of the Day he judged they might be arrived at the place of their
Encampment, he ſet about rebuilding the Bridge, making uſe of the old Piles,
whoſe lower part the Enemy had left ſtanding. Having ſoon compleated the
Work, marched over the Troops he had with, him, and choſen a proper Place
for his Camp; he recalled the reſt of the Forces. Yercingetorix, upon Intel-
ligence of this, advanced before by long marches, that he might not be obliged
to fight againſt his Will. . |
XXXIV. CASA R after five Days march came before Gergovia, where
he had a ſlight Engagement with the Enemy's Horſe: and having taken a
View of the Place, which he found fituated upon a very' high Mountain, all
whoſe Approaches were extremely difficult ; he not only deſpaired of reducing
it by Storm, bur reſolved even to forbear inveſting it, until he had ſecured the
neceſſary Supplies for his Army. Vercingetorix mean-while was encamped near
the Town upon the Hill, where he had diſpoſed the Forces of the ſeveral
States around him, in different Diviſions, ſeparated from one another by mo-
derate Intervals. As his Army poſſeſſed all the Summits of the Mountain,
whence there was any proſpe& into the Plains below, they made a very _
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*
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
midable Appearance. Every Morning by Day-break, the Chiefs of each State,
who compoſed his Council, aſſembled in his Tent, to adviſe with him, or
receive his Orders: nor did he ſuffer a ſingle Day to paſs without detaching
ſome Cavalry, intermixed with Archers, to skirmiſh with the Romans, that he
might make trial of the Spirit and Courage of his Men. There was a riſing
Ground, that joined to the Foot of the Mountain on which the Town ſtood,
excellently well fortified by Nature, as being very ſteep on all ſides, and of
extreme difficult Acceſs. This Hill, though of ſuch importance to the Enemy,
that by our getting poſſeſſion of it, we could in a great meaſure deprive them
of Water and Forage, was yet but very indifferently guarded. Cz/ar there-
fore leaving his Camp about midnight; before any Aſſiſtance could arrive
from the Town, diſlodged the Enemy, ſeized the Hill, and having placed two
Legions upon it to defend it, drew a double Ditch twelve Foot deep from
the greater to the leſſer Camp, that the Soldiers might. paſs and repaſs in
ſafety, even fingle and without a Guard.
XXXV. WHILE things were in this poſture before Gergovia, Convickoli-
tanis the Aduan, to whom, as we have related above, Cz/ar had adjudged
the ſupreme Magiſtracy ; being ſtrongly ſolicited by the Averni, and at length
gained over by their Money, addreſſed himſelf to ſome young Noblemen, the
chief of whom were Litavicus and his Brothers, of the moſt diſtinguiſhed
Family of the Province. With theſe he ſhared the Reward he had received,
and exhorted them to conſider: © That they were Subjects of a free State, and
« born to command: that Liberty and Victory were retarded by the AZduarns
c alone, whoſe Authority reſtrained the other States, and whoſe Concurrence
« in the common Cauſe would take from the Romans all Poſſibility of ſup-
« porting themſelves in Gaul: that though he was himſelf under ſome Obli-
« gation to Ce/ar, at leaſt ſo far as a juſt and equitable Deciſion deſerved
« that Name, he thought he owed ſtill more to his Country, and could ſee
« no Reaſon why the Aduans ſhould rather have recourſe to the Roman
« General, in what regarded their Laws and Cuſtoms, than the Romans in
« the like Caſe to the ÆAduans. The Repreſentations of the Magiſtrate, and
the Rewards he beſtowed, ſoon prevailed: they even offered to become the
chief Conductors of the Enterpriſe; and nothing was wanting but to conſult
of proper means for accompliſhing the deſign, as it was eaſily foreſeen, that
A
the State would not be induced without great dithculty to engage in ſo
dangerous a War. At laſt it was agreed, that Litavicus ſhould have the
Command of the ten Thouſand Foot appointed to join Cæſqar; that he ſhould
begin his march; that his Brothers ſhould be ſent before to the Roman Camp;
and that the reſt of the Project ſhould be then executed, according to a Plan
previouſly concerted among them, |
XXXVI. LITAYICU S having received the Command of the Army;
when he was within about thirty Miles of Gergovia, ſuddenly called the
Troops together, and addreſſing them with Tears: © Whither, Fellow-Soldiers,
« ſaid he, are we going? All our Cavalry, all our Nobility are ſlain. Epo-
« redorix and Virdumarus, Men of the firſt Quality in the State, being ac-
« cuſed by the Romans of Treaſon, are put to Death without Trial. Learn
« theſe things of thoſe who have eſcaped this general Maſſacre: for as to me,
« oerwhelm'd as I am with Grief for the Loſs of my Brothers and Kinſmen,
« I have neither Strength nor Voice to utter our Calamities.” He then pro-
duced ſome whom he had beforehand inſtructed for that purpoſe, and who
joining
7
OF HIS HARN IN GAUL. Book vii.
joining in the ſame Story, told the Multitude : “ That the greateſt part of the
* A4uan Cavalry had been put to the Sword, under pretence of holding In-
« telligence with the Averni; and that themſelves had eſcaped only in the
“ Crowd, by withdrawing during the general Slaughter.” Upon this the
whole Army called aloud to Litavicus, intreating him to provide for their
Safety. © As if, faid he, there was room for Counſel ; or any Choice left,
« but that of marching directly to Gergovia, and joining the Averni. Can
« we doubt, after ſo black an Inſtance of Roman Perfidy, but that they are
e already on their way to compleat the Maſſacre? Let us therefore, if ought
« of Spirit or Courage remains in our Breaſts, revenge the Neath of our Coun-
“ trymen ſo undeſervedly ſlain, and put theſe inhuman Spoilers to the Sword.”
He then preſented ſome Roman Citizens, who had taken the opportunity of
their march, for conducting a large Convoy of Corn and Proviſions to the
Camp. Inſtantly the Convoy was plundered, the Romans themſelves put to
Death with the moſt cruel Torments, and Meſſengers diſpatched through all
the Territories of the Aduans, to ſpread the ſame F orgery of the Maſſacre
of their Cavalry and Princes, and thereby rouſe them to a like Ven-
geance.
*
XXXVII EPO RED ORIA the Aduan, a young Nobleman of diſ-
tinguiſhed Birth, and great Intereſt in the State; as likewiſe Yirdumarus, of
equal Age and Authority, though not ſo well deſcended ; whom Cz/ar, upon
the Recommendation of Diwitiacus, had raiſed from a low Condition to the
higheſt Dignities: were both at this time in the Roman Camp, having come
along with the Cavalry at Cz/ar's expreſs Deſire. Between theſe two was a
Competition for Greatneſs; and in the late Diſpute about the Magiſtracy, the
one had declared warmly for Convifo/itanis, the other for Cotus. Eporedorix
getting notice of Litavicuss Deſign, came about midnight to Cz/ar's Tent,
diſcovered the whole Plot, and intreated him to obviate the miſchievous Coun-
ſels of a few young Noblemen, and not ſuffer the State to fall off from the
Alliance of the Romans, which he foreſaw muſt happen, ſhould ſo many
thouſand Men once join the Enemy. For it was by no means probable, that
either their own Relations would negle& their Safety, or the State itſelf make
light of ſo great a part of its Forces. |
XXXVIII. THIS piece of Intelligence gave Cz/ar extreme Concern, be-
cauſe he had always manifeſted a particular Regard to the Æduans. He there-
fore drew out immediately four Legions without Baggage, together with all
the Cavalry: and becauſe the Affair ſeemed to depend wholly upon Diſpatch,
would not even take time to contract his Camp, but left C. Fabius his Lieu-
tenant, with two Legions, to defend it againſt the Enemy. Finding that
Litavicus's Brothers, whom he ordered to be ſeized, had ſome time before
gone over to Vercingetorix, he began his march, exhorting the Soldiers to bear
the Fatigue chearfully in ſo preſſing a Conjuncture. They followed with great
Alacrity, and advancing about five and twenty Miles from Gergovia, came at
laſt within fight of the Æduans. Cæſar immediately detached the Cavalry
againſt them, to retard and ſtop their march; but with ſtrict charge to ab-
ſtain from Bloodſhed. He ordered Eporedorix and Virdumarus, whom they
believed ſlain, to ride up and down among the Squadrons, and call to their
Countrymen. As they were ſoon known, and Litavicuss Forgery thereby
diſcoyered; the Æduans ſtretched out their Hands, made Signs of Submiſſion,
and throwing down their Arms, began to beg their Lives Litavicus, with
K k his
I25
— — — — — — — — . — —ä—
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126
CAS A Rs COMMENTARIES
his Clients, who by the Cuſtoms of the Gauls, cannot without Infamy aban-
don their Patrons, even in the greateſt Extremities of Fortune, eſcaped ſafe to
Gergovia. |
XXXIX. CX SAR having diſpatched Meſſengers to the Æaduans, to inform
them, that his Lenity and Regard for their State, had prevailed with him to
ſpare Troops, whom by the right of War he might have put to the Sword ;
after allowing the Army three hours reſt during the night, marched back to
Gergovia. About half way he was met by a Party of Hotſe, ſent by Fabius,
to give him notice of the Danger that threatned his Camp. They told him:
« That the Enemy had attacked it with all their Forces, and by ſending con-
e tinual fupplies of freſh Men, were like in the end to overpower the Romans,
c whoſe Fatigue admitted of no Relaxation, becauſe the vaſt extent of Ground
they had to defend, obliged them to be perpetually upon the Rampart :
« That the multitude of Arrows and Darts diſcharged by the Gaz/s, had
« wounded many of the Soldiers, notwithſtanding the Protection received from
« the Engines, which yet had been of good Service in beating off the Aſſail-
« ants: That Fabius, upon the retreat of the Enemy, had cloſed up all the
« Gates of the Camp but two, carried a Breaſtwork quite round the Rampart,
« and made preparation for ſuſtaining a like Aſſault the next Day.” Cæſar
informed of theſe things, haſtened his march with all diligence, and
ſeconded by the unuſual Ardor of the Troops, arrived in the Camp before
Sun-rile.
XL. WHILE theſe things paſſed at Gergovia, the Mduant, upon receipt
of the firſt Diſpatches from Litavicus, ſtaid not for confirmation of the Re-
port; but prompted partly by Avarice, partly by Revenge, and many by a
native Raſhneſs, to which the Gaus in general are extremely addicted, being
ready to catch up every flying Rumor as a certain Truth: flew immediately
to Arms, plundered: the Roman Citizens of their Effects, ſlaughtered their
Perſons, or dragged them into Servitude. Convittolitanis fomented to the
utmoſt this Fury, which had already taken but too faſt hold of the
Multitude; that by plunging them into - ſome deſperate Act of Violence,
he might render a Retreat the more difficult and ſhameful, At his In-
ſtigation, they obliged M. Ariſtius, a military Tribune, who was upon his
way to join the Army, to quit Cabillonum, promiſing not to moleſt him in
his Journey: The fame they did by ſeveral Roman Merchants, who had ſtopt
there on account of Trathck ; and attacking them treacherouſly on the Road,
ſtripped them of their Baggage, inveſted Day and Night thoſe that made
reſiſtance ; and many being killed on both fides, drew together a greater
number of Men to effect their Deſign. Mean- while coming to underſtand,
that all their Troops were in Cz/ar's power; they ran to Ariftius, aſſured him
that nothing had been done by publick Authority, ordered Informations to be
brought againſt thoſe who had been concerned in pillaging the Romans, con-
fiſcated the Eſtates of Litavicus and his Brothers, and ſent Ambaſſadors toGz/ar
to excuſe what had happened. All this they did with a view to the recovery
of their Troops: but conſcious of Guilt ; loth to part with the Plunder, in
which great numbers had ſhared; and dreading the Puniſhment ſo groſs an
Outrage deſerved ; they began privately to concert meaſures of War, and by
their Ambaſſadors ſolicited other States to join them. Tho' Cz/ar was not ig-
norant of theſe Practices, he ſpoke with the greateſt mildneſs to the Æduan De-
puties, aſſuring them of the continuance of his Favor, and that he would not
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vii.
conſider as the Crime of the whole Nation, what was owing only to the Im-
prudence and Levity of the Multitude. Apprehending however an univerſal
Revolt of Gaul, and that ke might be ſurrounded by the Forces of all the
States at once, he began to think of retiring from Gergovia, ant drawing his
whole Army again into a Body; yet in ſuch manner, that a Rgtreat occaſioned
by the fear of an Inſurrection, might not carry with it the Appearance of a
Flight.
XLI. WHILE he was full of theſe Thoughts, an Opportunity ſeemed
to offer of acting againſt the Enemy with ſucceſs. For coming into the leſſer
Camp, to take a view of the Works, he obſerved a Hill, that ſome Days be-
fore was ſcarce to be ſeen for the Multitudes that covered it, now quite naked
and deſtitute of Troops. Wondering what might be the Cauſe, he enquired
of the Deſerters, who flocked daily in great numbers to the Roman Camp.
They all agreed with our Scouts; that the back of the Hill was almoſt an
even Ground, but narrow and woody in that part, where the Paſſage lay to
the other fide of the Town : That the Enemy were mightily afraid of loſing
this Poſt, becauſe the Romans, who had already poſſeſſed themſelves of one
Hill, by ſeizing the other likewiſe, would in a manner quite ſurround them;
and being maſters of all the Outlets, might entirely' cut off their Forage : That
Vercingetorix had therefore drawn all his Forces on that fide, with deſign to
fortify the Paſlage,
XLII. CAESAR, upon this Intelligence, diſpatched ſome Squadrons of Ca-
valry thither about midnight, ordering them to ride up and down the Place
with as much Noiſe as poſſible. At Day-break he drew a great number of
Mules and Carriage-Horſes out of the Camp, ſent away their uſual Harneſs, and
furniſhing the Grooms and Waggoners with Helmets, that they might reſemble
Horſemen, commanded them to march quite round the Hill. With theſe he
Joined a few Cavalry, who, for the greater ſhew, were to expatiate a little
more freely; and the whole Detachment had Orders to move towards the ſame
parts, taking a very large Circuit. All theſe Diſpoſitions were ſeen from the
Town, which commanded a full view of the Roman Camp, tho' the diſtance
was too great to diſtinguiſh Objects with certainty. At the ſame time Cæſar,
the more effectually to deceive the Enemy, detached a Legion towards the
ſame Eminence, and when it was advanced a little way, ſtationed it at the
foot of the Hill, affecting to conceal it in the Woods. This increaſed the
Jealouſy of the Gault to ſuch a degree, that they immediately carried all their
Forces thither to defend the Poſt. Cz/ar ſeeing their Intrenchments aban-
doned, made his Soldiers cover the military Enſigns and Standards, and file
off in ſmall Parties from the greater to the leſſer Camp, that they might not
be perceived from the Town. He then opened his Deſign to his Lieutenants,
whom he had appointed to command the ſeveral Legions, counſelling them
above all things to moderate the Ardor of the Soldiers, that the hope of
plunder, or deſire of fighting, might not carry them too far. He repreſented
particularly the diſadvantage of the Ground, againſt which there was no Se-
curity but in Diſpatch ; and told them, that this was not a regular Attack,
but a ſudden Onſet, to be purſued no farther than Opportunity ſerved. Theſe
Precautions taken, he gave the Signal to engage, and at the ſame time de-
tached the ÆAduans by another Aſcent, to charge the Enemy on the
Right.
XILIII.
127
128
CRS AR's COMMENTARIES
XLIII. THE Wall of the Town, had no Breaks or Hollows intervened,
was about twelve hundred Paces diſtant from the Plain below, meaſuring in a
direct Line from the foot of the Mountain. The Circuit the Troops were
obliged to take, to moderate the ſteepneſs of the Aſcent, added ſtill to this
ſpace upon the march. Half way up the Hill, as near as the nature of the
Ground would allow, the Gauls had run a Wall of large Stones, fix Foot
high, the better to defend themſelves againft our Attacks. All between this
and the Plain was left quite void of Troops by the Enemy ; but the upper
part of the Hill, to the very Walls of the Town, was crowded with the
Camps of their ſeveral States. The Signal being given, the Romans immedi-
ately mounted the Hill, ſcaled the outward Wall, and poſſeſſed themſelves of
three of the Enemy's Camps. Such too was the Expedition wherewith they
carried them, that coming ſuddenly upon Theutomatrus King of the Mitobrigians,
as he was repoſing himſelf in his Tent about noon, he very narrowly eſcaped
being taken ; for he was obliged to fly away half naked, and had his Horſe
wounded under him, |
XLIV: GA SAR having ſucceeded as far as his deſign required, ordered
a Retreat to be ſounded; and the tenth Legion, which fought near his perſon,
obeyed. The other Legions, -not hearing the Signal, becauſe ſeparated from
the General by a large Valley, were yet commanded to halt by the Lieuteriants
and military Tribunes, according to the Inſtructions given by Cz/ar in the be-
ginning. But elated with the hopes of a ſpeedy Victory, the flight of the
Enemy, and the remembrance of former Succeſſes, they thought nothin
impracticable to their Valor, nor deſiſted from the Purſuit, till they had
reached the very Walls and Gates of the Town. Upon this à great Cry
ariſing from all Parts, thoſe that were fartheſt from the Place of Aſſault, ter-
rified by the Noiſe and Tumult, and imagining the Enemy already within the
Gates, quitted the Town with Precipitation. The Women throwing their
Money and Cloaths from the Walls, with naked Breaſts, and extended Arms,
conjured the Romans to ſpare their Lives, and not, as at Avaricum, ſacrifice
all to their Reſentment, without diſtinction of Age or Sex. Some being let
down by their Hands from the Wall, delivered themſelves up to our Soldiers.
L. Fabius, a Centurion of the eighth Legion, was that Day heard to ſay;
that he had not yet forgot the Plunder of Avaricum, and was reſolved no
Man ſhould enter the Place before him. Accordingly, having with the AC-
ſiſtance of three of his Company got upon the Town-Wall, he helped them
one after another to do the like.
XLV. MEAN-WHILE the Troops, who, as we have related above, were
gone to defend the Poſt on the other fide of the Town; incited by the Cries
of the Combatants, and the continual Accounts brought that the Enemy had
entered the Place; ſending all the Cavalry before to ſtop the Progreſs of the
Romans, advanced in mighty Crowds to the Attack. In proportion as they
arrived, they drew up under the Wall, and augmented the number of thoſe
who fought on their fide. As they ſoon became formidable by their multi-
tude ; the Women, who a little before had implored the Compaſſion of the
Romans, now began to encourage their own Troops, ſhewing their diſhevelled
Hair, and producing their Children, according to the cuſtom of the Gauls.
The Conteſt was by no means equal, either in reſpe& of Number, or of the
Ground; and the Romans already fatigued with the march and length of
the
OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vii.
the Combat, were little able to ſuſtain the attack of freſh and vigorous
Troops.
XLVI. CASA R obſerving the diſadvantage of the Ground, and the
continual increaſe of the Enemy's Troops, began to be apprehenſive about
the Event; and ſending to . Sextius his Lieutenant, whom he had left to guard
the leſſer Camp, ordered him to bring forth the Cohorts with all expedition,
and poſt them at the foot of the Hill upon the Enemy's right ; that if
our Men ſhould give way, he might deter the Gauls from purſuing them.
He himſelf advancing a little with the tenth Legion, waited the iſſue of
the Combat. |
XLVII. W HILE the Conflict was maintained with the utmoſt Vigour
on both ſides; the Enemy truſting to their Poſt and Numbers, the Romans
to their Courage; ſuddenly the Æduant, whom Cæſar had ſent by another
Aſcent on the right, to make a Diverſion, appeared on the flank of our Men.
As they were armed after the manner of the Gauli, this ſight greatly terrified
the Romans; and tho they extended their right Arms in token of Peace, yet
ſtill our Men fancied it a Stratagem to deceive them. At the ſame time
L. Fabius the Centurion, and thoſe who had got upon the Wall with him,
being ſurrounded and ſlain, were thrown down by the Enemy from the Battle-
ments. M. Petreius, a Centurion of the ſame Legion, who had endeavoured
to force the Gates; finding himſelf overpower'd by the Enemy, and deſpairing
of Safety, becauſe he was already covered with Wounds, turning to his Sol-
diers that had followed him, ſaid: © As I find it impoſſible to preſerve both
« myſelf and you, I will at leaſt do my beſt to further your Eſcape, whom I
ce have brought into this Danger thro too eager a deſire of Glory. Take ad-
« vantage therefore of the preſent Opportunity.” Then throwing himſelf
upon the Enemy, he killed two, drove the reſt from the Gate, and ſeeing his
Men run to his Aſſiſtance: „In vain, ſays he, do you endeavour to preſerve
_« my Life. My Blood and Strength forſake me. Go therefore, while you
« may, and rejoin your Legion.” Continuing ſtill to fight, he expired ſoon
after, preſerving his Followers with the loſs of his own Life.
XLVIII. OUR Men thus preſſed on all ſides, were at length driven from
the Place, with the loſs of forty- ſix Centurions : but the tenth Legion, which
had been poſted a little more advantageouſly to cover their Retreat, checked the
impetuous Purſuit of the Gault; being ſuſtained by the Cohorts of the thir-
teenth Legion, who had quitted the leſſer Camp under Sextius, and poſſeſſed
themſelves of an Eminence. The Legions having gained the Plain, immedi-
ately halted, and faced about towards the Enemy: but Vercingetorix drawing
off his Troops from the foot of the Hill, retired within his Intrenchments.
The Romans loſt that Day about ſeven hundred Men.
XLIX. CASAR aſſembling the Army next Day, ſeverely blamed the
Temerity and Avarice of the Soldiers: That they had taken upon themſelves
ce to judge how far they were to proceed, and what they were to undertake ;
ce regarding neither the Signal to retreat, nor the Orders of their Officers.
« He explained the diſadvantage of the Ground, and reminded them of his
« own Conduct at the Siege of Avaricum, when having ſurpriſed the Enemy
« without a General, and without Cavalry, he had rather choſen to give up a
« certain Victory, than by attacking them in a difficult Poſt, hazard an in-
| L 1 « conſiderable
130
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— D rhenpe———
I” — — UU— —— —— —
CASA R's COMMENTARIES
c conſiderable Loſs: That as much as he admired the aſtoniſhing Courage of
« Men, whom neither the Intrenchments of ſeveral Camps, nor the height of
« the Mountain, nor the Walls of the Town could check; ſo much did he
« blame the Licentiouſneſs and Arrogance of Soldiers, who thought they
« knew more than their General, and could ſee better than him the way to
*
Conqueſt: That he looked upon Obedience and Moderation in the purſuit
« of Booty, as Virtues no leſs effential to a good Soldier, than Valour and
% Magnanimity. 3 |
L. HAVING made this Speech, and in the end exhorted his Soldiers,
not to be diſcouraged by their late Misfortune, nor aſcribe that to the Bravery
of the Enemy, which was entirely owing to the diſadvantage of the Ground :
as he ſtill perſiſted in his Deſign of retiring, he drew out his Legions, and
formed them in order of Battle upon the Plain. But Vercingetorix not think-
ing proper to deſcend ; after a ſmall and ſucceſsful Skirmiſh between the Cavalry,
Cz/ar returned again to his Camp. The like he did the following Day: when
thinking he had done enough to confirm the Courage of his own Men, and
abate the Pride of the Gawls, he decamped towards the Territories of the
Aduans. As the Enemy made no Attempt to purſue him, he arrived the
third Day on the Banks of the Allier, and having repaired the Bridge, paſſed
over with his whole Army.
LI. HERE he was informed by Eporedorix and Virdumarus, that Lita-
vicus was gone with all the Cavalry to ſolicit the Mdwans; and it would be
therefore neceſſary for themſelves to ſet out, in order to prevent his Deſigns,
and confirm the State in their Attachment to the Romans. Tho' Cz/ar was by
this time abundantly convinced of the Perfidy of the Æduant, and plainly
foreſaw, that their departure would only haften the Revolt; he yet did not
think proper to detain them, that he might give no ground of Offence, nor
betray any Suſpicion of Diftruſt. At parting, he briefly enumerated the Ser-
vices he had done the Aduans: © How low and depreſſed he had found
« them, ſhut up in their Towns, deprived of their Lands, without Troops,
« Tributaries to their Enemies, and obliged to ſubmit to the ignominious de-
« mand of Hoſtages: To what Power and Greatneſs they were now raiſed b
« his Favour, ſo as not only to have recovered their former Conſideration in
« Gaul, but even to exceed in Dignity and Luſtre all that appeared moft
« flouriſhing in the ancient Annals of their State.” With this Charge he diſ-
miſſed them.
LI. YVOVIODUNU M was a Town belonging to the Aduans, advan-
tageouſly ſituated upon the Banks of the Loire. Here Cz/ar had lodged all
the Hoſtages of Gaul, his Proviſions, his military Cheſt, and great part of his
own and his Army's Baggage. Hither alſo he had ſent many Horſes, bought
up in 1taly and Spain for the ſervice of the War. When Eporedorix and Vir-
dumarus arrived at this Place, and were informed of the diſpoſition of the
State: „ That Litavicus had been received with great marks of Favour at
« BibraFe, the capital City of the Province: That Convictolitanis the chief
« Magiſtrate, and almoſt all the Senate, were gone thither to meet him :
« That Ambaſſadors had been publickly ſent to Vercingetorix, to conclude a
« Treaty of Peace and Alliance: They thought the preſent favourable Oppor-
tunity was by no means to be negleted. Having therefore put the Garriſon
of Moviodunum, with all the Romans found in the Place to the Sword; they
divided
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OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book vit.
divided the Money and Horſes between them, ordered the Hoſtages to be con-
ducted to Bibracte; and not thinking themſelves ſtrong enough to defend the
Town, ſet it on fire, that it might not be of any ſervice to the Romans.
All the Corn they could in fo ſhort a time, they carried away in Barks ;
and burnt the reſt, or threw it into the River. Then drawing together the
Forces of the neighbouring Parts, they lined the Banks of the Loire with
Troops; and to ſtrike the greater Terror, began to ſcour the Country with their
Cavalry; hoping to cut off Cæſar's Convoys, and oblige him, thro' want of
Proviſions, to return into the Roman Province. This appeared the eaſier, as
the Loire was conſiderably ſwelled by the melting of the Snow, and gave
little room to think that it could be any where forded.
LIII. UP ON advice of theſe Proceedings, Cz/ar thought it neceſſary to
uſe diſpatch ; and if he muſt build a Bridge, endeavour to come to an Action
with the Enemy, before they had drawn more Forces together. For he did
not even then think it neceſſary to return to the Roman Province; not only as
the Retreat itſelf would be inglorious, and the Mountains of the Sewernes,
and the badneſs of the Ways, were almoſt inſuperable Obſtacles ; but chiefly,
becauſe he was extremely deſirous to rejoin Labienus, and the Legions under
his Command. Wherefore marching Day and Night with the utmoſt Dili-
gence, contrary to all Mens Expectation he arrived upon the Banks of the
Loire; and his Cavalry very opportunely finding a Ford, which however took
the Soldiers up to the Shoulders, he placed the Horſe higher up to break the
force of the Stream, and carried over his Army without loſs; the Enem
being ſo terrified by his Boldneſs, that they forſook the Banks. As he
found a great deal of Corn and Cattle in the Fields, the Army was
plentifully ſupplied, and he directed his march towards the Country of
the Senones.
LIV. WHILST Cz/ar was thus employed, Labienus leaving the Levies
which had lately arrived from Italy, at Agendicum, to guard the Baggage;
marched with four Legions to Lutetia, a City of the Pariſians, fituated in an
Iſland of the Seine. Upon notice of his Approach, the Enemy drew a great
Army together from the neighbouring States. The chief Command was given
to Camulogenus an Aulercian, who tho in a very advanced Age, was yet urged
to accept of that Honour, on account of his ſingular Knowledge in the Art of
War. This General obſerving there was a large Moraſs, whoſe Waters ran
into the Seine, and obſtructed all the Paſſages round about, encamped there,
to hinder the Romans from paſling the River. Labienus at firſt endeavoured
to force a Paſſage, filling up the Moraſs with Hurdles and Mold, to give firm
footing to the Army. But finding the Attempt too. dithcult, he privately
quitted his Camp about midnight, and returned towards Melodunum. This
City belongs to the Senones, and is alfo ſituated in an Iſland of the Seine, as
we before ſaid of Lutetia. He found there about fifty Boats, which he ſpeedily
drew together, and manned them with his Soldiers. The Inhabitants terri-
rified at this new, manner of Attack, and being too few to defend the Place,
becauſe the greater part of them had joined the Army of Camulogenus, yielded
upon the firſt Summons. Having repaired the Bridge, which the Ene-
my had cut down ſome Days before, he croſſed the Seine there; and
following the courſe of the River, marched back towards Lutetia. The
Enemy having Intelligence of this by thoſe who eſcaped from Melodu-
num, ſet fire to Lutetia, broke down its Bridges, and covering themſelves
with
131
132
CASA R's COMMENTARIES
with the Moraſs, encamped on the oppoſite Bank of the Seine, over-againſt
Labienus. :
LV. IT was now known that Cz/ar had departed from Gergovia. The
Revolt of the Aduans, and the univerſal Inſurrection of Gaul, were every
where ſpread abroad by the Voice of Fame. The Gauls on all Occaſions gave
out, that Czſer finding his march obſtructed by the Loire, and being reduced
to great ſtraits for want of Corn, had been forced to take the Rout of the
Roman Province. At the ſame time the Bellovaci, naturally prone to throw
off the Yoke, upon hearing of the Defection of the Æduans, began to raiſe.
Forces, and openly prepare for War. Labienus perceiving ſo great a Change
in the Poſture of Affairs, ſoon ſaw the neceſſity of purſuing other Meaſures ;
and that it was not now his buſineſs to make Conqueſts, or give the Enemy
Battle, but to ſecure his Retreat to Agendicum. On the one fide he was
preſſed by the Bellovaci, reputed the moſt warlike People of all Gaul; on the
other by Camulogenus, with a numerous and well-appointed Army. Add to
all this, that the Baggage of the Troops, and the Detachment appointed to
guard it, were ſeparated from the Legions by a great River. So many Diffi-
culties ſurrounding him at once, he ſaw no way to extricate himſelf but by
his Valour and Preſence of Mind.
LVI ACCORDINGLY in the Evening he called a Council of War; and
having exhorted the Officers to execute his Orders with vigour and diſpatch,
diſtributed the fifty Boats he had brought from Melodunum to as many Roman
Knights, commanding them to fall down the River about nine at Night with-
out noiſe, four Miles below Lutetia, and there wait his coming. Five Co-
horts, ſuch as appeared leaſt fit for ſervice, were left to guard the Camp. The -
other five of the ſame Legion, with all the Baggage, had Orders to march up
the River at midnight, with much tumult and buſtle, which was farther
increaſed by means of ſome ſmall Barks ſent the ſame way, that made a
mighty noiſe with their Oars. He himſelf ſetting out ſoon after with three
Legions, advanced filently to the Boats that waited for him. There he fur-
priſed the Enemy's Scouts, who were ſtationed along the River, and had been
prevented by a ſudden Storm from diſcerning his Approach. The whole
Army was quickly carried over, by the care and diligence of the Roman
Knights, to whom that Affair had been given in charge. Almoſt at the ſame
inſtant the Enemy had notice, that an unuſual Tumult was heard in the Roman
Camp; that a ſtrong Detachment had marched up the River, on which fide
likewiſe a great noiſe of Oars was heard; and that a little below they were
pailing the River in Boats. This Intelligence made the Gault conclude, that
the Legions, alarmed at the Revolt of the Aduans, were endeavouring to croſs
the Seine in three different Places; for which Reaſon they likewiſe divided
their Army into three Bodies. For leaving one Party to guard the Paſſage
over- againſt our Camp, and detaching another towards Merioſedum, with or-
ders to advance to the Place where the Boats had ſtopped, they marched with
the reſt of their Forces againſt Labienus. By day-break our Troops had
paſſed the River, and the Enemy's Army appeared in view. Labienus ex-
horting his Men to remember their wonted Bravery, the many Victories they
had gained, and even to fancy themſelves in the immediate Preſence of Cz/ar,
under whoſe Conduct they had ſo often been ſucceſsful, gave the Signal of
Battle. At the very firſt Charge, the ſeventh Legion, which formed the right
Wing of the Roman Army, broke the Enemy's left, and put it to rout. But
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the right Wing of the Gault, which was engaged with the twelfth Legion,
and where Camulogenus was preſent in Perſon to encourage his Men; though
the firſt Ranks were deſtroyed by the Roman Javelins, ſtill maintained its
Ground with the utmoſt Bravery, and ſeemed determined to conquer. The
Diſpute was long and dubious; when the Tribunes of the ſeventh Legion
having notice how matters went, faced about, and attacked the Enemy's
Rear. Even then not a Man offer'd to fly; but at laſt, being ſurrounded on
all ſides, they were cut to pieces with their General. The Party left behind
to watch our Camp, hearing the Noiſe of the Battle, flew to the Aſſiſtance of
their Countrymen, and poſted themſelves on a Hill: but not being able to
ſuſtain the Aſſault of the victorious Romans, they ſoon mingled with the reſt
of the. Fugitives, and were cut to pieces by the Cavalry, thoſe only excepted
who ſheltered themſelves in the Woods and Mountains. After this Victory,
Labienus retreated to Agendicum, where he had left the Baggage of the whole
Army; and from thence, with all his Forces, went and joined Cæſar.
LVII. THE Revolt of the ÆAduans gave new ſtrength to the Confede-
racy. Deputies were immediately diſpatched into all Parts. Intereſt, Money,
and Authority were employed in their turns, to procure the concurrence of
the States that ſtill continued quiet. The Hoſtages ſeized at Moviodunum,
enabled the Aduans to compel ſuch as were refractory. They ſent to require
of Vercingetorix, that he would come and concert with them meaſures for
carrying on the War; and in particular inſiſted on being at the head of the
League, But this Demand meeting with oppoſition, a general Aſſembly of
Gaul was held at Bibracte, whither the Deputies of all the confederated Na-
tions repaired, and after taking the Affair into Conſideration, confirmed Ver-
cingetorix in the Title of Generaliſſimo. The Rhemi, Lingones, and Treviri
were not preſent at this Aſſembly: the two firſt, becauſe they had reſolved to
continue faithful to the Romans; and the Treviri, on account of their great
diſtance, and the Employment found them by the Germans; which was the
Reaſon that they took no part at all in this War, nor lent their Aſſiſtance to
either fide. The Aduans were greatly mortified at ſeeing themſelves excluded
from the chief Command: they complained of this change in their Fartune,
and began to regret the Loſs of Cz/ar's Favour. But as they were already too
far engaged in the Revolt, they durſt not think of detaching themſelves from
the Confederacy. It was not however without Reluctance, that Eporedorix
and Yirdumarus, two young Noblemen of the greateſt hopes, conſented to
take Orders from Vercingetorix.
LVIH. AS he was now inveſted with the ſupreme Command, he enjoined
the ſeveral States to ſend Hoſtages, appointed a Day for that purpoſe, and
ordered all the Cavalry, to the number of fifteen Thouſand, to aſſemble with
the utmoſt Expedition. He faid, “he was ſufficiently provided with Infantry,
« as he had no mind to refer the Deciſion of the War to Fortune, or hazard
« an uncertain Engagement; but abounding in Horſe, judged it the eaſier
« and ſafer way, to intercept the Roman Convoys and Foragers: that in the
te mean-time they muſt reſolve to deſtroy their Corn, ſet fire to their Houſes,
« and patiently ſubmit to a preſent and private Loſs, which was to be re-
« warded with Liberty and perpetual Empire.” Having thus ſettled the Plan
of the War, he commanded the Aduans and Seguſians, who border upon the
Roman Province, to raiſe ten thouſand Foot: to theſe he joined eight hundred
Horſe, and put them under the Conduct of Eporedorix's Brother, with Orders
| M m to
I33
134
CAS AR's COMMENTARIES
to attack the Allobrogians. At the fame time he commiſſioned the Gabali,
and the neareſt Cantons of Auvergne, to make an Irruption into the Terri-
tories of the Helvians: and the Rutheni and Cadurci, into thoſe of the Yolce
Arecomici. He neglected not however, by Meſſengers and private Emiſſaries,
to ſound the Diſpoſition of the Allobrogians, whole Minds he hoped were not
yet thoroughly reconciled to the Roman Yoke; endeavouring to gain the
leading Men by Preſents, and the State by an Offer of the Sovereignty of the
Roman Province. |
LIX. TO oppoſe all theſe Attacks, two and twenty Cohorts wete drawn
together, which L. Cæſar, Lieutenant-General, levied in the Province; and with
them prepared to make head on all ſides. The Helvians venturing to come
to an Engagement with the Enemy, were defeated, and forced to ſhelter them-
ſelves in their walled Towns, after having loſt C. Valerius Donaturus, the
Son of Caburus, a Man of principal Rank in their State, with ſeveral other
Perſons of Diſtinction. The Allobrogians placing Detachments at proper
Diſtances along the Banks of the Rhone, guarded all the Acceſſes to their
Country 'with great diligence and care. Cæſar, as he found the Enemy ſu-
perior in Cavalry, and that his Communication with 1zaly and the Province
was cut off, ſo as to deprive him of all hopes of Succour from that Quarter,
had recourſe to the German Nations beyond the Rhine, which he had ſubdued
in the preceding Campaigns, and obtained from them a Supply of Horſe, with
ſome light- armed Foot accuſtomed to fight amongſt them. Upon their Ar-
rival, perceiving they were but indifferently mounted, he took the Horſes
from the military Tribunes, Centurions, Roman Knights, and Volunteers, and
diſtributed them among the Germans.
LX. WHILST theſe things paſſed, the Enemy's Forces from Auvergne,
and the Cavalry of all the confederate States of Gaul, met at the general
Rendezvous, and formed a very numerous Army. Cæſar marching through
the Frontiers of the Lingones, into the Country of the Sequani, to be the
nearer at hand to ſuccour the Roman Province; Vercingetorix lodged himſelf
at about ten Miles diſtance, in three ſeveral Camps; and having aſſembled
the Officers of the Cavalry, told them, « That the Seaſon of Victory was at
&« length arrived, when they ſaw the Romans obliged to abandon Gaul, and
« ſeek a Retreat in the Province: that this indeed ſerved to ſecure Liberty for
« the preſent, but was inſufficient to future Eaſe and Tranquillity, as they
« would doubtleſs return with greater Forces than before, and perſiſt in the
« Defign of making War. It was therefore beſt to attack them now, while
« they marched incumbered with their Baggage. If the Infantry faced
« about, in order to aſſiſt the Horſe, they would thereby be unable to ad-
« yance; but if, as was more likely, they abandoned the Baggage, to provide
« for their own Safety, they would be deprived of every Convenience, and
« return covered with Ignominy and Reproach: for as to the Enemy's Cavalry,
s jt was not once to be imagined, that any of them would ſo much as ſtir
« from the Body of the Army. That to encourage them the more, and ftrike
« the greater Terror into the Enemy, he was reſolved to have the whole
« Army under Arms before the Camp.” Theſe Words were followed by the
Acclamations of all the Cavalry, who propoſed taking an Oath never to return
to their Homes, nor reviſit their Parents, Wives, and Children, if they did
not twice pierce through the Roman Army from one end to the other.
LXI.
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OF HIS WARS IN GAU L. Book vn.
LXI. T HE Propoſal being approved, and the Oath adminiſter'd to all;
Vercingetorix next Day divided his Cavalry into three Bodies, two of which
appeared upon the Flanks of the Roman Army, while the third began to charge
and harraſs it in front. Notice of this being given to Cz/ar, he alſo formed
his Horſe in three Diviſions, ordering them to advance againſt the Enemy.
They made head on all ſides at once, the Infantry mean- while continuing
quietly under Arms, with the Baggage placed in the center. Wherever the
Romans gave way, or appeared hard preſſed by the Enemy, thither Cz/ar ſent
Detachments from the Legions ; which both checked the Progreſs of the Gauls,
and confirmed the Courage of our Men, as they thus ſaw themſelves ſure of
being ſupported. At laſt the Germans on the right, having ſeized an Emi-
nence, drove the Enemy before them, and purſued them with great Slaughter
as far as the River, where Vercingetorix was poſted with the Infantry. The reſt
of the Gauls perceiving the defeat of their Countrymen, and apprehenſive of
being ſurrounded, betook themſelves likewiſe to flight. A dreadful Slaughter
enſued on all ſides.
brought Priſoners to Cæſar; Cotus, General of the Cavalry, who the Year be-
fore had been competitor with Convifolitanis for the ſupreme Magiſtracy; Ca-
varillus, who after Litavicus's Revolt, had been appointed to command the
Infantry; and Eporedorix, who was Generaliſſimo of the Æduan Troops in the
War againſt the Sequani, before Cæſar's arrival in Gaul. |
LXII. YVERCINGETORIY, upon this total Rout of the Gauliſb Ca-
valry, drew oft his Troops, whom he had formed in order of Battle before
the Camp, and immediately retreated towards Alefia, a Town belonging to
the Mandubii; ordering the Baggage to follow him with all Expedition.
Cæſar leaving his on a neighbouring Hill, under a Guard of two Legions,
purſued the Enemy as far as Day would permit, cut three thouſand of their
Rear to pieces, and arrived on the morrow before AMeſia. After examining
the ſituation of the Town; as he ſaw the Enemy much daunted by the defeat
of their Cavalry, which was the part of their Strength in which they chiefly
confided, he exhorted his Soldiers not to be diſcouraged at the Labor they
muſt undergo, and reſolved to inveſt the Place.
LXIII. THE City of Alefa was ſituated on the top of a very high Hill,
ſo as not to be taken without a formal Siege.
The bottom of the Hill was
waſhed on the two fides by two Rivers. Before the Town was a Plain,
extending about three Miles in length; but every where elſe, a ridge of Hills,
whoſe Summits were nearly upon a level, ran round the Place at a moderate
diſtance, Under the Walls, on the fide facing the Eaſt, lay all the Forces of
the Gauls encamped ; who filled that whole Space, and were defended by a
Ditch, and a Rampart fix Foot high. The Line of Contravallation begun by
the Romans, took in a Circuit of eleven Miles. The Camp was conveniently
ſituated, and ſtrengthened with three and twenty Redoubts, in which Senti-
| nels were placed by day, to give notice of any ſudden Irruption, and a ſtrong
Guard, by night, to defend them in caſe of Aſſault.
LXIV. WHILST the Romans were employed in theſe Works, Vercingeto-
rix ventured on another Engagement of the Horſe, in the Plain between the
Hills, which, we have ſaid, extended about three Miles in length. The Con-
teſt was ſharply maintained on both ſides; but our Men at length beginning
to give ground, Cz/ar detached the Germans to their Aſſiſtance, and drew
_ , mp
Three Aauan Noblemen of the firſt Diſtinction were
135
136
CAS AR's COMMENTARIES
up the Legions in order of Battle before the Camp, that he might be ready to
oppoſe any ſudden Irruption of the Enemy's Infantry. The ſight of the Le-
gions revived the Courage of our Men: the Enemy were put to flight; and
crowding upon one another in their Retreat, ſo obſtructed the Gates of the
Camp, that it became in a manner impoſſible to enter. The Germans purſued
them to their Intrenchments, where a very great Slaughter enſued. Some quitting
their Horſes, endeavoured to paſs the Ditch, and get over the Ranger Cze/ar
rceiving their Diſorder, ordered the Legions, whom he had drawn out before
the Camp, to advance a little. This Motion no leſs alarmed the Gauls within the
Rampart; who believing the whole Body of the Roman Army was coming to
attack them, ſounded to Arms. Some in their fright fled into the Town ; upon
which Vercingetorix, fearing the Camp would be abandoned, ordered the Gates
to be ſhut. At length the Germans, having lain great numbers of the Enemy,
and taken a multitude of Horſes, returned from the Purſuit.
LXV. FERCINGETORIY, before our Line was compleated, reſolved
to diſmiſs his Cavalry by night. At parting he enjoined them, © to repair
« ſeverally to their reſpective States, and aſſemble all the Men capable of bear-
« ing Arms. He ſet forth the many Services he had done them, and con-
« jured them not to neglect his Safety, or abandon to the Cruelty of the Ene-
« my, one who had deſerved ſo well of the common Liberty. He told
ce them, that if they were remiſs in the execution of his Orders, no leſs than
« eighty thouſand choſen Men muſt periſh with him: That by computation,
- & he had ſcarce Corn for thirty Days: and that even with the utmoſt Oeco-
« nomy it could be made to hold out but a very little longer.” After giving
theſe Inſtructions, he diſmiſſed them quietly about nine at night, on the fide
where the Roman Line was not yet finiſhed. He then ordered the People of -
the Town to bring in all their Corn, threatning them with death in caſe of
Diſobedience. As there was a great number of Cattle in the Place, which
had been driven thither by the Mandubians, he diſtributed them to the Sol-
diers man by man, reſolving to deliver out the Corn ſparingly and by meaſure.
At the ſame time he made all his Forces enter the Town ; and having thus
ſettled the, plan of his Defence, waited for the expected Succours.
LXVI CASAR having notice. of theſe things from the Priſoners and
Deſerters, conſtructed his Lines in the following manner. He made a Ditch
twenty Foot wide, with perpendicular Sides, giving it the fame breadth at
bottom as at top. All the other Works were four hundred Foot further off
the Town than this Ditch. As his Lines included fo great a Space, and there-
fore could not be alike guarded in all Parts, he judged this Precaution neceſ-
fary, to ſecure them againſt ſudden Sallies by night, and ſcreen the Workmen
from the Enemy's Darts by day. Obſerving this diſtance, he made two other
Ditches, fifteen Foot broad, and as many deep ; and filled the innermoſt,
which lay in a low and level Ground, with Water from the River. Behind
theſe was a Rampart of twelve Foot high, ſtrengthened with a Parapet and
Battlements : and to prevent the Enemy from getting over, a Fraiſe ran along
the foot of the Parapet, made of large Stakes, with their Branches cut in
points, and burnt at the end like a Stag's Horns. The whole Work was flanked
with Redoubts, eighty Foot diſtant one from another.
LXVII. BUT as the Soldiers were employed at the ſame time to fetch
Wood and Proviſions, and to work at the Fortifications ; which conſiderably
| leflened
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vit. 145
leſſened the number of Troops left to defend the Camp, many of them being
at a diſtance on theſe Services: and as the Gault, beſides, often ſallied at
. ſeveral Gates, with deſign to interrupt the Works: for all theſe Reaſons, Cz/ar
judged it — gy" make ſome addition to his Lines, that they might not
require ſo many Men to guard them. He therefore took Trees of no great
height, or large Branches, which he cauſed to be made ſharp at the ends;
and runninga Trench of five Feet deep before the Lines, he ordered them to be
put into it, and made faſt at bottom, fo that they could not be pulled up. This
Trench was again filled up in ſuch a manner, that nothing but the Branches
of the Head appeared, of which the Points muſt have run. into thoſe who
ſhould have endeavoured to paſs them. As there were five rows of them, in-
terwoven in a manner with each other, they were unavoidable. The Soldiers
called them Cippi. In the front of theſe he cauſed Pits of three Feet deep to
be dug in form -of the Quincunx, and ſomething narrower at bottom than
at top. In theſe Pits he fixed ſtrong Stakes, about the thickneſs of a Man's
Thigh, burnt and ſharpened at the top, which roſe only four Inches above the
level of the Ground, into which they were planted three Feet deeper than the
Pits, for the ſake of firmneſs. The Pits were covered over with Buſhes to de-
ceive the Enemy. There were eight rows of them at the diſtance of three
Feet from each other. They were called Lilies, from the reſemblance they
| bore to that Flower. In the front of all, he ſowed the whole Space between
the Pits and the advanced Ditch with Crows-Feet of an extraordinary ſize,
- which the Soldiers called Spurs.
LXVIII. THESE Works compleated, he drew another Line of fourteen
Miles in compaſs, conſtructed in the ſame manner as the former, and-carried
thro' the moſt even Places he could find, to ſerve as a Barrier againſt the Enemy
without; that if the Gaz/s ſhould attack the Camp in his Abſence, , they might
not be able to ſurround it with the multitude of their Troops, or charge with
equal Vigor in all Parts. At the ſame time, to prevent the Danger his Men
might be expoſed to, by being ſent in queſt of Proviſions and Forage, he took
care to lay in a ſufficient ſtock of both for thirty Days.
LXIX. WHILST theſe things paſſed before Aleſia, a general Council
being held of the principal Noblemen of Gaul, it was not thought proper to
aſſemble all that were able to bear Arms, as Yercingetorix deſired, but to order
each Nation to furniſh a Contingent ; leſt the Confuſion inſeparable from fo
great a multitude, ſhould bring on a ſcarcity of Proviſions, or render the ob-
ſervance of military Diſcipline impracticable. The Aduans, with their Vaſſals =
the Segu/frans, Ambivareti, Aulerci Brannovices, and Brannovii, were rated =
at thirty-five thouſand. A like number was demanded. from the Averni, in
conjunction with their Dependents the Cadurci, Gabali, and Velauni. The
Senones, Sequani, and Biturigians, Xantones, Rutheni, and Carnutes, were or-
dered each to furniſh twelve thouſand : the Bellovaci, ten thouſand : the Le-
movices, the ſame number: the Pickones, Turoni, Parifians, and Sueſſiones, 1
each eight thouſand: the Ambiani, Mediomatrici, Petrocorians, Merians,
Morini, Witiobrigians, and Aulerci Cenomani, each five thouſand : the Atre-
batians, four thouſand : the Bellocaſians, Lexovians, and Aulerci Eburovices,
each three thouſand : the Rauraci and Boii, thirty thouſand : the maritime
and Armorican States, of which number are the Curioſolites, Rhedones, Caletes,
Ofſmians, Lemovices, Venetians, and Unellians, each {1x thouſand. The Bel-
lovaci alone refuſed to furniſh the Troops required, pretending it was their
N n | Deſign
— — -
r= oy og er Cones en
ä — TAO — — —
v Wong ——
ang —_— =. > i. a.
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
Deſign to wage an independent War with the Romans, without being ſubject
to the control of any one: However, at the requeſt of Comius, for whom they
had a great Reſpect, they ſent a Body of two thouſand Men.
LXX. THIS Comius, as we have related above, had been ſingularly faith-
ful and ſerviceable to Cz/ar in his Britannic Expedition; in confideration of
which, his State had been exempted from all Tribute, reſtored to the full en-
joyment of its Laws and Privileges, and even enlarged, by having the Coun-
try of the Morini added to its Territories. But ſuch was the preſent Unanimity
of the Gazuls, in the Deſign of vindicating their Liberty, and recovering their
wonted Reputation in War, that neither Benefits received, nor the ſtricteſt Ties
of Friendſhip, could make any Impreſſion upon their Minds; but all with
one Conſent flew to Arms, and contributed largely to the ſupport of the War.
The Country of the AQduans was the general Rendezvous of the Army, which
amounted to eight thouſand Horſe, and two hundred and forty thouſand Foot.
Four Commanders in chief were appointed; Comius of Arras, Virdumarus
and Eporedorix the Mduans, and Yergafillaunus of Auvergne, Couſin- german
to Vercingetorix. To theſe were added a ſelect number of Officers, choſen
from among the ſeveral States, to ſerve by way of a Council of War. The
whole Army advanced towards Aleſia, full of Courage and Confidence, and
fatisfied that the Romans would not ſuſtain the very fight of fo prodigious a
Multitude ; eſpecially in an Encounter attended with ſo much hazard, where
they muſt be expoſed to a vigorous Sally from the Town, at the ſame time that
they ſaw themſelves ſurrounded with ſuch Numbers of Horſe and Foot.
LXXI. MEAN-TIME the Troops ſhut up in Aleſia, having con-
ſumed all their Proviſions, finding the Day appointed for the arrival of
Succours expired, and knowing nothing of what was tranſacted among
the Aduans, ſummoned a Council of War, to debate upon what was
requiſite in the preſent Exigence. Various Opinions were propoſed: ſome
adviſed a Surrender: others were for ſallying while yet their Strength
would permit: amongſt the reſt Critagnatus, a Man of the firſt Rank
and Authority in Auvergne, addreſſed the Aſſembly in a Speech, which for
its ſingular and deteſtable Inhumanity, deſerves a particular mention in this
place. © I ſhall not, ſays he, take notice of the Opinion of thoſe, who en-
« deavour to ſhelter an ignominious Servitude, ynder the plauſible Name of a
« Surrender; ſuch ſhould neither be reckoned Gawnls, nor ſuffered to come to
« this Council. Let me rather apply myſelf to them who propoſe a general
« Sally: for here, as all of you ſeem to think, we meet with ſomething wor-
&« thy of our ancient Virtue. And yet I am not afraid to ſay, that it is at the
« bottom Weakneſs, and not Courage, that inſpires ſuch Thoughts, and ren-
« ders us unable to ſupport Want a few Days.
« will voluntarily ruſh on Death, than fuch as can patiently endure Pain.
« I ſhould. not however be againſt this Propoſal, which I confeſs has ſomething
« generous in it, if only our own Lives were at ſtake. But in this Delibera-
« tion, we muſt keep all Gaul in view, whom we have called to our Aſſiſ-
« tance. How would it diſpirit our Relations and Friends, to ſee eighty thouſand
« of their Countrymen ſlaughtered in one Place, and be obliged to fight in
« the midſt of their dead Bodies! Deprive not then of your Aſſiſtance thoſe,
« who, to fave you, have expoſed themſelves to the greateſt Dangers; nor
« thro' an inconſiderable Temerity, and - miſtaken Valor, deſtroy at once all
« the Expectations of Gaul, and plunge her into perpetual Servitude. If the
« expected
#
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OF HIS WARS INGAUL. Book vn.
expected Succours are not arrived exactly at the appointed time, ought you
therefore to ſuſpect the Fidelity and Conſtancy of your Countrymen ? And
can you think that it is for Amuſement only, that the Romans labor on thoſe
Lines towards the Country? Tho you hear not from your Friends, becauſe
all Communication 1s hindered ; yet you may learn the approach of the
Succours from your Enemies themſelves ; who, thro' fear of them, work Da
and Night without ceaſing on thoſe Fortifications. What then ſhould I
propoſe ? What but to do as our Anceſtors did in the War with the Ze
zones and Cimbri, much leſs intereſting than that we are now engaged in.
Compelled to {hut themſelves up in their Towns, and reduced to. a Diſtreſs
equal to that we now experience, rather than ſurrender to their Enemies,
they choſe to ſacrifice to their Subſiſtence the Bodies of thoſe whom Age
« incapacitated for War. Had we no ſuch Precedent to follow, yet ſtill I
« ſhould eſteem it glorious, in ſo noble a Cauſe as that of Liberty, to inſtitute
and give one to Poſterity. For where had we ever a War upon our Hands
like that we are now engaged in? The Cimbri, after laying waſte Gaul,
and ſpreading Deſolation thro' the whole Country, withdrew however their
Forces at length, and repaired to other Regions, leaving us the full enjoyment of
our Laws, Cuſtoms, Lands, and Liberties. But the Romans inſtigated by En-
vy, and jealous of a People ſo renowned and powerful in War, aim and intend
nothing leſs than to eſtabliſh themſelves in our Cities and Territories, and re-
duce us to perpetual Servitude. This has ever been the Object of all their
« Wars. If you are unacquainted with what paſſes in diſtant Countries, caſt
« your Eyes upon the adjoining Gau/, which reduced into the form of a Pro-
vince, ſtript of its Laws and Privileges, and ſubjected to the arbitrary Sway of
the Conqueror, groans under an endleſs Yoke of Slavery.” When all had de-
livered their Opinions, a Reſolution was taken, that fuch as by Age or Sickneſs
were unfit for War, ſhould be obliged to quit the Town, and every Expedient be
tried, rather than give into the Propoſal of C7itognazus but if Neceſlity urged,
and Relief was long deferred, they determined upon ſubmitting to his Advice,
preferably to Peace or a Surrender. The Mandubii, to whom the City be-
longed, were driven thence with their Wives and Children. When they came
to the Roman Lines, they with Tears petitioned to be received as Slaves, and
ſaved from periſhing miſerably by Famine. But Cz/ar having planted Guards
along the Rampart, refuſed to admit them into his Camp.
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LXXII, MEAN-WHILE Comius, and the other general Officers, on
whom the chief Command had been conferred, arrived before AMeſia with all
their Forces, and encamped on a Hill without the Town, not above five hun-
dred Paces from the Roman Lines. The next Day they drew out their Ca-
valry, and covered the whole Plain under the Hill, which, as we have already
ſaid, extended three Miles in length. The Infantry were ſtationed at ſome
diſtance on the Heights, yet ſo as to lie concealed from the view of the Ro-
mans. As Alefia commanded a full proſpe& of the Plain below, the Succours
were ſoon diſcovered by the Beſieged, who afſembling in crowds, congratulated
each other; and teſtified an univerſal Joy. Immediately they came torth with
all their Forces, poſted themſelves betore the Town, and having filled up the
neareſt Ditch with Earth and Faſcines, prepared for a vigorous Sally, and every
thing elſe that might happen. |
LXXIII. CASA R having diſpoſed his whole Army on both fides the
Works, that in caſe of need, every Soldier might know his Poſt, and be ready
to
139
140
C S AR's COMMENTARIES
to maintain it, ordered the Cavalry to ſally out upon the Enemy, and begin the
Charge. The Camp running along the ridge of a riſing Ground, commanded
a view of the Plain on all ſides; and the Soldiers to a man, with deep Atten-
tion, waited the iſſue of the Combat. The Gaul had interſperſed among
their Cavalry ſome Archers and light- armed Troops, to ſuſtain them in caſe of
need, and check the Impetuoſity of our Horſe. Several of the Romans being
wounded by theſe at the firſt Charge, were obliged to quit the Battle. The
Gauls now believing they had the Advantage, and ſeeing our Men overpow-
ered by numbers, ſet up an univerſal Shout, as well within as without the Place,
to give new life to their Troops. As the Action paſſed in the view of both
Armies, who were of courſe Witneſſes to the Valor or Cowardiſe of the Com-
batants, the defire of Applauſe, or fear of Ignominy, ſpurred on each Side to
exert their utmoſt Bravery. After a Conflict that laſted from Noon *till near
Sun-ſet, Victory all the while continuing doubtful, the Germans in cloſe Order
charged furiouſly the Enemy on one fide, and forced them to give ground.
Their flight leaving the Archers expoſed, they were all ſurrounded and cut to
pieces. The Succeſs was equal in other parts of the Field, where our Men
purſuing the Runaways to their Camp, gave them no time to rally. The
Troops who had quitted Aleſia, deſpairing now almoſt of Victory, returned
diſconſolate to the Town.
LXXIV. AFTER the interval of a Day, which was wholly ſpent in pro-
viding a great number of Faſcines, Scaling-Ladders, and iron Hooks; the Gauls
iſſuing from their Camp at midnight in great ſilence, attacked the Roman Lines
on the fide of the Plain. They began with ſetting up a ſudden Shout, to
advertiſe the beſieged of their arrival; threw their Faſcines into the Ditch ;
endeavoured by a diſcharge of Stones, Darts, and Arrows, to drive our Men
from the Rampart; and practiſed every thing neceſſary to render the Storm
ſucceſsful. At the ſame time Vercingetorix, hearing their Cries, ſounded to
Arms, and led forth his Men to the Attack. The Romans, whoſe Poſts had
been allotted them ſome Days before, flew to the Works, and with Slings,
Darts, Bullets, and Engines, prepared on purpoſe, ſtruck a Terror into the
Aſſailants. As the Parties could not ſee one another by reaſon of the dark-
neſs, many Wounds were received on both Sides, and a great number of Darts
diſcharged from the Engines. But M. Antonius and C. Trebonius, who com-
manded on the ſide that was moſt preſſed by the Enemy, took care to draw
out Parties from the more diſtant Redoubts, and ſend them where their Aſſiſ-
tance was chiefly wanted. g
LXXV. WHILE the Gaul kept at a diſtance from our Lines, they did
great execution by the multitude of their Darts: but in proportion as they ap-
proached, they either intangled themſelves unawares among the Caltrops, or
tumbling into the Wells were wounded by the pointed Stakes, or were pierced
by the Darts diſcharged from the Towers and Rampart. After many Wounds
given and received; finding, when Day appeared, that they had not forced
any part of the Lines; and ſearing to be taken in flank by ſome Troops that
were fallying from the Redoubts on the Eminence, they retreated to their
Camp. Mean-while the Beſieged, after much time ſpent in preparing for a
Sally, and filling up the advanced Ditch, finding that their Countrymen were
_ retired, before they could ſo much as approach the Works, returned into the
Town without effecting any thing.
LXXVI.
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vir.
LXXVI THE Gault thus twice repulſed with great Loſs, conſult what
new meaſures they are to purſue; and adviſing with thoſe who knew the
Ground, learnt from them the Strength and Situation of the upper Camp.
North of the Town was a Hill of too great a compaſs to be taken into the Cir-
cumvallation; inſomuch that the Romans had been obliged to poſt themſelves
on its Aſcent, in a very diſadvantageous Situation, becauſe their Camp was
commanded by its Summit. C. Antiſtius Reginus, and C. Caninius Rebilus,
Lieutenant-Generals, guarded this Quarter with two Legions. The Enemy's
Generals, after informing themſelves of the nature of the Country by their
Scouts, ſelected five and fifty thouſand of their beſt Troops, concerted pri-
vately among themſelves the Plan and Manner of acting, appointed the time
for the Aſſault about noon, and aſſigned the Command of the Detachment to
Vergafillaunus of Auvergne, one of the four principal Leaders, and a near Re-
lation of Vercingetorix. Vergafſillaunus leaving his Camp in the Evening,
finiſhed his march by Day-break ; and concealing his Troops behind a Hill,
ordered the Soldiers to refreſh themſelves after their Fatigue. As ſoon as it
was noon, he approached the Quarters of the two Legions. At the ſame time
the Cavalry advanced into the Plain, and the whole Army drew out before
the Camp.
LXXVII. FVERCINGETORIZY obſerving: theſe Motions from the
Citadel of Aleſia, led forth his Troops; carrying along with him the Faſcines,
long Poles, covered Galleries, Hooks, and other Inftruments he had prepared
for the Aſſault. The Fight was maintained on all fides at once; nor did the
Gauls leave any thing unattempted, but flocked continually to thoſe parts of
the Works which appeared to be weakeſt. The Roman Forces having fo
many Works to guard, were diſperſed in different Places, and ſcarce ſufficed
for the defence of them all. What moſtly contributed to diſturb them was,
the Cries of the Combatants behind, which informed them that their Safety
depended on the Valor of others. For fuch is the Conſtitution of the human
Mind, as always to aggrandize abſent Objects, and magnify the Danger that
is out of ſight,
LXXVIII. CASA R choſe a Poſt from whence he could fee every thing,
and then ſent Reinforcements where neceſſary, Both Parties called to mind,
that now was the time for making the greateſt Effort. The Gault had no
hope of Safety, but in forcing the Roman Lines. Our Men again were ſenſible,
that if they came off victorious on this Occaſion, all their Labors would be at
an end. The chief ſtreſs of the Battle lay at the higher Fortifications, where
VJergaſillaunus charged with his Detachment ; becauſe the ſmall Eminence,
which commanded the declivity of the Hill, gave the Enemy great Advantage.
Some were employed in throwing Darts; others advanced to the Attack under
cover of their Shields, freſh Men ftill ſucceeding in the room of thoſe that
were fatigued. The Earth they threw up againſt our Lines, not only
enabled them to aſcend the Rampart, but entirely fruſtrated the deſign of
the Works the Romans had made in the Ground. In fine, our Men had
neither Strength nor Weapons left to make reſiſtance.
LXXIX. CAESAR obſerving the danger they were in, ſent Labienus with
{ix Cohorts to their Aſſiſtance; ordering him, if he found himſelf unable to
defend the Works, to fally out upon the Enemy; yet this. only in caſe of
Extremity. He himſelf went in perſon to the reſt of the Troops, >
Oo them
—
141
142
CES AR's COMMENTARIES
them to bear up courageouſly under their preſent Fatigue, and repreſenting,
that the Fruit of all their former Victories depended upon the Iſſue of that
critical Day and Hour. The Troops within the Place, deſpairing to force the
Intrenchments on the ſide of the Plain, becauſe of the great Strength of the
Works, attacked them in the more ſteep and difficult Places, whither they
brought all the Inſtruments prepared for the Aſſault. They ſoon drove our
Men from the Towers by a diſcharge of Darts, levelled the way with Earth
and Faſcines, and began to cut down the Rampart and Breaſt-work with their
Hooks. p
LXXX. CASAR firſt ſent young Brutus, with fix Cohorts; after him,
C. Fabius, Lieutenant-General, with feven more; and laſt of all, as the Diſpute
grew very warm, marched himſelf in perſon at the head of the whole De-
tachment. Having by this means reſtored the Battle, and forced the Enemy
to retire, he haſtened to the fide where Labienus was engaged. He drew ſour
Cohorts from the neareſt Fort, ordered part of the Cavalry to follow him, and
charged the reſt to take a Circuit round the outward Works, and fall upon the
Enemy's Rear. Labienus finding that neither the Rampart nor Ditch were
ſufficient to ſtop the Progreſs of the Enemy, drew together about thirty-nine
Cohorts from the neareſt Forts, and ſent to inform Cæſar of his Deſign. Cz/ar.
immediately quickened his march, that he might be preſent at the Action.
LXXXI. HIS Arrival being known from the Colour of his Garments, by
which he uſed to diſtinguiſh himſelf in a Day of Battle; and the Troops and
Cohorts he had ordered to follow him, appearing; all which were eaſily diſ-
cerned from the higher Ground: the Enemy began the Charge. A mighty
Shout was raiſed on both fides, which being catched by thoſe on the Rampart,
was carried quite round the Lines. Our Men, having caſt their Darts, fell
upon the Gault Sword in hand. At the ſame time the Cavalry appeared un-
expectedly in their Rear: freſh Cohorts flocked continually to our Aſſiſtance:
the Enemy took to flight, and in their Retreat were encountered by our Horſe:
a dreadful Slaughter enſued. Sedulius, Chief and General of the Lemovices,
was ſlain on the ſpot; Vergaſillaunus of Auvergne was made Priſoner in the
' purſuit ; ſeventy-four Colours were taken, and brought to Cz/ar; and out of
ſo great a Multitude, very few regained the Gauliſo Camp. The Rout and
Slaughter being obſerved from the Town, the Beſieged, deſpairing of Succeſs,
drew off their Troops from the Attack. Inſtantly, upon the Report of this
Diſaſter, the Gault abandoned their Camp; and had not our Troops been
wearied out by the continual Fatigue of the Day, and the frequent Reinforce-
ments they were obliged to furniſh, the Enemy's whole Army might have been
exterminated. At midnight Cz/ar detached the Cavalry to purſue them, who
falling in with their Rear, {lew ſome, and took a great number of Priſoners.
The reſt eſcaped to their ſeyeral Habitations,
LXXXII NEXT Day #ercingetorix aſſembling a Council, repreſented to
the beſieged; „That he had undertaken that War, not from a Motive of
cc private Intereſt, but to recover the common Liberty of Gaul: and that,
&« {ince there was a Neceſſity of yielding to Fortune, he was willing to be-
« come a Victim for their Safety, whether they ſhould think proper to appeaſe
« the Anger of the Conqueror by his Death, or to deliver him up alive.” A
Deputation immediately waited on Cæſar to receive his Orders. He inſiſted
on the ſurrender of their Arms, and the delivering up of all their Chiefs.
Having
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OF HIS WARS IN GAUL. Book vn.
Having accordingly ſeated himſelf at the head of his Lines before the Camp :
their Leaders were brought; Vercingetorix delivered up; and their Arms thrown
into the Ditch. Reſerving the auan and Averni, as a means to recover thoſe
two potent Nations, he divided the reſt of the Prifoners among his Soldiers,
giving to each one. 25
LXXXIII. THESE Affairs diſpatched, he marched into the Territories of
the Mduans, where he received the Submiſſion of their State. There he was
addreſſed by the Ambaſſadors of the Averni, who promiſed an entire Obedi-
ence to his Commands. He exacted a great number of Hoſtages ; ſent his Le-
gions into Winter-Quarters ; and reſtored about twenty thouſand Captives to
the Mduans and Averni. T. Labienus, with two Legions and the Cavalry,
was quartered among the Seguani, jointly with M. Sempronius Rutilus. C. Fabius,
and L. Minutius Baſilus, were ordered with two Legions into the Country of
the Rhemi, to defend it againſt the Attempts of the Bellovaci their Neighbours,
C. Antiſtius Reginus had his Station aſſigned him among the Ambivareti;
T. Sextius among the Biturigians ; and C. Caninius Rebilus among the Rutheni ;
each with one Legion. Q., Tullius Cicero, and P. Sulpicius, were placed at
Cabillo and Matiſco upon the Arar, in the Country of the Æduans, to have
the care of Proviſions. He himſelf reſolved to winter at Bibra&e. The Senate
being informed of theſe things by Cz/ar's Letters, a Proceſſion of twenty Days
was decreed. |
A CON.
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THE a RGUMENT
Panſa's Preface. I. The Gauls form a Reſolution to renew the War. II. Cæſar
falls unaupectodly upon the Biturigians, and compels them to ſubmit. IV. He
afterwards diſperſes the Carnutes by the Terror of his Arms. V. The Bello-
vaci prepare for War. VI. Their Deſigns. VII. Cæſar endeavours to draw
them to an Engagement, by inſpiring them with a Contempt of his ſmall
Numbers. VIII. But as they carefully avoid a Battle, he reſolves 10 fortify
his Camp. XI. The Bellovaci intercept the Roman Foragers. XII. Daily
Skirmiſhes within view of the two Camps. XIII. The Bellovaci artfully coun-
ter feit a Retreat. XVI. And falling upon the Romans from an Ambuſcade,
after an obſtinate Fight, are entirely diſperſed. XVII. The Bellovaci and
other States ſubmit. XX. Cæſar divides his Army. XXI. Caninius and
Fabius relieve Duracius, Sgfeged by Dumnacus in Limo. XXIV, Caninius
purſues Drapes and Luterius.. XXV. Fabius obliges the Carnutes and other
States to ſubmit. XXVI. Drapes and Luterius poſſeſs themſelves of Uxello-
dunum. XXVII. Caninius i7ve/fs the Town. XXVIII. Intercepts a Convoy
eſcorted by Luterius. XXIX. Attacks and carries the Camp of Drapes.
XXX. And joining the Forces under Fabius, returns to the Siege of Uxello-
dunum. XXXI, Cæſar repairs to the Camp of Caninius. XXXIII. And
defrivikg the Beged of Water, compels the Town to ſurrender. XXXVII. He
then ſends his Army into Winter-Quarters. XXXVIII. Comius, defeated
in an Engagement of Horſe, ſurrenders to Antony. XLI. The Year follow-
ing Gaul being in perfect quiet, Cæſar goes into Italy. XLII. here he is
received with the higheſt Demonſtrations of Reſpef. XLIII. He returns to
the Army, where he learns the Deſigns formed againſt him at Rome.
XLVI. And tberempon fers out again for Italy.
CCC
* *
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R
A CONTINUATION of
C SA R's COMMENTARIES
OF HIS
W-A.K.S.:i8n GX 4
BY A HIRTIUS PANSA
8 00A VIII
N conſequence of your repeated Importunities, Ballus, I have at laſt
I been prevailed with to engage in a very delicate Work; fearing left my
daily Refuſals ſhould be conſtrued rather to flow from Idleneſs, than any
ſenſe of the Difficulty of the Undertaking. I therefore here preſent you with
a Continuation of Cz/ar's Commentaries of his Wars in Gaul, though not in
any reſpect to be compared with what he himſelf wrote on the ſame Subject,
nor with the Memoirs of the Civil War, which he likewiſe left behind him
imperfe&, and which I have in the ſame manner carried down from the
Tranſactions at Alexandria, to the end, I will not ſay of our civil Diſſenſions,
which are like to have no end, but of Cz/ar's Life. I would have all who
read theſe Pieces know, with how much Reluctance I engaged in this Deſign
that I may be the more eaſily acquitted of the Charge of Arrogance and Folly,
for preſuming to inſert my Writings amongſt thoſe of Cz/ar. It is univerſally
agreed, that the moſt elaborate Compoſitions of others, fall far ſhort of the
Elegance of theſe Commentaries. He indeed intended them only as Memoirs
for future Hiſtorians ; but they are every where in ſuch high eſteem, as ſerves
rather to diſcourage other Writers, than furniſh them for the Attempt. This
Circumſtance the more commands our Admiration, becauſe while the reſt of
the World can judge only of the Beauty and Correctneſs of the Work, we be-
ſides know with what eaſe and diſpatch it was compoſed. Cz/ar not only
poſſeſſed the Talent of Writing in the higheſt perfection, but was likewiſe beſt
able to unfold the Reaſons of thoſe military Operations, of which he was
| himſelf the Contriver and Director. On the contrary, it was my Misfortyne
to be preſent neither in the Alexandrian nor African Wars: And though I
had many of the particulars relating to both from his own Mouth, yet we
give a very different Attention to things, when we hear them only through
an Admiration of their Novelty and Greatneſs, and when with a view of
tranſmitting
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PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
tranſmitting them to poſterity. But I forbear any farther Apologies, leſt in
enumerating the Reaſons why my Work ought not be compared with that of
Cæſar, I fall under the Suſpicion of flattering myſelf, that in the judgment of
ſome, it may not ſeem altogether unworthy of that Honour. Adieu.
\
I. (37 UL being wholly reduced, Cz/ar was defirous that his Troops
might enjoy ſome Repoſe during the Winter, eſpecially after ſo long
and fatiguing a Campaign, in which there had been no Intermiſſion from the
Toils of War: but he ſoon underſtood, that ſeveral States were meditating a
Revolt, and contriving all at once to take up Arms. The Cauſe aſſigned for
this Conduct was not improbable: for though the Gauls were by this time
fully ſenſible, that it was impoſſible for them to reſiſt the Roman Army entire,
by any Forces they could bring into the Field; yet ſtill they thought, that if
many States revolted together, and ſet on foot as many different Wars, the
Romans would have neither Time nor Troops to ſubdue them all; and that
though ſome among them muſt be Sufferers, their Lot would be the more
ſupportable, as the Delay occaſioned by that Diverſion, might procure the Li-
berty of the whole Nation. - |
II. CASAR, to ſtifle this Opinion in its Birth, left M. Antony the Quæſtor
to command in his Winter-Quarters; and ſetting out the laſt of December from
Bibracte, with a Guard of Cavalry, went to the Camp of the thirteenth Le-
gion, which he L. d placed among the Biturigians, not far from the Terri-
tories of the Zduans. To this he joined the eleventh Legion, whoſe Quarters
lay neareſt; and leaving two Cohorts to guard the Baggage, marched with
the reſt of the Army into the moſt. fertile Parts of the Country of the Bitu-
rigians; who having large Territories, and abounding in Towns, had not been
awed by the preſence of a fingle Legion, from forming Confederacies, and
preparing for War. | | |
III. CASAR by his ſudden and unexpected Arrival, as was natural to
ſuppoſe, found them unprepared and diſperſed up and down the Fields; inſo-
much that they were eaſily ſurpriſed by the Horſe, before they could retreat
into their Towns. For he had expreſly forbid ſetting fire to the Houſes, the
uſual ſign of an Invaſion, that he might neither alarm the Enemy by the Con-
flagrations, nor expoſe himſelf to the want of Corn and Forage, if he ſhould
advance far into the Country. Having made many Thouſands of the Bi-
turigians Priſoners ; ſuch as could eſcape the firſt coming of the Romans, fled
in great Terror to the neighbouring States, relying either upon private Friend-
ſhip, or the Ties of a mutual Confederacy. But all was to no purpoſe: for
Czfar by great marches ſoon reached their Places of Retreat, and making every
Province anxious for its own Safety, left them no time to think of giving
ſhelter to others. This Diligence confirmed the well-afteted in their Duty,
and obliged the Wavering to hearken to Conditions of Peace. The like Offers
were made to the Biturigians; who ſeeing that Cæſars Clemency left the way
ſtill open to his Friendſhip; and that the neighbouring States, upon delivery
of Hoſtages, had been pardoned and received into Protection; reſolved to fol-
low the Example. Cz/ar, to recompenſe the Fatigue and Labour of his Sol-
diers, who in the Winter- ſeaſon, through difficult Ways, and during the moſt
intenſe Colds, had followed him with incredible Patience and Conſtancy;
promiſed a Reward of two hundred Seſterces to every private Man, and
two thouſand to every Centurion: and having ſent back the Legions to
their
1 I
n oO ee SO 1 — =
q Mu PP” YT OY 0 I ET
N : 5
OF THE GALLICK VAR. Book vin. t49
their Winter- Quarters, returned again to BibraFe, after an abſence of forty
Days,
IV. WHILST he was there employed in the diſtribution of Juſtice,
Ambaſſadors arrived from the Biturigiaus, to implore his Aſſiſtance againſt the
Carnutes, who were laying waſte their Country. Upon this Intelligence, tho
he had not reſted above eighteen Days, he immediately ſent for the ſixth and
fourteenth Legions, which he had quartered along the Arar for the convenience
of Proviſions, as has been related in the foregoing Book. With theſe two Le-
gions he marched againſt the Carnutes; who hearing of his Approach, and
dreading the ſame Calamities which others had been made to ſuffer, aban-
doned their Towns and Villages, conſiſting moſtly of little Cottages run up in
haſte, to defend them from the Cold, (for moſt of their Cities had been de-
ſtroyed in the late War,) and fled different ways. Cæſar, unwilling to expoſe
his Soldiers to the ſeverity of the Storms, which commonly rage with the greateſt
Violence at that Seaſon, fixed his Camp at Genabum; and lodged his Men,
partly in the Huts lately built by the Gauli, partly in the old Houſes, whoſe
Walls were ſtill ſtanding, and which he ordered to be thatched with Straw,
that they might afford the better ſhelter to the Troops. But he ſent the Ca-
valry, and the auxiliary Foot, into all parts where he underſtood the Enem
were retired : nor without Succeſs; for they commonly returned loaden with
Spoil. The Carnes diſtreſſed by the difficulty of the Seaſon, the ſenſe of
their Danger, (becauſe being driven from their Habitations, they durſt not con-
tinue long in any place for fear of our Parties,) and finding no protection in
the Woods againſt the extreme Severity of the Weather ; were at length diſ-
perſed on all fides with great Loſs, and ſcattered among the neighbouring
States. |
V. CASA R thinking it ſufficient in that difficult Seaſon, to have diſ-
perſed the Troops that began to aſſemble, and prevented their rekindling the
War; and being likewiſe well aſſured, as far as human Prudence could deter-
mine, that it would be impoſſible for them, during the enfuing Summer, to
raiſe up any very dangerous War; left C. Trebonivs, with the two Legions he
had brought along with him, to winter at Genabum. Mean-while underſtand-
ing by frequent Embaſſies from the Rhemi, that the Bellovaci, the moſt diſtin-
guiſhed for Bravery of all the Belgian and Gallick Nations, with ſome of the
neighbouring States, under the conduct of Correus General of the Bellovaci,
and Comius the Atrebatian, were railing an Army, and drawing their Forces to
a general Rendezvous, with deſign to invade the Territories of the Sweſſones, a
People ſubject to the Juriſdiftion of the Rhemi; he thought that both Honour
and Intereſt required him to undertake the defence of Allies, who had deſerved
ſo well of the Commonwealth. He therefore drew the eleventh Legion again out
of its Winter-Quarters; wrote to C. Fabius, to march the two Legions under his
command into the Country of the Suęſſiones; and ordered Labienus to ſend
one of thoſe he was charged with. Thus, as far as the convenience of Win-
ter-Quarters, and the nature of the War would allow, he employed the Le-
gions alternately in Expeditions, giving himſelf, mean-while, no intermiſſion
from Fatigue.
VI. WITH theſe Forces he marched againſt the Bellovaci, and encamping
within their Territories, diſperſed his Cavalry on all ſides to make Priſoners,
from whom he might learn the Enemy's Deſigns. The Horſe, in conſequence
N 3 5 of
150
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
of this Commiſſion, brought him back word, that the Lands and Houſes were
in a manner quite abandoned, and that the few Priſoners they had found, after
a moſt diligent Search, were not left to cultivate the Ground, but to ſerve as
Spies. Cæſar inquiring of theſe, whither the Bellovaci were retired, and what
might be their Deſigns, found : © That all of them capable of bearing Arms
« had aſſembled in one Place, and been joined by the Ambiani, Aulerci,
« Caletes, Vellocaſſians, and Atrebatians : That they had choſen for their Camp
« a riſing Ground, ſurrounded with a difficult Moraſs, and diſpoſed of all
« their Baggage in remote Woods: That a great many of their Chiefs were
« concerned in the War, but the principal Authority reſted in Correus, becauſe
« he was known to bear an implacable hatred to the Roman Name: That a
« few Days before, Comins had leſt the Camp to ſolicit Aid of the Germans,
« who were their neareſt Neighbours, and abounded in Troops: That it had
« been reſolved among the Bellovaci, with conſent of all the Generals, and at
« the earneſt deſire of the People; if Cz/ar came at the head of only three
“ Legions, as was reported, to offer him Battle; left they ſhould be afterwards
« obliged to fight upon harder and more unequal Terms, when he had got
« his whole Army together: but it he brought greater Forces along with him ;
ce to continue within their Camp, intercept his Corn and Convoys, and cut
© off his Forage, which in that Seaſon of the Year was extremely ſcarce, and
« very much diſperſed.”
A
VII. THESE things being confirmed by the Teſtimony of all the Priſo-
ners; Cz/ſar, who found their Deſigns full of Prudence, and remote from
the uſual Temerity of Barbarians, reſolved by all manner of ways to draw them
into a Contempt of his Numbers, that he might the more eafily bring them to
an Engagement. He had with him the ſeventh, eighth, and ninth Legions, all |
Veterans of approved Valor; and tho' the eleventh was not of equal ſtanding,
nor had attained the fame reputation of Bravery, they were yet a choſen
Youth of great Hopes, who had ſerved under him eight Campaigns. Calling
therefore the Army together, he laid before them the Advices he had received,
and exhorted the Soldiers to preſerve their wonted Courage. At the ſame time,
to draw the Enemy to an Engagement, by an appearance of only three Legions,
he ſo contrived the order of his march, that diſpoſing the ſeventh, eighth, and
ninth Legions in front; the Baggage, which, as in a haſty Expedition, was
but moderate, behind them; and the eleventh Legion in the rear of all;
no more Troops were in view, than what the Gauls themſelves had deter-
mined to hazard an Action againſt. The Army thus drawn up, formed
a kind of Square, and arrived before the Enemy's Camp much ſooner than
expected.
VIII. WHEN the Gauls perceived the Legions advancing ſuddenly againſt
them in order of Battle with a ſteddy pace, they altered the Reſolution which
had been reported to Cæſgar; and either fearing the ſucceſs of the Battle, ſur-
priſed at fo ſudden an approach, or willing to know our further Deſigns, drew
up before their Camp, without. deſcending from the higher Ground. Cz/ar,
tho deſirous to come to an Engagement; yet ſurpriſed at the multitude of the
Enemy, and reflecting on the advantage of their Situation; as being ſeparated
from him by a Valley, ſtill more conſiderable for its depth than breadth ; con-
tented himſelf for the preſent to encamp directly over-againft them. He threw
up a Rampart twelve Foot high, ſtrengthened by a proportionable Breaſt-work;
and ſecured it by two Ditches, each fifteen Foot deep, with perpendicular Sides.
He
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OF THE GALLICK VAR. Book vii.
He likewiſe raiſed ſeveral Turrets of three Stories, and joined them to each other
by Galleries, having little Parapets of Oſier before, that the Works might be
defended by a double range of Soldiers; one of which fighting from the Gal-
leries, and ſecure by their height, would with more Boldneſs and Advantage
lanch their Darts againſt the Enemy; the other, tho' nearer Danger, -and
planted upon the Rampart itſelf, were yet ſcreened by the Galleries from the
impending Darts. All the entrances to the Camp were ſecured by ſtrong Gates,
over which he placed very high Towers.
IX. H E had a twofold Deſign in theſe Fortifications : one, by the greatneſs
of the Works, to make the Enemy believe him afraid, and thereby increaſe
their Preſumption and Confidence: the other, to enable him to defend his
Camp with a few Troops, when it was neceſſary to go far in queſt of Corn
and Forage. Mean-time there happened frequent Skirmiſhes between the two
Camps, carried on for the moſt part with Arrows at a diſtance, by reaſon of
a Moraſs that ſeparated the Combatants : ſometimes indeed the auxiliary Gaul
and Germans croſſed the Moraſs, and purſued the Enemy : ſometimes again the
Enemy having the Advantage, paſſed in their turn, and drove back our Men.
And as we daily ſent out Parties to forage, who were obliged to diſperſe, and
ſcatter themſelves from houſe to houſe over the whole Country; it now and
then fell out, as was unavoidable in theſe Circumſtances, that our Foragers
were ſurpriſed and cut to pieces by their Detachments. Theſe Loſſes, tho very
inconſiderable to us, as being moſtly confined to ſome Carriages and Servants,
yet ſtrangely ſwelled the hopes of the Barbarians; and the more, as Comin,
who had gone to fetch the German Auxiliaries, was now returned with a Body
of Horſe. And tho' the number was not great, they not making in all
above five hundred, the Enemy were nevertheleſs mightily encouraged by this
Supply.
X. CAESAR, after a ſtay of many Days, finding that the Enemy ſtill
kept within their Camp, which was advantageouſly ſituated with a Moraſs in
front: and conſidering at the ſame time, that he could neither force their In-
- trenchments without great Loſs, nor incloſe them with Works with fo ſmall an
Army; wrote to 7rebonius, to ſend with all diligence for the thirteenth Legion,
which was quartered among the Biturigians under the care of Z. Sextius ; and
with that, and the two Legions under his own Command, make what haſte
he could to join him. Mean-while he detached the Cavalry of Rheims, of
the Lingones, and the other Provinces of Gaul, of which he had great num-
bers in his Camp, to guard by turns the Foragers, and protect them from the
ſudden Incurſions of the Enemy. 5
Diligence, as frequently happens in things of long continuance; the Bellovaci,
who had obſerved the daily Stations of our Horſe, placed a choſen Body of
Foot in ambuſh in a Wood, and ſent their Cavalry thither next Day, to draw
our Men into the Snare, and then attack them ſurrounded on every fide.
This ill Fortune fell upon the Cavalry of Rheims, whoſe turn it was that Day to
guard the Foragers : for thele, ſuddenly difcovering the Enemy's Cavalry, and deſ-
piſing their ſmall numbers, purſued with ſuch Eagerneſs, that they were at length
ſurpriſed and furrounded by the Foot. This threw them into Confuſion, and
obliged them to retreat haſtily, with the loſs of Vertiſcus their General, and
the chief Man of their State; who tho' fo far advanced in years, that he could
&: hardly
XI. THIS was done every Day: but Cuſtom by degrees relaxing their
151
152
Battalions.
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
hardly fit on Horſeback, yet according to the cuſtom of the Gault, would
neither decline the Command on account of his Age, nor ſuffer them to fight
without him. The Enemy were animated and encouraged by this Succeſs, and
the death of the Chief and General of the Rhemi: our Men, on the other
hand, were cautioned by their Loſs, carefully to examine the Ground
before they took their Poſts, and purſue a retreating Enemy with more
rexerve,
XII. MEAN-WHILE the daily Skirmiſhes between the two Camps,
at the Fords and Paſles of the Moraſs, ſtill continued. In one of theſe, the
Germans, whom Cæſar had brought from beyond the Rhine, that they might
fight intermingled with the Cavalry; boldly paſſing the Moraſs in a Body,
put all that made reſiſtance to the Sword, and purſued the reſt with great
Vigor. Fear not only ſeized thoſe who fought hand to hand, or were wounded
at a diſtance; but even the more remote Parties, who were poſted to ſuſtain
the others, ſhamefully betook themſelves to flight; and being driven from
height to height, ceaſed not to continue the Rout, until they had reached their
very Camp: nay ſome, quite confounded by their Fear, fled a great way he-
yond it. Their Danger ſpread fo univerſal a Terror among the Troops, that
it appeared hard to ſay, whether they were more apt to be elated by a trifling
Advantage, or depreſſed by an inconſiderable Loſs.
XIII. AFTER a ftay of many Days in this Camp: upon Information
that C. Trebonius was approaching with the Legions ; the Generals of the Be/-
lovaci, tearing a Siege like that of Aleſia, ſent away by night all whom Age or
Infirmities rendered unfit for Service; and along with them the Baggage of
the whole Army. But before this confuſed and numerous Train could be put
in order, (tor the Gault, even in their ſudden Expeditions, are always attended
with a vaſt number of Carriages, Day-light appeared; and the Enemy were
obliged to draw up before their Camp, to hinder the Romans from diſturbing
the march of their Baggage. Cz/ar did not think proper to attack them in
ſo advantageous a Poſt, nor was willing to remove his Legions to ſuch a diſ-
tance, as might give them an Opportunity of retreating without Danger. Ob-
ſerving therelore that the two Camps were divided by a very dangerous Moraſs,
the difficulty of paſſing which might greatly retard the Purſuit ; and that be-
yond the Moraſs there was an Eminence, which in a manner commanded the
Enemy's Camp, and was ſeparated from it only by a ſmall Valley; he laid
Bridges over the Moraſs, paſſed his Legions, and quickly gained the ſummit of
the Hill, which was ſecured on each fide by the. ſteepneſs of the aſcent.
Thence he marched his Legions in order of Battle to the extremeſt Ridge,
and poſted them in a place, where his Engines could play upon the Enemy's
XIV. THE Gauls confiding in the ſtrength of their Poſt, reſolved not to
decline a Battle, if the Romans ſhould attack them on the Hill; and not daring
to make their Troops file off, for fear of being charged when ſeparated and
in diſorder, continued in the ſame poſture. Cz/ar perceiving their Obſtinacy,
kept twenty Cohorts ready drawn up; and marking out a Camp in the place
where he then ſtood, ordered it to be fortified immediately. The Works being
finiſhed, he drew up his Legions before the Rampart, and aſſigned the Ca-
valry their ſeveral Poſts, where they were to wait with their Horſes ready
| bridled. The Bellovaci ſeeing the Romans prepared for the Purſuit ; and
finding
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Zuge 152.
ther Retreat:
FF %
*
OFTHE GALLICK VAR. Book vit.
finding it impoſſible to paſs the Night, or continue longer in that Place without
Proviſions, fell upon the following Stratagem to ſecure their Retreat. They
collected and placed at the head of their Line all the Faſcines in the Camp, of
which the number was very great, (for, as has been already obſerved, the Gault
commonly ſit upon theſe, when drawn up in order of Battle,) and towards
Night, upon a Signal given, ſet fire to them all at once. The Flame blazing
out on a ſudden, with great violence, covered their Forces from the view of
the Romans; and the Gauls laying hold of that Opportunity, retreated with
the utmoſt Diligence.
XV. TH O' C2/ar could not perceive the Enemy's departure, becauſe of
the Flames; yet ſuſpecting that this was only a Contrivance to cover their
Flight, he made the Legions advance, and detached the Cavalry to purſue
them. Mean-while apprehending an Ambuſcade, and that the Enemy might
perhaps continue in the ſame Poſt, to draw our Men into a place of Diſad-
vantage, he took care to follow ſlowly. with the Foot. The Cavalry not daring
to enter that thick Column of Flame and Smoke; or if any had the Courage
to adventure it, being unable to diſcern the very Heads of their Horſes, thought
proper to retire for fear of a Surpriſe, and left the Bellovaci at full liberty to
eſcape. Thus by a Flight, which equally ſpoke their Fear and Addreſs, they
retreated ten Miles without loſs, and encamped in a place of great Advantage.
Thence, by frequent Ambuſcades of Horſe and Foot, they often attacked and
*
cut to pieces the Romum Foragers.
XVI. CASA R having received many Loſſes of this kind, underſtood at
laſt by a certain Priſoner, that Correus General of the Bellovaci, had choſen
ſix thouſand of his beſt Foot, and a thouſand Horſe, to form an Ambuſcade
in a Place abounding in Corn and Graſs, and where it was therefore preſumed
the Romans would come to forage. Upon this Intelligence, he drew out a
greater number of Legionaries than uſual; ſent the Cavalry, who formed the
ordinary Guard of the Foragers, before; intermixed them with Platoons of
light- armed Foot; and advanced himſelf as near as poſſible with the Legions.
The Enemy, who lay in ambuſh, having choſen for the place of Action a
Plain of about a Mile every way, and environed on all ſides with thick
Woods, or a very deep River, which incloſed it as in a Toil, diſpoſed their
Forces all around. Our Men, who knew their Deſign, and advanced armed
and reſolved for Battle, beoauſe the Legions were behind to ſuſtain them, en-
tered the Plain troop by troop. Upon their arrival, Correus thinking that now
was the proper time for Action, appeared firſt with a few of his Men, and
fell upon the neareſt Squadrons. Our Men reſolutely ſuſtained the Attack, nor
flocked together in Crowds, as frequently happens among the Cavalry on Oc-
caſions of ſudden Surpriſe, when the very number of Combatants throws all
into Confuſion. The Squadrons fighting thus in good Order, and preſerving
a proper diſtance, to prevent their being taken in flank ; ſuddenly the reſt of
the Gault broke from the Woods, and advanced to the aid of thoſe who fought
under Correus. The Conteſt was carried on with great Heat, and continued
for a long time with equal Advantage on both ſides; when at laſt the Foot
advancing {lowly in order of Battle from the Woods, obliged our Men to give
way. Upon this the light-armed Infantry, who, as we have obſerved, had
been ſent before the Legions, marched up ſpeedily to their Aſſiſtance ; and
placing themſelves in the intervals of the Squadrons, continued the Fight. The
Conteſt again became equal. At length, as was natural in an Encounter of
7 | that
153
— — — — —
154
PANSA's COMMENTARIES.
that kind; thoſe who had ſuſtained the firſt Charge of the Ambuſcade;'began *-
ſor this very Reaſon to have the Superiority, becauſe the Enemy had gained
no. Advantage over them. Mean-while the Legions approached, and both fides
had notice at the ſame time that Cz/ar was advancing with his Forces in order
of Battle. Our Troops, animated by this Hope, redoubled their Efforts; leſt
by puſhing the Enemy too ſlowly, the Legions ſhould have time to come in
for a ſhare of the Victory. The Enemy, on the contrary, loſt Courage, and
fled different ways, But in vain : for the very Difficulties of the Ground, by
which they hoped to have enſnared the Romans, ſerved now to entangle them-
ſelves. Being at laſt vanquiſhed and repulſed, with the loſs of the beſt part of
their Men, they fled in great terror whither Chance directed ; ſome towards the
Woods, ſome towards the River. The Romans urged the Purſuit with great
keenneſs, and put many to the Sword, Mean-while Correus, whoſe Reſolu-
tion no -Misfortune could abate, would neither quit the Fight, and retire to
the Woods; nor accept of any offers of Quarter from our Men: but fighting
on to the laſt with invincible Courage, and wounding many of the vic-
torious Troops, conſtrained them at length to transfix him with their
Javelins, | i |
XVII. AFTER this Action; Cz/ar coming up juſt as the Battle was
ended; and naturally ſuppoſing, that the Enemy, upon Intelligence of fo con-
fiderable a Defeat, would immediately abandon their Camp, which was not
above eight Miles diſtant from the place of Slaughter: tho he ſaw his march
obſtructed by the River, he paſſed it notwithſtanding, and advanced with his
Forces againſt them. But the Bellovaci, and the other States in their Alliance,
hearing of the Diſaſter by ſome of the Runaways, who, tho'-wounded, found
means to eſcape under cover. of the Woods; and finding that every thing was
againſt them, their General ſlain, their Cavalry and the flower of their Infan-
try deſtroyed, and the Romans doubtleſs upon the march to attack them:
ſpeedily aſſembling a Council by ſound of Trumpet, demanded with great
Cries, that Ambaſſadors and Hoſtages might be ſent to Cz/ar. ir.
XVIII. THIS Propoſal being approved by all, Comius the Atrebatian fled
to the Germans, whoſe Aſſiſtance he had obtained in the War. The reſt im-
mediately diſpatched Ambaſſadots to Cæſar, and requeſted ; That he would
regard their - preſent Sufferings as a ſufficient Puniſhment for their Revolt,
« fince they were ſuch, as his Humanity and Clemency would never have ſuf-
« fered him to inflict upon them, had he compelled them to ſubmit entire
te and Without fighting: That their Power was utterly broken by the late de-
« feat of their Cavalry: That ſeveral thouſands of their beſt Infantry were
« deſtroyed, ſcarce enough being left to bring them news of the Difaſter :
6 That yet in ſo great a Calamity, it was no ſmall Advantage to the Bellovact,
« that Correus, the Author of the War, who had ſtirred up the Multitude to
&« revolt, was killed; becauſe while he lived, the headſtrong Populace would
« always have had more Authority in the State than the Senate.“ The Am-
baſſadors having ended their Speech, Cz/ar put them in mind: © That the
« Year before, the Bellovaci had, in conjunction with the other States of Gaul,
« taken up Arms againſt the Romans That of all the Confederates they had
c perliſted with the greateſt Obſtinacy in their Revolt, nor been induced by
ce the Submiſſion of the reſt to hearken to Reaſon : That nothing was eaſier
« than to lay the blame of their Miſcondu& upon the dead; but they would
« find it difficult to make him believe, that a ſingle Man could have ſo much
| x Influence,
OF THE GALLICK VAR. Book vm.
« Influence, as in ſpite of the oppoſition of the Nobility and Senate, and the
« Efforts of all good Men, to ſtir up and ſupport a War, by the mere Au-
* thority of the Multitude : that however, he would be fatisfied for the preſent
« with the Puniſhment they had brought upon themſelves.”
XIX. NEXT. N ight the Deputies returned with Cz/ar's Anfiver, and
Hoſtages were immediately ſent to the Raman Camp. The Deputies of the
other States, who only waited the Event of this Treaty, immediately flocked
to.Czſar, gave Hoſtages, and ſubmitted to his Commands. Comius alone
would not hear of treating, from a particular Diſtruſt of the Romans. For the
Year before, while Cæſar was employed in the Affairs of Cyſalpine Gaul, La-
bienus underſtanding that Camius was ſoliciting ſeveral States to rebel, and join
in a Confederacy againſt the Romans; thought it might be allowed him to
uſe Perfidy toward the Perfidious. And becauſe he expected to be refuſed,
ſhould: he ſend for him to the Camp; that he might not by an unſucceſsful
Attempt put him upon his Guard, he employed C. Voluſenus Quadratus, to
kill him under pretence of an Interview; furniſhing him with fome choſen
Centurions for that purpoſe. When the Interview began; and Holuſenus, by
way of ſignal, had taken Comms by the Hand; one of the Centurions, as if
ſurpriſed at a Step ſo unuſual, attempted to kill him; but Comiuss Friends
haſtily interpoſing, he was prevented: however, the firſt Blow wounded him
ſeyerely on the Head. Both ſides immediately drew, not ſo much with a
deſign to engage, as to retire : our Men, becauſe they believed Comius mor-
tally wounded: the Gauls, becauſe diſcovering the intended Treachery, they
apprehended the Danger to be greater than as yet appeared. From that time
Cominus determined never to be in the ſame place with any Roman.
XX. CA SAR having thus ſubdued the moſt warlike Nations of Gaul,
and finding no State diſpoſed to take up Arms, or make Reſiſtance; but that
only ſome few had left their Towns and Poſſeſſions, to avoid preſent Subjection;
reſolved to divide his Army into ſeveral Bodies. M. Antony the Quæſtor,
with the eleventh Legion, had orders to continue with him. C. Fabius was
ſent at the head of twenty-five Cohorts, into the remoteſt Parts of Gaul;
becauſe he underſtood ſome States were in Arms on that fide, whom C. Cani-
nius Rebilus, his Lieutenant, who commanded in thoſe Provinces, was ſcarcely
ſtrong enough to oppoſe with only. two Legions. He then ſent for 7. Labienus,
and ordered the twelfth, Legion, which he commanded, into Gallia Togata, to
protect the Roman Colonies there, that they might not ſuffer by the Incurſions
of the Barbarians, as had happened the Year before to the Tergeſtini, whoſe
Territories had been plundered by a ſudden. and unexpected Invaſion. He
himſelf marched to ravage and lay waſte the Territories of Ambiorix: for
finding it impoſſible to lay hold on that perfidious Gaul, whoſe Fear prompted
him. to fly continually before him; he thought it behoved him, in regard to
his own Dignity, ſo effectually to ruin the Country, by deſtroying his Towns,
Cattle, and Subjects, as might render him odious to his Followers, if any ſtill
remained, and deprive him of all hope of being reſtored to his Poſſeſſions.
Having ſpread his Legions and Auxiliaries over, the whole Country of 4-1biorix,
deſtroyed. all with Fire and Sword, and either killed or made Priſoners an
infinite number of People; he diſpatched Labienus, with two Legions againſt
the Treviri ; whoſe Country, bordering upon Germany, and exerciſed in con-
tinual Wars, differed little from the Temper and Fierceneſs of that Nation; nor
ever ſubmitted to his Commands, unleſs inforced by the preſence of an Army.
8 | x: XXI.
ISS
*
15 v; PAN. S A's COMMENTARIES |
XXI. MEAN-TIME C. Caninius, Lieutenant-General, underſtanding by
Letters and Meſſengers from Duracius, who had always continued faithful to
the Romans, even in the Defection of many of his own State; that great
Numbers of the Enemy were aſſembled in the Territories of the Pictones;
marched towards the Town of Limo. Upon his Arrival there, having certain
Information from ſome Priſoners, that Duracius was ſhut up and beſieged in
Limo, by a great Army of Gauls, under the Conduct of Damnacus General
of the Andes; as he was not ſtrong enough to attack the Enemy, he encamped
in a Place of great advantage. Dumnacus hearing of his Approach, turned
| all his Forces againſt the Legions, and reſolved to inveſt the Roman Camp.
| But after many Days ſpent in the Attack, and the loſs of a great Number of
Men, without any Impreſſion made upon the Intrenchments, he returned
again to the Siege of Limo, |
XXII. AT the fame time C. Fabius, having brought over many States to
their Duty; and confirmed their Submiſſion by receiving Hoſtages; upon In-
telligence ſent him by Caninius, of the Poſture of Affairs among the Pi&ones,
marched immediately to the Aſſiſtance of Duracius. Dumnacus hearing of
his Arrival, and concluding himſelf loſt, ſhould he at the ſame time be
obliged to make head againſt an Enemy without, and ſuſtain the Efforts of
the Townſmen within; ſuddenly decamped with all his Forces, refolving not
to ſtop till he had got on the other fide of the Loire, which, by reaſon of its
largeneſs, could not be paſſed without a Bridge. Fabius, tho he had neither
as yet come within ſight of the Enemy, nor joined Forces with Caninius; yet
inſtructed by thoſe who were well acquainted with the Country, eaſily con-
jectured the Rout the Gauls would take. Wherefore directing his march to-
wards the ſame Bridge, he ordered the Cavalry to keep before the Legions;
yet ſo, that without too much fatiguing their Horſes, they might return and
encamp with them again at Night. The Cavalry followed the Enemy as di-
rected; came up with their Rear; and attacking them flying, diſmayed, and
incumbred with their Baggage; killed great Numbers, gained a conſiderable
Booty, and returned in triumph to the Camp. 73 $69]
XXIII. THE Night following Fabius ſent the Cavalry before, with Orders
to engage the Enemy, and keep their whole Army employed, till he himſelf
[ ſhould come up with the Legions. Q. Atius Varus, a prudent and experienced
| | Officer, who had the charge of the Detachment, defirous to execute the
1 Commands of his General with ſucceſs, exhorted his Men; and coming up
with the Enemy, diſpoſed ſome Squadrons in the moſt convenient Places, and
engaged the Gault with the geſt. The Enemy's Cavalry made a reſolute Stand,
[| being ſupported by their Foot, who halting in a Body, advanced to the Aſ-
j1 ſiſtance of their own Men. The Conflict was ſharp on both ſides. For the
[ Romans, deſpiſing Enemies whom they had overcome the Day before, and re-
1 membring that the Legions were coming up to join them; partly aſhamed to
give way, partly eager to bring the Battle to a ſpeedy Iſſue by their own Va-
Jour alone, fought with great Bravery againſt the Enemy's Foot. And the
1 Gauls, who had no Apprehenſion of the Approach of more Forces, becauſe
[ none other had appeared the Day before, ' fancied they had now a favourable
Opportunity of cutting off our Cavalry. As the fight continued with great
Obſtinacy for a conſiderable time; Dumnacus advanced with the Foot in
Battle-array, to ſuſtain the Horſe: when ſuddenly the Legions, marching in
cloſe order, appeared within view of the Enemy. This Sight diſcompoſed the
1 Gallick
4 ,
OFTHE G AGLIGCE. 42 Boot vm.
Gallick Squadrons, and producing an univerſal Confuſion through their whole
Army, which ſpread even to the Baggage and Carriages; they with great
Uproar and Tumult betook themſelves to a precipitate Flight. But our Horſe,
who a little before had fought againſt an Enemy that vigorouſly oppoſed them;
now elated with the Joy of Victory, ſurrounded them with great Cries, and
\ urged the Slaughter as far as the Strength of their Horſes to purſue, and the
Vigour of their right Hands to deſtroy, were able to bear them out. Upwards
of twelve thouſand periſhed on this occaſion, partly in the Battle, partly in
the Purſuit; and the whole Baggage was taken.
XXIV. AFTER this Rout, Drapes, of the Nation of the Senones (who
upon the firſt Revolt of Gaul had drawn together a Band of deſperate Men,
invited Slaves to join him by the hopes of Liberty, aſſembled all the Fugitives
he could find, received even publick Robbers into his Service, and with that
profligate Crew intercepted the Roman Convoys and Baggage) having rallied
about five thouſand of the Runaways, directed his march towards the Province
being joined by Luterius of Quercy, who, as we have ſeen in the foregoing
Book, had attempted an Invaſion on that fide at the firſt breaking out of the
War. Caninius having notice of this Deſign, marched in purſuit of them
with two Legions, to prevent any Alarm in thoſe Parts, and hinder the Pro-
vince from falling a- Prey to the Ravages of a deſperate and needy Crew.
XXV. FABIUS, with the reſt of the Army, marched againſt the Car-
nutes, and other States, whoſe Forces had ſerved under Dummacus in the late
Action: for he made no doubt of finding them humbled by fo great a Blow;
and was unwilling, by any delay, to give Dumnacus an opportunity of rouſing
them to a continuance of the War. In this Expedition Fabius had all the
Succeſs he could defire, the ſeveral States ſubmitting immediately upon his
Approach. For the Carnutes, who though often haraſſed, had never yet made
mention of Peace, now ſurrendred and gave Hoſtages: and the other States,
inhabiting the more remote Parts of Gaul, bordering upon the Ocean, and
known by the name of Armorica, influenced by their Authority, and the
Arrival of Fabius and his Legions, readily accepted the Terms he offered them.
Dumnacus, expelled his Territories, and forced to wander and hide himſelf in
lurking Holes, at length eſcaped into the fartheſt Parts of Gaul.
XXVI. BUT Drapes and Luterius, underſtanding that Caninius was in
purſuit of them with the Legions; and ſenſible, that having an Army at their
heels, they could not without certain Deſtruction make an Irruption into the
Province, nor ſafely indulge themſelves in the liberty of plundering and ra-
vaging the Country; halted in the Territories of the Cadurci. As Luterius,
during his Proſperity, had bore a conſiderable Sway in the State, and been
always in great Reputation with the Multitude, as the Author of new and
enterpriſing Counſels ; he ſeized upon Uxellodunum, a Town ſtrongly fortify'd
by Nature, which had formerly been under his Patronage; and prevailed with
the Inhabitants to join his and Drapes's Forces.
XXVII. CANINIUS ſoon arrived before the Place, which he found
ſurrounded on every fide with ſteep Rocks, ſo very difficult of Acceſs, that
it was hardly poſſible for armed Troops to aſcend them, even where there
were no Oppoſers. But knowing that there was a vaſt Quantity of Baggage
in the Town, which could not be conveyed away fo privately as to eſcape the
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fore, compelled by Neceſſity, immediately ſurrendered themſelves.
15
P ANS A's COMMENTARIES
The whole Army were deſirous to deprive the Beſieged of this Reſource; but
Ceſar alone diſcovered the means of effecting it. He brought forward his
Galleries, and began a Terraſs over-againſt the Mountain, with much danger
to the Soldiers, incredible Fatigue, and a continued ſeries of fighting. For the
Garriſon ruſhing furiouſly upon us from the higher Ground, charged without
danger, and wounded great numbers of our Men, as they advanced obſtinately
to the Combat; yet without deterring them from bringing forward their Ma-
chines, and by their Works and Aſſiduity ſurmounting the Difficulties of the
Ground. At the ſame time they carried on their Mines, from the Terraſs and
Galleries, quite to the Fountain; a kind of Work in which they proceeded
without Danger or Suſpicion. A Terraſs was raiſed ſixty Foot high, and a
Tower of ten Stories placed upon it; not indeed to equal the height of the
Walls, for which no Works were ſufficient; but to command the top of the
Spring. From this Tower we were continually playing our Engines upon all
the acceſſes to the Fountain, which made it extremely dangerous to water at
the Place; inſomuch that not only Cattle and Beaſts of Carriage, but great
numbers of People periſhed by Thirſt.
XXXIV. THE Enemy, terrified at this Diſaſter, filled ſeveral Barrels with
Tallow, Pitch, and dry Wood; and having ſet them on fire, rolled them
down upon the Works. At the fame time they charged the Romans with great
Fury, that the Anxiety and Danger of the Battle might hinder them from
extinguiſhing the Flames. The Conflagration ſoon became general: for what-
ever was rolled down from above, being ſtopped by the Machines and Ter-
ras, communicated the Flame to that part. But our Soldiers, tho' engaged
in a dangerous kind of Fight, becauſe of the inequality of the Ground, yet
bore all with great Firmneſs and Reſolution. For the Action was in a conſpi-
cuous Place, within view of our Army, and great Shouts were raiſed on both
ſides. Thus every one was the more ardent to ſignalize himſelf, and brave
the Flames and Darts of the Enemy, as his Bravery would be better known,
and have the Teſtimony of many Witneſſes.
XXXV. CAESAR ſeeing many of his Soldiers wounded, ordered the Co-
horts to aſcend the Mountain on all fides, and as if preparing to ſcale the
Walls, raiſe a mighty Shout. This alarmed the Inhabitants, who not know-
ing what paſſed in other Parts, recalled their Troops from the Attack, and
diſpoſed them along the Walls. Thus our Men, being relieved from the
Battle, ſoon found means to extinguiſh or put a ſtop to the Flames. But as
the Beſieged ſtill. continued to defend themſelves with great obſtinacy, and
notwithſtanding the loſs of the greateſt part of their number by Thirſt, perſiſted
in their firſt Reſolution; Cæſar at laſt contrived to drain or avert the Spring by
Mines. Upon this the Fountain ſuddenly becoming dry, ſo effectually de-
prived the Beſieged of all hopes of Safety, that they imagined it an Event
brought about, not by human counſel, but by the will of the Gods; and there-
XXXVI. CAESAR conſcious that his Clemency was known to all, and no
way fearing that his Severity on this Occaſion would be imputed to any
Cruelty of Nature; as he perceived there would be no end of the War, if
other States in different parts of Gaul, ſhould in like manner form the Deſign
of a Revolt; reſolved, by a ſignal Example of Puniſhment, to deter them from
all ſuch Projects. He therefore cut off the Hands of all whom he found in
Arms ; -
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Arms; granting them their Lives, that their Puniſhment might be the more
conſpicuous. Drapes, who, as we have ſaid, had been made Priſoner by Ca-
ninius ; either out of indignation at finding himſelf a Captive, or dreading a
ſeverer Fate, put an end to his Life by abſtaining from Food. At the fame
time Luterius, who had eſcaped out of the Battle, falling into the hands of
Epaſnactus of Auvergne, (for by continually removing from place to place,
he was obliged to confide in many, becauſe he could ſtay no where long with-
out danger, and knew the little reaſon he had to expect Favour from Cz/ar ;)
was by him, a great favourer of the Roman People, delivered without heſita-
tion bound to Cæſar.
XXXVIL IN the mean time Labienus engaged the Cavalry of the Trevir:
with Succeſs : and having killed a conſiderable number on the ſpot, as like-
wiſe many Germans, who were always ready to join againſt the Romans; made
the [greateſt part of their Chiefs Priſoners ; and among the reſt Surus the
Eduan, a Nobleman of diſtinguiſhed Birth and Valour, and the only one of
that Nation; who had continued until then in Arms. Upon notice of this Vic-
tory, Cæſqar, who ſaw his Affairs in a flouriſhing Condition in Gaul, and that
his laſt Campaigns had compleated the ſubjection of the whole Country; re-
ſolved upon a Journey to Agzizain, where he had never yet been in perſon,
though P. Craſſus had in part reduced it to his Obedience. He therefore ſet out
for that Country with two Legions, deſigning to ſpend there the reſt of the
Campaign. This Expedition was attended with the defired Succeſs; for all the
States of Aguitain ſent Ambaſſadors to him, and delivered Hoſtages. He then
went with a Guard of Cayalry to Varhonne, and diſtributed his Army into
Winter-Quarters under the care of his Lieutenants. M. Antony, C. Trebonius,
P. Vatinius, and Q. Tullius, were quartered in Belgium with four Legions.
Two were ſent into the Country of the Aduans, whom he knew to be the
moſt powerful People in Gaul two into that of the 7irones, bordering upon
the Carnutes, to hold the maritime States in awe: and the remaining two were
' ſtationed among the Lemovices, not far from Auvergne, that none of the Pro-
vinces of Gaul might be deſtitute of Troops. He remained ſome Days at.
Warbonne, held all the uſual Aſſemblies of the Province, decided the differ-
ences ſubſiſting among the People, recompenſed thoſe who had diſtinguiſhed
themſelves by their faithful Services; (for he had a wonderful Faculty of diſ-
cerning how Men ſtood affected in the general Revolt of Gaul, which he had
been enabled to ſuſtain, merely by the Fidelity and Aſſiſtance of the Province;)
and having diſpatched all theſe Affairs, repaired to the Legions in Belgium, and
took up his Winter-Quarters at Vemerocenna. |
XXXVIIL HERE he was informed that Comius of Arras had had an
Engagement with his Cavalry. For after the arrival of Antony in his Winter-
Quarters ; as. the Atrebatians, awed by his preſence, continued in their Duty to
Ceſar : Comius, who ever ſince the Wound above-mentioned had kept a watchful
Eye upon all the Motions of his Countrymen, that in cafe of a War, he might
be ready to offer them his Counſel and Aſſiſtance ; finding that the State now
ſubmitted quietly to the Romans, applied his Troops to ſupport himſelf and
his Followers by Plunder; and often carried off the Convoys that were going
to the Roman Winter-Quarters, 75
XXXIX. AMONG thoſe who commanded under Antony in his Winter-
Quarters was C. Yoluſenus Quadratus, an Officer of the firſt Rank among the
6 57 Tat Horſe.
162
performance of theſe Conditions: che only requeſted, that ſo much regard
PANSA's COMMENTARTE S
Horſe. Him Antony ſent in purſuit of +the;Enemy's Cavalry. Huliſenus, to
his natural Bravery, which he poſſeſſed in an eminent degree, added a parti-
cular hatred of Comius, which induced him the more reatlily to accept of this
Commiſſion. Accordingly, having planted his Ambuſcades, he found means
frequently to engage the Enemy, and always came off victorious. At laſt, a
very warm Diſpute enſuing: and Voluſenus, thto an eager deſire of making
Comius Priſoner, urging the: Chace, with only a few Attendants ; While Gomins,
by a haſty Retreat, drew him a conſiderable way! from his Barty: ſuddenly the
latter, invoking the Aſſiſtance of his. Followers, called upon them to revenge
the Wound he had treacherouſly received from the Romans ; and turning ſhort
upon our Detachment, advanced without Precaution towards Yoluſerus. All
his Cavalry did the ſame, and ſoon put our; {mall Party to flight. Comius
clapping ſpurs to his Horſe, ran furiouſly againſt Quauratus, and drove his
Lance thro his Thigh. Our Men. ſeeing their Commander wounded, inſtantly
faced about, and forced the Enemy to give ground. In this laſt Attack, the
Gawls, after a conſiderable Slaughter, were entirely ;ronted by the. vigorous
Charge of our Cavalry. Some were troden to death in the Purſuit, others
made Priſoners; hut Cmius eſcaped hy the ſoviſtneſs of his Horſe. Holigſenus
being dangęrouſly wounded, almoſt beyond hape of recovery, was carried back
to 7 5 Camp. Camius, either ſatisßed with the Revenge he had taken, or ap-
prehenſive he muſt at laſt be ruined, as he, continually ileft ſome of his Men;
ſent a Deputation to Antony, offating to retire wherever he ſhould-order him,
to ſubmit to whatever :ſhould be ãimpoſed on him, and to give Hoſtages for the
might he ſhewn to his juſt Fears, as not to have it inſiſted on that ſhe ſhould
appear hefore any Raman. Antony, conſcious that his Apprehenfions were
but too well grgunded, excuſed him, toak Hoſtages, and granted him
Peace
CASAR, I know, aſſigns a diftint Book to each of his ſeveral . Cam-
paigns. But I have not judged it neceſſary to purſue this Method ; becauſe the
enſuing Year, under the Conſulſhip of L. Paulus, and C. Marcellus, furniſhes
nothing memorable tranſacted in Gaul. However, that mone may, be ignorant
where Gzfar and his Army were during this time, I have ſubjoined a thort Ac-
count to the preſent Commentary. | |
XL. CA SA R, during the time of his Winter- Quarters in Belgium, made
it his whole ſtudy to ingratiate himſelf with the Gault, and deprive them ef
all Pretence or Colour for a Revolt. For there was nothing he more earneſtiy
defired, than to leave Gaul peaceably diſpoſed at his departure; left, when he
was about to withdraw his Army, any ſparks of Rebellion ſhould remain,
which would infallibly rekindle into a War, were the Roman Troops onde re-
moved. Wherefore; by treating the ſeveral States with reſpect, liberally re-
warding their Chiefs, and abſtaining from the Impoſition of new Burdens, he
eaſily prevailed with the Gaul, wearied and exhauſted by long unſuc-
ceſsful Wars, to embrace the eaſs and quiet attendant on their preſent
Submiſſion. |
XLI. THE Winter being over, contrary to his Cuſtom, he poſted by great
Journeys into 1zaly, to viſit the municipal Towns and Colonies of . e eur
Gaul, and engage their Intereſt in fayqur of M. Autouy his Queſtor, who was
then a Candidate for the Prieſthood. He the more warmly intereſted himſelf
in
OF THE G ALLIC K VAR. Book vm. 163
in this Affair, not only as it was in behalf of a Man united to him by the
ſtricteſt ties of Friendſhip, but as it likewiſe gave him an Opportutity of op-
poſing a ſmall Faction, who aimed to diminiſh Cæſar's Credit by fepulſing
Antony. Altho he heard upon the Road, before he reached Italy, that An-
zony had been made Augur; he ſtill thought it incumbent upon him to viſit
the municipal Towns and Colonies of the Province, im order to thank them for
the Zeal they had ſhown in behalf of his Friend, and to recommend to them
his on Petition for the Gonſulſſüp of the enfuing Vear. For his Efiemies
every where-boafted, that L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus had been choſen Con-
ſuls, in the view of deſpoiling him of all his Honours arid Dignities; atid
that Sergius. Calla had been exctuded, tho much the ſtrongeſt in the number
of Votes, beoauſe of -hiskriown Intimacy with: Cſar, and Having ſerved under
him as Lieutenant.
XLII. H E was received every where with incredible Hondurs, and the warmeſt
Teſtimonĩes of the People's Affection. For this was 'the fiiſt time hie Had appeared |
among chem {ince'the total reduction of Gaul. Nothing was otnitted "that |
could contribute to the ornament of the Gates, Ways, and Places thro which
he was to paſs. The People with their Childfen came but to meet him: Sacti-
fices were offered in all Parts: Tables richly ſpread were placed in the publick ;
Squares and Temples: and «fo great was the :Mabnificence diſptayed by the [
rich, ſuch the Eagerneſs af the poor to expreſs their Satisfaction, that every 9
thing wore the fuce of a moſt ſplendid Priumph.
1 XIII. CX 82 R having viſited the ſeveral Provinces '6f Ciſalpine Ott,
E returned in all haſte to the Army at /Vemerocammmn; und ordering the Itgions
to quit their Winter! Quarters, and rendezvous in the Territories of the 275i, =
went thither and reviewed them in perſon. He gave the Goverment of al- =
pine Gaul to Labienus, the better to reconcile him to his demand of the Con- _
ſulſhip; and marched the Army from place to place, that by the motion and =
change of Air, he might prevent any Sickneſs getting among the Troops. 2
Altho' he often heard, that Lebienus was ſtrongly ſolicited by his Enemies;
and was for certain informed, that ſome were labouring, by means of the
Senate's Authority, to deprive him of part of his Army: yet neither did he
credit any Reports to Labienuss diſadvantage, nor could be induced to ſet | |
himſelf in oppoſition to the Authority of the Senate. For he made no doubt J
of obtaining his demand by the free Suffrages of the Fathers : and the rather,
becauſe C. Curio, Tribune of the People, having undertaken the defence of
Czeſar's Cauſe and Dignity, had often propoſed in the Senate: © That if Crfar's
« Army gave umbrage to any, as Pompey was no leſs formidable to the true
« Frienq; of Liberty, both ſhould be ordered to diſmiſs their Troops, and
« return to a private Condition, which would entirely free the Common-
ce wealth from all apprehenſions of Danger.” Nor did he only propoſe this,
but even began to put it to the Vote. But the Conſuls and Pompeys
Friends interpoſed, which hindered the Senate from coming to any Re-
ſolution. |
XLIV. THIS was an authentick Teſtimony from the whole Senate, and
agreeable to what, had paſſed on a former Occaſion. For when Marcellus,
who ſtrove to render himſelf conſiderable by oppoſing Cz/ar, had propoſed
the Year before, contrary to the Law of Pompey and Craſſus, to recal Cz/ar
before his Commiſſion was expired, the Overture was rejected by a very full
Houle.
2 —— — — —— — — — * *
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES.
Houſe. But this, inſtead of diſcouraging Cæſars Enemies, only puſhed them
on to new Attempts, that they might at length bring the Senate into their
Meaſures. | .
XLV. A Senatuſconſultum ſoon after paſſed, that one Legion from Pompey,
and another from Cz/ar, ſhould be ſent to the Parthian War. But it was
viſibly their Deſign to take both Legions from Cæſar alone. For Pompey offered
the firſt Legion for that ſervice, which he had lent ſome time before to Cz/ar,
having raiſed it in his Province. But Cz/ar, though now fully fatisfied of the
ill Deſigns of his Enemies, readily ſent back Popey's Legion; and in com-
pliance with the Decree of the Senate, ordered the fifteenth, one of his own
Number, which was then in hither. Gaul, to be delivered to their Commiſſio-
ners; and ſent the thirteenth into Italy to replace it, and ſupply the Garriſons
whence it had been drawn. He then put his Army into Winter-Quarters.
C. Trebonius, with four Legions, was ordered into the Country of the Belgians;
and C. Fabius, with the like number, was placed among the Aduans. For
thus he thought Gaul was moſt likely to be kept in ſubjection; if the Belge,
the moſt renowned for their Valour, and the AÆAduans, the moſt confiderable
for their Authority, were awed by the preſence of two Armies.
XLVI. AFTER this he returned into 1zaly, where he underſtood, that
the two Legions he had ſent, in conformity to the Decree of the Senate, to
be employed in the Parthian War, had been delivered by the Conſul Marcellus
to Pompey, and were by him ſtill detained in Italy. Although by this it was
abundantly evident, that they were preparing to take up Arms againſt him;
he yet reſolved to ſuffer every thing, while any hope remained of adjuſting
their Differences by the methods of Peace, rather than thoſe of Violence and
War, |
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THE ARGUMENT.
I. Different Opinions in the Senate in relation to Czſar's Letter. III. The Origin
and Cauſes of the Oppoſition formed againſt him. IV. The Senate's ſevere
Decree, and Flight of Czlar's Friends. V. War againſt Cæſar reſolved on.
VI. Cæſar harangues bis Troops. VII. Pompey ſends Propoſals of Peace.
VIII. Czfar's Anſwer. IX. Pompey ſends Propoſals a ſecond time. X. Which
not pleaſing Cæſar, he prepares for War, XI. Cæſar makes himſelf maſter
of Iguvium and Auximum. XII. Which fo alarms his Enemies at Rome,
that they haſtily quit the City, and retire to Capua. XIII. Cæſar, by his
Expedition, obliges many of the Towns of Italy to ſubmit. XXIII. Pompey,
after the Reduction of Corfinium by Cæſar, withdraws with his Troops to
Brunduſium. XXIV. Cæſar befieges him there. XXVI. He eſcapes by Sea,
after which the Town ſurrenders. XXVIII. Cæſar cannot purſue him for
want of 4 Fleet. XXIX. Valerius and Curio, Partigans of Cæſar, drive
Cotta from Sardinia, and Cato from Sicily. Varus compels Tubero to defift
from his Deſign upon Africa. XXX. Czſar's Speech to the Senate. XXXI.
F hich producing no Effect, he ſets out for Tranſalpine Gaul. XXXII. The
People of Marſeilles ſbut their Gates againſt Cæſar. XXXIV. Who com-
mands Brutus and Trebonius to befiege the Place. XXXV. Fabius ſent before
into Spain, XXXIX. Czſar follows, and comes up with Afranius and Pe-
treius at Lerida. XLI. 4 Skirmiſh with almoſt equal Advantage on both
fides. XLVI. A ſudden florm having broke down his Bridges, Cæſar is ſhut
up between two Rivers. XLVIII. And reduced to great flraits for want
of Provifions. LI. He extricates himſelf at length, and ſurpriſes the Enemies
Foragers. LIL. Brutus defeats the People of Marſeilles in a Sea-Fight. LIII.
Cæſar obtains the Superiority near Lerida. LIV. Many States declare for
him. LV. Afranius and Petreius remove towards Celtiberia. LVI. Cæſar
purſues them with his Cavalry. LVII. Then drawing out the Legions, conti-
nues to urge them in their Retreat. LXIV. He cuts off their Provi ions.
LXVI. Afranius and Petreius's Men talk with Czlar's about a Surrender.
LXVII. Petreius interrupts the Conference, LXVIII. And obliges the Soldiers
zo take an Oath of Fidelity to their Generals, LXX. Who finding both their
Proviſions and Forage intercepted, reſolve to return to Lerida, LXXI. Cæſar
follows and greatly molefts them in their march, LXXIII. At length Water,
Forage, and every thing failing them, they are forced to ſue for Peace, and
accept of Czlar's Terms.
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SUPPLEMENT
DIONYSIUS VOSSIUS,
CA $ A R's Firſt Book of the CIVIL WAR.
tend, that the following Commentaries concerning the Civil War, were
not penned by Gz/ar himſelf. We have not only the expreſs Teſtimony
of Suetonius to the contrary, but the very Stile ſufficiently declares, that Cæſar
alone could be the Author of the Work. There is room however to ſuſpect,
from the abrupt manner in which the Subject is introduced, that the beginning
of this firſt Book is wanting : for Hiſtory takes notice of ſeveral previous wo
Facts, of which no mention is made here. I have therefore collected out of 1
Plutarch, Appian, and Dion, as much as was neceſſary to connect this and BH
the former Commentary, and fancy it will not be diſagreeable to the Reader,
to offer it here by way of Preface.
| Think it needleſs to ſay any thing here, in oppoſition to thoſe who pre-
GAUL being wholly reduced, Cz/ar, upon his arrival in Lombardy,
thought proper for many Reaſons to ſend Deputies to Rome, to demand the
Conſulſhip, and a prolongation of his Command. Pompey, who tho averſe to
Cæſars Intereſt, had not yet openly declared againſt him, neither furthered nor
oppoſed this requeſt. But the Conſuls Marcellus and Lentulus, who had
already joined the Party of his Enemies, reſolved by every Method in their |
power to fruſtrate the Deſign. Marcellus ſcrupled not to add other Inju- 1
ries to that of which we ſpeak. For Czſar had lately planted a Colony at 1
NMovocomum in Ciſalpine Gaul; and Marcellus, not ſatisfied with ſtripping the 1
Inhabitants of the Privilege of Roman Citizens, ſeized one of their chief Ma- *
giſtrates at Rome, ordered him to be ſcourged, and then diſmiſſed him to
carry his Complaints to Cz/ar : an Ignominy from which all free Citizens were
expreſly exempted by the Laws. While Affairs were in this train, C. Curio,
Tribune of the People, came to Ce/ar in Gaul. This Nobleman, after many
Attempts in behalf of the Commonwealth, and to promote Cz/ar's Intereſt ;
finding at length all his Endeavours without effect, fled from Rome to avoid
the Malice of his Enemies, and informed Cz/ar of all that was tranſacting
againſt him. Cæſar received him with great marks of Reſpect, as well on
| account
168
SUPPLEMENT.
account of his Rank in the Commonwealth, as the many Services he had done
himſelf and the State; and thanked him for the fignal Zeal he had ſhown in
his Cauſe. But Curio adviſed him, fince his Enemies were now openly pre-
paring for War, to draw his Army together without delay, and reſcue the
Commonwealth from the tyranny of an aſpiring Faction. Cæſar, tho fully
fatisfied of the truth of Curio's Report, reſolved to ſacrifice all other Conſidera-
tions to the publick Tranquillity, that no Man might juſtly charge him with
being the Author of a civil War. He therefore only petitioned by his Friends,
that the Government of Ciſalpine Gaul and Tllyricum, with the command of
two Legions, might be continued to him: In all which his principal Aim
was, by the equity of his Demands, to induce his Enemies to grant Peace to
the Commonwealth. Theſe Offers appeared fo reaſonable, that even Pompey
himſelf knew not how to oppoſe them. But the Conſuls ſtill continuing in-
flexible, Czſar wrote a Letter to the Senate; wherein, after briefly enumerating
his Exploits and Services, he requeſted them not to deprive him of the Benefit
of the People's Favour, who had permitted him to ſue for the Conſulſhip in
his abſence. He proteſted his readineſs, if ſuch was the Reſolution of the
Senate and People of Rome, to diſmiſs his Army, provided Pompey did the
fame : but could by no means reſolve, ſo long as he continued in Command
and Authority, to diveſt himſelf of Troops, and lay himſelf open to the Inju-
ries of his Enemies. Curio was commiſſioned to carry this Letter; who tra-
velling with incredible diſpatch, reached Rome in three Days, (a diſtance of
an hundred and ſixty Miles,) before the beginning of January, and ere the
Conſuls could get any thing determined relating to Cæſar's Command. Curio,
upon his Arrival, reſuſed to part with the Letter, reſolving not to deliver it
but in full Senate, and when the Tribunes of the People were preſent :
for he was apprehenſive, ſhould he do otherwiſe, that the Conſuls would
ſupprels it.
CESAR“
CA SA R's COMMEN TARIES
3
OF THE
6:44: 1.4; 4 #.
B © O K 1
. 2 SARs Letter being delivered to the Conſuls, the Tribunes with
i much difficulty procured it a reading in the Senate, but could by no
means prevail to have his Demands brought under deliberation. The
Conſuls propoſed to debate upon the ſtate of the Republick, © Lentulus pro-
« miſed to ſtand by the Senate and People, if they would deliver their Senti-
«© ments with Freedom and Courage: but if they regarded Gz/ar, and affected
tc to court his Friendſhip, as had been the practice for ſome time paſt, he
c knew, he told them, what he had to do, and was determined to diſclaim
& their Authority ; not doubting but he would find a ready Admittance to the
« Favour and Protection of Cæſar. Scipio ſpoke much to the ſame purpoſe :
«© That Pompey was firmly bent not to abandon the Republick, if he Lund
te the Senators ready to ſupport him: but if they cooled, or were remiſs in
« their Reſolves, it would be in vain for them to expect his Aid, if they ſaw
t cauſe afterwards to apply for it.” This Speech of Scipio, as the Senate was
held in the City, and Pompey reſided in the Suburbs, was conſidered as coming
from Pompey's own Mouth. Some were for following milder Counſels, of which
number was M. Marcellus, who gave it as his Opinion: That it was not
ce proper to enter upon the preſent Deliberation, till Troops were raiſed over
ce all Traly, and an Army got ready, under whoſe Protection the Senate might
te proceed with freedom and ſafety in their Debates. Callidius was for ſend-
te ing Pompey to his Government, to take away all occaſion of Diſcord ; be-
tc cauſe Cæſar had reaſon to fear, as two of his Legions had been taken from
« him, that Pompey retained them in the neighbourhood of Rome, with a
te view to employ them againſt him.” M. Rufus nearly agreed in opinion
with Callidius. But they were all ſeverely reprimanded by the Conſul Len-
v
-
zulus, who expreſly refuſed to put Callidiuss Motion to the vote. Marcellus
awed by the Conſul's Reprimand, retracted what he had ſaid. Thus the Cla-
mours of Lentulus, the dread of an Army at the Gates of Rome, and the Me-
naces of Pompey's Friends, forced the greater part of the Senate, tho with the
utmoſt Reluctance and Diſlike, into a Compliance with Scipios Motion:
« That Cz/ſar ſhould be ordered to disband his Army before a certain Day
« then fixed ; and that, in caſe of Diſobedience, he ſhould be declared an
X Xx | « Enemy
170
C SARS COMMENTARIES
& Enemy to the Republick.” M. Antonius and &. Caſſius, Tribunes of the
People, oppoſed their Negative to this Decree. , Immediately a Debate aroſe
upon the validity of their Interpofition. Many fevere Speeches were made
againſt them; and the more warm and paſſionate any one appeared, the more
was he applauded by Cz/ar's Enemies.
IT. I N the Evening the Senate roſe; and Pompey ſending for all thoſe-
of his Party, commended the forward; confirmed them in their Reſolutions;
reproved and animated the more moderate. Multitudes of Veterans, who had
formerly ſerved under him, flocked to him from all parts, allured by the ex-
pectation of Rewards and Dignities. A great number of Officers belonging to
the two Legions lately returned by Cz/ar, had likewiſe Orders to attend him.
Rome was filled with Troops. Curio aſſembled the Tribunes to ſupport the
Decree of the People. On the other hand, all the Friends of the Conſuls, all
the Partizans of Pompey, and of ſuch as bore any ancient grudge to Cz/ar,
repaired to the Senate: by whoſe Concourſe and Votes the weaker ſort were
terrified, -the irreſolute confirmed, and the greater part deprived of the liberty
of ſpeaking their mind freely. L. Piſo the Cenſor, and L. Roſcivs the Prætor,
offered to go and acquaint Cz/ar with the ſtate of Affairs, demanding only fix
Days for that purpoſe. Some were for ſending Deputies to him, to inform
him of the Senate's Diſpoſition. | |
III. BUT all theſe Propoſals were rejected, becauſe the Conſul, Scipio, and
Cato, declared againſt them. Cato was incited by the remembrance of an old
Quarrel, and the diſappointment he had ſuſtained in ſtanding Candidate for
the Prætorſhip with Cz/ar. Lentulus was oppreſſed with Debt, and flattered
himſelf with the Command of Armies, the Government of Provinces, and the
Largeſſes of the Kings for whom he ſhould procure the title of Allies and
Friends of the Roman People. He was beſides wont to boaſt among thoſe of
his own Party, that he doubted. not of becoming a ſecond Hylla, in whom the
whole Authority of the Commonwealth ſhould center. Scipio entertained the
ſame hope of Commands and Governments, which he expected to ſhare with
his Son-in-law Pompey : add to this his dread of a Proſecution ; his Vanity and
Self-Conceit ; and the Flatteries and Applauſes of his Friends, who at that
time bore a conſiderable ſway in the Commonwealth and Courts of Juſtice.
Pompey himſelf, inſtigated by Cz/ar's Enemies, and not able to endure an Equal
in dignity, was now entirely alienated from him, and had joined with their
common Adverſaries, moſt of whom Cz/ar had contracted during his Affinity
with Pompey. Beſides, the fraudulent Step he had taken, in detaining for
the Purpoſes of his own Ambition, the two Legions deſtined to ſerve in
Alia and Syria, determined him to uſe all his Endeavours to bring on a
civil War.
IV. THUS nothing but Tumult and Violence was to be ſeen in the pub-
lick Debates. Cæſar's Friends had no time given them to inform him of what
paſſed. Even the Tribunes themſelves were not exempt from Danger, nor
durſt they have recourſe to that right of Interceſſion, which Sylla had left them
as the laſt, Bulwark of Liberty: inſomuch that the ſeventh Day after entering
upon their Office, they ſaw themſelves obliged to provide for their Safety;
whereas in former times, the moſt turbulent and ſeditious Tribunes never be-
gan to apprehend themſelves in Danger, *till towards the eighth Month of their
Adminiſtration. Recourſe was had to that rigid and ultimate Decree, which
* was
OF THE CIVIL WAR: Book i.
was never uſed but in the greateſt Extremities, when the City was threatned
with Ruin and Conflagration: © That the Conſuls, the Prætors, the Tribunes
« of the People, and the Proconſuls that were near Rome, ſhould take care
« that the Commonwealth received no Detriment.” This Decree paſſed the
ſeventh of January; ſo that during the five firſt Days in which it was per-
mitted the Senate to aſſemble, after Lentuluss entrance upon the Conſulſhip
(for two Days are always appropriated to the holding of the Comitia) the moſt
ſevere and rigorous Reſolutions were taken, both in relation to Czſar's Govern-
ment, and the Tribunes of the People, Men of eminent Worth and Dignity.
The Tribunes immediately quitted the City, and fled to Cz/ar, who was then
at Ravenna, waiting an Anſwer to his late Demands, whoſe Equity he hoped
would diſpoſe all Parties to entertain thoughts of Peace.
V. THE following Days the Senate aſſembled without the City, where
Pompey confirmed every thing he had before intimated by the Mouth of Scipio.
He applauded the Reſolution and Courage of the Senators, acquainted them
with the ſtate of his Forces, that he had ten Legions already in Arms, and
was beſides well informed, that Cæſar's Troops were by no means ſatisfied with
their General, nay had even refuſed to ſupport and follow him. It was then
propoſed in the Senate; that Troops ſhould be raiſed over all 7aly ; that
Fauſtus Sylla ſhould be ſent Proptætor into Mauritania; that Pompey ſhould be
ſupplied with Money out of the publick Treaſury ; and that King Juba ſhould
be declared Friend and Ally of the People of Rome: but Marcellus oppoſed
the laſt of theſe; and Philippus, Tribune of the People, would not agree to
the Proprætorſſip of Sylla. The other Motions were approved by the Senate.
The Affair of the Provinces was next decided; two of which were Conſular,
the reſt Prætorian. Syria fell to the ſhare of Scipio; and Gaul fell to L. Do-
mitius. Philippus and Marcellus were ſet aſide, through the private views of
the prevailing Party. The reſt of the Provinces were aſſigned to Men of Præ-
torian Rank; who waited not to have their Nomination confirmed by the
People, as had been the Cuſtom in former Years ; but after taking the uſual
Oath, departed for their ſeveral Commands in a military Habit. The Conſuls
left the City, a thing unheard of till that time; and Lictors were ſeen walk-
ing before private Men in the Forum and Capitol, contrary to the expreſs
Practice of former Ages. Troops were levied over all Italy; Arms enjoined ;
Money demanded of the Colonies and free Towns, and even taken from
the very Temples: in fine, neither divine nor human Rights were regarded.
VI CASAR having Intelligence of theſe Proceedings, addreſſed himſelf
to his Troops: © He took notice of the many Injuries he had received on all
« Otcalions from his Enemies, who had alienated Pompey from him, by filling
« him with an Envy and Jealouſy of his Reputation, tho' he had done every
« thing in his power to promote his Glory, and favour his Advancement to
Cc
A
“ into the Commonwealth, in checking and hindering by Arms the oppoſition
tc of the Tribunes, which of late Years had been reſtored to its wonted Force.
« That Hylla, who had almoſt annihilated the Tribuneſhip, had yet left it the
« liberty of Oppoſition ; whereas Pompey, who valued himſelf upon the re-
« eſtabliſhment of that Office, deprived it now of a Privilege it had always
« enjoyed. That the Decree enjoining the Magiſtrates to provide for the
ce ſatety of the Commonwealth, which implied an Order to the Roman People
« to repair to Arms, was never wont to be uſed but on occaſion of dangerous
« Laws,
A
the higheſt Dignities. He complained of the new Precedent introduced
171
17
commiſſioned ſo to do.
CESARs COMMENTARIES
« Laws, ſeditious Meaſures purſued by the Tribunes, or a general ſeceſſion of
« the People, when they poſſeſſed themſelves of the Temples and Places of
« Strength: Crimes, which in former Ages had been expiated by the Fate of
« Saturninus and the Gracchi. That at preſent nothing of this kind had been
« attempted, nor ſo much as thought of; no Law promulged, no Endeavours
« uſed to ſeduce the People, no Appearance of Revolt or Diſaffection. He
« therefore conjured them to defend againſt the Malice of his Enemies, the
« Honour and Reputation of a General, under whom they had ſerved nine
« Years with ſo much Advantage to the Commonwealth, gained ſo many
« Battles, and ſubdued all Gaul and Germany.” The Soldiers of the thirteenth
Legion, who were preſent, and whom he had ſent for in the beginning of the
Troubles, (the reſt not being yet arrived,) cried out, that they were determined
to maintain the Honour of their General, and to revenge the Wrongs done to
the Tribunes.
VII. BEING aflured of the Good-will of the Soldiers, he marched with
that Legion to Rimini, where he was met by the Tribunes of the Pegple, who
had fled to him for Protection. He ordered the other Legions to quit their
Winter-Quarters, and follow him with all expedition. While he was at Ni-
mini, young L.Czſar, whoſe Father was one of his Lieutenants, came to him;
and after acquainting him with the occaſion of his Journey, added, that he had
a private Meſſage to him from Pompey, © who was deſirous of clearing himſelf
« to Cz/ar, that he might not interpret thoſe Actions as deſigned to affront him,
ce which had no other Aim but the good of the Commonwealth: That it had
« been his conſtant Maxim, to prefer the intereſt of the Republick to any
c private Engagement: That it was worthy of Cæſar, to ſacrifice his Paſſion
« and Reſentment to the ſame noble Motive; and not prejudice the Common-
« wealth, by puſhing too far his Revenge againſt his private Enemies.” He
added ſomething more to the ſame purpoſe, mingled with Excuſes for Pompey.
The Prætor Roſcius joined likewiſe in the Negotiation, declaring he was
1
VIII. TH O all this tended little to redreſs the Injuries of which Ceſar com-
plained : yet conſidering theſe as proper Perſons by whom to tranſmit his
Thoughts; he begged of them, that as they had not ſcrupled to bring Pompey's
Demands to him, they would likewiſe carry back his Propoſals to Pompey ;
that, if poſſible, fo ſmall a Labour might put an end to mighty Differences,
and deliver all Italy from the fear of a civil War. He told them: © That the
« intereft of the Commonwealth had always been dearer to him than Life ; but
6 he could not help grieving at the Malice of his Enemies, who had fruſtrated
« the good Intentions of the Roman People in his favour, by cutting off fix
« Months from his Command, and obliging him to return to Rome to ſue for
the Conſulſhip, tho a Law had been made diſpenſing with his perſonal At-
« tendance: That he had yet, for the ſake of the Commonwealth, patiently
« ſubmitted to this Aſſault upon his Honour: That even his Propoſal of diſ-
« banding the Armies on both ſides, which he had made by a Letter to the
«© Senate, had been rejected: That new Levies were making over all 1taly:
« That two Legions, which had been taken from him under pretence of the
« - Parthian War, were ſtill retained in the ſervice of his Enemies: That the
„ whole State was in Arms. What could all this aim at but his Deſtruction ?
« That nevertheleſs he was ready to agree to any Propoſal, and expoſe himſelf
„ to any Danger, for the ſake of his Country. Let Pompey go to his Govern-
| © ment:
A
A
5
5 — 1 =
= * 9 37 = l Ss <7" 1 1
r VF TIER
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book 1.
« ment: let all the Armies be disbanded : let every body throughout Traly lay
« down their Arms: let every thing that participates of Terror and Force be
« removed: let the Elections of Magiſtrates be made with perfect Freedom;
and let the Republick be adminiſtred by the Authority of the Senate and
People. And the better to ſettle all theſe Articles, and corroborate them
with the ſanction of an Oath, let either Pompey himſelf draw nearer, or
ſuffer Ceſar to approach him; as all their Differences may be moſt eaſily
« terminated by a Conference.”
A
0
W „
o
0
A
*
IX. ROSCIUS and L. Cæſar, having received this Anſwer, departed for
Capua, where they found Pompey and the Conſuls, and laid before them
Cæſar's Propoſals. After deliberating upon the Affair, they ſent a Reply in
writing by the ſame Meſſengers, the Purport of which was: That Cz/ar
e ſhould quit Rimini, return to Gaul, and disband his Army; which Condi-
<« tions performed, Pompey would go into Spain. In the mean time, till
ce Cæſar gave ſecurity for the performance of what he had promiſed, neither
« Pompey nor the Conſuls would diſcontinue the Levies.” |
X. IT was by no means a fair Propoſal, that Cæſar ſhould be obliged to
quit Rimini, and return to Gaul; while Pompey held Provinces and Legions
that were none of his : that he ſhould diſmiſs his Army; whilſt the other was
levying Troops: and that only a general Promiſe of going into Spain ſhould
be given, without fixing a Day for his departure; by which Evaſion, was he
to be found in 1zaly, even at the expiration of Cæſar's Conſulſhip, he could not
yet be charged with breach of Faith. His forbearing too to appoint a time
for a Conference, and declining to approach nearer, gave little reaſon to ho
for a Peace. He therefore ſent Antony to Arretium with five Cohorts ;
remained himſelf ' at Rimini with two, where he reſolved to levy Troops;
and ſeizing P iſaurum, Fanum, and Ancona, leſt a Cohort in each for a
Garriſon.
XI. MEAN-TIME being informed, that 7hermus the Prætor had en-
tered Iguvium with five Cohorts, and was endeavouring to fortify the Town;
as he knew the Inhabitants to be well inclined to his Intereſt, he detached Cu-
rio thither with three Cohorts, drawn from Piſaurum and Rimini, Upon
this Thermus, who could not confide in the Townſmen, retired with his Co-
horts, and quitted the Place : but his Troops abandoning him in their march,
returned ſeverally to their own Homes. Curio was received into the Place with
great demonſtrations of Joy: which being reported to Cæſar, as he found he had
the Good-will of the Colonies and free Towns, he drew the Cohorts of the
thirteenth Legion out of Garriſon, and marched to Auximum, which Attius
held with a Body of Troops, and whence he had diſpatched Senators to levy
Forces over all Picenum. Caſar's arrival being known, the chief Citizens of
Auximum went in a Body to Attius Varus, and told him: * That it did not
e belong to them to determine on which fide Juſtice lay; but that neither
« they, nor the other municipal Towns could endure to ſee their Gates ſhut
c apainſt Cæſar, who by his great Actions had deſerved fo well of the Com-
ee monwealth: That therefore he would do well to conſult his own Safety
ce and Reputation.” Attius, moved by this Speech, drew off his Garriſon |
and fled. But ſome of Ceſar's firſt Ranks purſuing him, obliged him to ſtop;
and a Battle enſuing, he was deſerted by his Men. Some of the Troops
returned home; the reſt went over to Cæſar, and brought along with
Yy them
I73
174
CNS A Rs COMMENTARIES.
them L. Pupius, firſt Centurion of the Legion, who had formerly held the
| fame rank in Pompeys Army. Cæſar commended Atriuss Soldiers; dif-
miſſed Pupius; returned thanks to the Inhabitants of Auximum; and pro-
miſed to retain always a grateful remembrance of their Attachment.
XII. THESE things being reported at Rome, the Conſternation was fo
great over the whole City, that when the Conful Lentulus came to the
Treaſury to deliver out the Money to Pompey, in conſequence of the Decree
of the Senate, he ſcarce waited the opening of the inner Door, but preci-
pitately left the Place, upon a falſe Rumonr that Cæſqar was approaching, and
ſome of his Cavalry already in view. He was ſoon followed by his Collegue
Marcellus, and the greater part of the Magiftrates Pompey bad left the
Town the Day before, and was upon his way to Apulia, where he had quar-
tered the Legions he had received from Ce/ar. The Levies were diſcontinued
within the City, and no place appeared ſecure on this fide Capua. Here at
laſt they took Courage and rallied, and began to renew their Levies in the
Colonies round about, which had been ſent thither by the Julian Law.
Lentulus ſummoned into the Forum the Gladiators whom Cz/ar had ordered to
be trained up there, gave them their liberty, furniſhed them with Horſes, and
commanded them to follow him. But being 'afterwards' admoniſhed by his
Friends that this Step was univerſally condemned, he diſperſed them into the
neighbouring Towns of Campania, to keep garriſon there. | Sag
XIII. CASA R mean-while leaving Aurimum, traverſed the whole
Country of Picenum; where he. was joytully received in all parts by the
Inhabitants, who furniſhed his Army with every thing neceſſary. Even
Cingulum itſelf, a Town founded by Labienus, and built at his own expence,
ſent Deputies to him with an offer of their Submiſſion and Services. He de-
manded a certain number of Soldiers, which were ſent immediately. Mean-
time the twelfth Legion joined him; and with theſe two he marched! to Au-
lum, a Town of Picenum. Here Lentulus $pinther commanded with ten
Cohorts; who hearing of Czfar's Approach, quitted the Place with his
Troops, who almoſt all deſerted him upon the march. Being left with only
a few, he fell in with HFibullius Rufus, whom Pompey had ſent into Picenum,
to encourage his Followers in thofe parts. Vibullius underſtanding from him
the ſtate of Affairs in Picenum, diſmiſſed Lentulus, and took the Soldiers under
his Command. He likewiſe drew together from the neighbouring Provinces
as many as he could meet with of Pampeys Levies; among the reſt Ulci/les
Hirus, who was flying with fix Cohorts from Camerinum, where they had been
quartered. Out of all theſe he formed thirteen Cohorts, with which he
poſted by great Journeys to Corfinium, where Domitius Abenobarbus com-
manded; whom he informed that Czfar was approaching with two Legions.
Damitius had already got together with great expedition twenty Cohorts
from Alba, the Country of the Marf, Peligni, and the neighbouring
Provinces. by:
XIV. C SAR having made himſelf maſter of Aſcẽlum, and obliged
Lentulus to retire, ordered the Soldiers who had deſerted him to be ſought
after, and new Levies to be made. He remained only one Day there, to ſettle
what related to Proviſions, and then purſued his march to Corfinium. Upon
his arrival there, he found five Cohorts, whom Domitius had detached from
the Garriſon, employed in breaking down a Bridge about three Miles diſtant
| from
OF THE CIVIL WAR, Book 1.
from/the Town. But Ce/ar's advanced Parties attacking them, they quickly
abandoned the Bridge, and retired; to Corfinium. Ce/ar having paſſed with
his Legions, halted before the Town, and encamped under the Walls.
XV. UP.ON this Domitius engaged by great Rewards Perſons well
acquainted with the Country, to carry Letters into Apulia to Pompey, wherein
he earneſty requeſted him to come to his Aid. He told him, „That it would
« be eaſy, in that cloſe, Country, to {ſhut up Cz/ar between two Armies, and
ce cut off his Proviſions: that unleſs this Courſe was followed, he himſelf,
« with above thirty Cohorts, and a great Number of Senators and Roma!
« Knights, would be. expoſed to imminent danger.” Mean-while having en-
couraged his Men, he diſpoſed Engines along the Walls, appointed every one
his particular Poſt, and the more to animate them, promiſed each Soldier four
Acres of Land out of his own Eſtate, and in proportion to every Centurion
and Volunteer.
XVI. MEAN-TIME Cz/ar was informed that the People of Sulmona,
a Town ſeven Miles diſtant from Corfininm, deſired to put themſelves under
his Protection, but were reſtrained by Q. Lucretius a Senator, and Artins a
Pelignian, who held them in ſubjection with a Garriſon of ſeven Cohorts. He
therefore diſpatched M. Antony thither, with five Cohorts of the ſeventh Le-
gion, whoſe Enſigns were no ſooner deſcried from the Walls of Sulmona, than
the Gates were thrown open, and the whole People in a Body, both Soldiers and
Townſmen, came out to congratulate Autony on his Arrival. Lucretius and Attius
endeavoured to eſcape over the Wall: but Atius being taken, and brought to
Antony,” requeſted that he might be ſent to Ce/ar. Antony returned the fame
Day, bringing along with him the Cohorts and Attius. Cz/ar joined theſe
Cohorts to his Army, and ſet Actius at liberty. |
XVII. CASAR reſolved to employ the three firſt Days in ſtrongly forti-
fying his Camp, 1n procuring Corn from the neigbouring Towns, and waiting
the arrival of the reſt of his Forces. During this ſpace the eighth Legion
Joined him, with two and twenty Cohorts of new Levies from Gaul, and about
three hundred Horſe from the King of MWoricum. This obliged him to form a
ſecond Camp on the other {ide of the Town, under the Command of Curio. The
remaining Days were ſpent in drawing a Line with Redoubts round the Place,
which Work was nearly compleated when the Meſſengers that had been ſent
to Pompey returned. |
XVIII. DOMITIUS peruſing the Diſpatches, thought proper to diſ-
ſemble the Contents, and declared in Council, that Pompey would ſpeedily
come to their Aſſiſtance. Mean-time he exhorted them to behave with Cou-
rage, and provide every thing neceſſary for a vigorous Defence. He conferred
however privately with a few of his moſt intimate Friends, and in concert with
them determined upon Flight. But as his Looks and Speech were found to
diſagree; as he behaved not with his uſual Compoſure and Firmneſs; and
was obſerved, contrary to Cuſtom, to be much in ſecret: Conference with his
Friends; avoiding publick Appearances,” and Councils of War: it was not
poſſible for the Truth to remain any longer concealed. For Po had wrote
back; „That he could not put all to hazard for his fake; that he had
« neither adviſed nor conſented to his ſhutting himſelf up in Cor fnium; that
«© he muſt therefore endeayour to extricate himſelf as well as he could, and
«© come
175
176
CEASAR's COMMENTARIES:
« come and join him with all his Forces.” But as Cz/ar had inveſted and
carried his Lines round the Place, this Retreat was now become im-
practicable. * | Pn N | |
XIX. DOMITIU $'s Defign being diſcovered, the Soldiers, who were
at Corfinium, began to aſſemble in the Evening, and by means of their Tri-
bunes, Centurions, and other Officers, made known their Thoughts to one
another: © That they were beſieged by Cz/ar, who had already in a manner
« compleated his Works: that their General Domitius, in whoſe | Promiſes of
« Aſſiſtance they had placed their chief Hope, abandoning all Concern for
e their Safety, was contriving to eſcape privately by flight: that it was there-
ce fore incumbent: upon them to look alſo to their own Preſervation.” The
Mar; at firſt oppoſed this Reſolution, and poſſeſſed themſelves of the ſtrongeſt
art of the Town; nay the Diſpute was ſo warm, that it almoſt came to be
decided by the Sword. But ſhortly after, being made acquainted with Do-
mitius's intended Flight, of which before they had no knowledge; they all
in a Body ſurrounded Domitius, ſecured his Perſon, and ſent Deputies to Cæſar;
« That they were ready to open their Gates, receive his Orders, and deliver up
« Domitius alive.” Lines e of
XX. THOUGH Cæſar was fully ſenſible of how great importance it
was to get poſſeſſion of the Town immediately, and join the Garriſon to his
own Army; left by Largeſſes, Promiſes of ſpeedy Relief, or falſe Reports, any
Change ſhould be produced; as in War great Revolutions often ariſe from ve
trifling Cauſes: yet fearing that if he introduced his Soldiers in the dark, they
would take that Opportunity to plunder the Town, he ſent back the Deputies
with thanks for their proffer, reſolving to have the Walls and Gates watched
with great care. To that end he diſpoſed his Men along the Works, not at
certain diſtances as uſual, but in one continued Rank, ſo as to touch each
other, and compleatly inveſt the Town. He ordered the military Tribunes,
and Officers of the Cavalry, to patrol about the Works, and not only be on
their Guard againſt Sallies, but even take care to prevent the eſcape of parti-
cular Perſons. And indeed ſo alert and vigilant were the Soldiers, that not a
Man cloſed his Eyes that Night; each expecting the Event with impatience,
and carrying his Thoughts from one thing to another; what would be the
Fate of the Corfinians, what of Domitius, what of Lentulus and the other
illuſtrious Perſons in the Place: in fine, what was like to be the iſſue of ſo
complicated a Scene.
XXI. ABOUT the fourth Watch of the Night, Lentulus Spinther called
from the Wall to the Guard, and defired to be conducted to Cze/ar. His
Requeſt being granted, he came out of the Town, attended by ſome of Do-
mitiuss Soldiers, who never leſt him till they had conducted him into Cz/ar's
preſence. He begged him to ſpare his Life, and pardon the Injuries he had
« done him, in conſideration of their former Friendſhip. He owned the
“ many Obligations he had laid him under, in procuring him an Admiſſion
« into the College of Prieſts, obtaining for him the Government of Spain
« after the expiration of the Prætorſhip, and ſupporting him in the demand
of the Conſulſhip.” Cæſar interrupted him by faying, © That he was not
“ come out of the Bounds of his Province with an intent to injure any body;
« but to repel the Injuries done him by his Enemies; to revenge the Wrongs
« of the Tribunes; and to reſtore to the Roman People, who were oppreſſed
: CC by
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book I.
« by a ſmall Faction of the Nobles, their Liberty and Privileges.” Lentulus
encouraged by this Speech, asked leave to return into the Town, “ where, he
« ſaid, the Aſſurances he had obtained of his own Safety, would contribute
« not a little to the conſolation of others, ſome of whom were ſo terrified, that
« they were ready to take deſperate Reſolutions.” Leave being granted, he
departed for the Town. O |
XXII. AS ſoon as it was light, Cz/ar ordered before him all the Senators,
Senators Sons, military Tribunes, and Roman Knights. There were of Sena-
torian Rank, L. Domitius, P. Lentulus Spinther, L. Vibullius Rufus, Sextus
Quintilius Varus Queſtor, L. Rubrius ; alſo Domitius's Son, and many young
Men of Quality, with a great number of Roman Knights, and ſome Decurions,
or Senators of the neighbouring municipal Towns, who had been ſent for by
Domitius. As ſoon as they appeared, he gave Orders to ſecure them from the
Inſults of the Soldiery; and addreſſing them in few Words, remonſtrated :
« That they had made a very ill Requital for the many ſignal Services received
ce at his hands: after which he ſet them all at liberty. He likewiſe reſtored to
Domitius fix millions of Seſterces, which that General had brought with him
to Corfinium, and depoſited in the hands of the two Treaſurers of the Town,
who ſurrendered it to Cæſar. As this was publick Money, aſſigned by Pompey
to pay the Forces with, Cæſar might juſtly have ſeized it; but he was willing
to ſhew himſelf generous, as well as merciful. He ordered Domitius's Soldiers
to take the uſual Oath to him, decamped that very Day, made the or-
dinary march ; and after ſtaying in all ſeven Days before Corfirium, at-
rived in Apulia, through the Territories of the Marrucini, Frentani, and
Larinates. N an
XXIII. POMPEY having Intelligence of what paſſed at Corfinium, re-
treated from Luceria to Canufium, and thence to Brunduſium. He ordered all
the new Levies to join him, armed the Shepherds and Slaves, furniſhed them
with Horſes, and formed a Body of about three hundred Cavalry. Mean-
while the Prætor L. Manlius, flying from Alba with fix Cohorts; and the
Prætor Rutilus Lupus, from Tarracina with three; ſaw Cz/ar's Cavalry at a
diſtance, commanded by Bivius Curius: upon which the Soldiers immediately
abandoned the two Prætors, and joined the Troops under the conduct of Cu-
rius. Several other Parties, flying different ways, fell in, ſome with the
Foot, others with the Horſe. Cx. Magius of Cremona, Pompey's chief Engi-
neer, being taken on his way to Brunduſium, was brought to Cz/ar, who ſent
him back to Pompey with this Meſſage: That as he had not yet obtained
« an Interview, his Deſign was to come to Brunduſium, there to confer with
« him in relation to the common Safety, becauſe they would ſoon be able
c to diſpatch in a perſonal Treaty, what, if managed by the Interven-
« tion of others, could not be hindered from running into a tedious Ne-
« gotiation. |
XXIV. HAVING diſmiſſed him with theſe Inſtructions, he arrived be-
fore. Brunduſium with fix Legions, three of which were compoſed of veteran
Soldiers, and the reſt of new Levies drawn together upon his march : for as to
Domitius's Troops, he had: ſent them directly from Corfinium to Sicily. He
found the Conſuls were gone to Dyrrachinm with great part of the Army, and
that Pompey remained in .Brundufium with twenty Cohorts. Nor was it cer-
tainly known, whether he continued there with deſign to keep poſſeſſion of
| 2 2 | Brunaufiun,
177
178
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CAS AR's C OMHMHENNARTES
Brundufium, that he might be maſter of the wile Adriatick Sea, the extreme
parts of Italy, and the Country of Greece, in order to make War on both ſides
the Gulph; or for want of Shipping to tranſport his Men. Fearing therefore
that it was ſtill his Intention to keep footing in Italy, he reſolved to deprive
him of the Advantages he might reap from the Port of Brunduſſum. The
Works he contrived for this purpoſe were as follows. He carried on a Mole
on either ſide the mouth of the Haven where the entrance was narroweſt, and
the Water ſhallow. But as this Work could not be carried quite acroſs the
Port, by reaſon of the great depth of the Sea, he prepared double Floats of
Timber, thirty Foot ſquare, which were each ſecured by four Anchors from
the four Corners, to enable them to reſiſt the fury of the Waves. Theſe ex-
tending all the way between the two Moles, were covered over with Earth and
Faſcines, that the Soldiers might paſs and repaſs with eaſe, and have firm foot-
ing to defend them. The front and ſides were armed with a Parapet of
Hurdles; and every fourth Float had a Tower of two Stories, the better to
guard the Work from Fire, and the ſhocks of Veſſels.
XXV. AGAINST theſe Preparations Pompey made uſe of ſeveral large
Ships which he found in the Port of. Brunduſium : and having fitted them with
Towers of three Stories, which he filled with a great number of Engines and
Darts, let them looſe upon Cz/ar's Floats, to break through the Staccado, and
interrupt the Works. Thus daily Skirmiſhes happened with Darts, Arrows,
and Slings at a diſtance. Amidſt theſe Hoſtilities, C2ſar's Thoughts were {till
bent upon Peace: and tho he could not but wonder that Magius, whom he
had ſent with Propoſals to Pompey, was not yet returned with an Anſwer ;
nd even ſaw his Deſigns and Undertakings retarded by his frequent Offers of
is kind; he nevertheleſs ſtill perſevered in theſe peaceable Reſolutions. Ac-
cordingly he diſpatched Caninius Rebilus, one of his Lieutenants, a Relation
and intimate Friend of Scribonius Libo, to confer with him on this Subject. He
charged him, to exhort that Nobleman to think ſeriouſly of Peace, and if poſ-
fible procure an Interview between him and Pompey. Could this be effected,
he ſhewed there was the greateſt Ground to believe, that Peace would ſoon be
concluded on reaſonable Terms ; the Honour and Reputation of which would
in a manner wholly redound to Libo, if by his Mediation both Parties ſhould
be prevailed with to lay down their Arms. Libo, after conferring with Cani-
nius, waited on Pompey. Soon after he returned with this Anſwer; that the
Conſuls were abſent, without whom Pompey had no power to treat of an Ac-
commodation. Thus Cæſar having often tried in vain to bring about a
Peace, thought it now time to drop that Deſign, and bend all his thoughts
W AA | ;
XXVI. CA AR having ſpent nine Days about his Works, had now half
finiſhed the Staccado, when the Ships employed in the firſt Embarkation, being
ſent back by the Conſuls from Dyrrachium, returned to Brundufium. Pompey,
either alarmed at Cæſar's Works, or becauſe from the firſt he had determined to
relinquiſh 1aly, no ſooner ſaw the Tranſports arrive, than he prepared to carry
over the reſt of his Forces. And the better to ſecure himſelf againſt Cæſar,
and prevent his Troops from breaking into the Town during the Embarkation,
he walled up the Gates; barricaded the Streets; or cut Ditches acroſs them,
filled with pointed Stakes, and covered with Hurdles and Earth. The two
Streets which led to the Port, and which: he left open for the paſſage of his
Men, were fortified with a double Paliſado of very ſtrong well ſharpened
Stakes.
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OF THE CIVIL VAR. Book 1.
Stakes. Theſe Preparations being made, he ordered the Soldiers to embark
with great Silence, having placed on the Walls and Towers ſome ſelect Archers
and Slingers, who were to wait till all the Troops had got aboard, and then
retire, upon a Signal given, to ſome ſmall Ships that waited them at a con-
venient diſtance,
XXVII. THE People of Brunduſium, provoked by the Affronts they had
received from Pompey, and the Inſults of his Soldiers, wiſhed well to Cz/ar's
Cauſe: and having notice of Pompeys intended departure; while the Soldiers
were buſied with the care of embarking, found means to ſignify it from the
tops of their Houſes. Cæſar, upon this Intelligence, ordered ſcaling Ladders
to be prepared, and the Soldiers to repair to their Arms, that he might not
loſe any opportunity of acting. Pompey weighed Anchor a little before Night,
and gave the Signal for recalling the Soldiers that were upon the Walls, who
repaired with all expedition to the Ships prepared for them. Mean time the
ſcaling Ladders are applied to the Walls, and Cæſar's Troops enter the Town.
But being informed by the Brundufians of the Snares and Ditches provided for
them by the Enemy, they were obliged to take a great Circuit, which gave
| Pompey time enough to put to ſea, Two Tranſports only, impeded by Cæſar's
Mole, were taken with the Troops on board.
XXVIII. TH O' Cz/ar was fully ſenſible, that to finiſh the War at a blow,
he muſt paſs the Sea immediately, and endeavour to come up with Pompey,
before he could draw his tranſmarine Forces together ; yet he dreaded the
delay and length of time that ſuch a Project might require: becauſe Pompey
having carried with him all the Ships on that Coaſt, rendered the preſent exe-
cution of the Deſign impracticable. He muſt therefore wait the arrival of
Ships from Picenum, Sicily, and the remoter Coaſts of Gaul; which was a
tedious Buſineſs, and, at that ſeaſon of the Year, ſubje& to great Uncertainty.
It appeared likewiſe of dangerous Conſequence, to ſuffer a veteran Army, and
the two Spains, one of which was wholly devoted to Pompey, to ſtrengthen
themſelves in his Rival's Intereſt ; to let them grow powerful by levies of
Horſe and Foot; and leave Gaul and Italy open to their Attacks in his ab-
ſence.. He determined, therefore, to lay afide, for the preſent, the deſign of
purſuing Pompey, and turn all his thoughts towards Spain. He ordered the
Magiſtrates of the municipal Towns to aſſemble all the Veſſels they could, and
ſend them to Brundu/ium. He ſent Valerius, one of his Lieutenants, into Sar-
dinia, with one Legion; and the Proprætor Curio into Sicily with three: order-
ing him, as ſoon as he had maſtered Sicily, to paſs over with his Army into
Africa. |
XXIX. M. COTTA cotntninded in Sardinia; M. Cato in Sicily; and
Africa had fallen by lot to Tubero, The Inhabitants of Cagliari, hearing of
| Paleriuss Commiſſion, of their own accord, before he had left 1zaly, drove
Cotta out of their City ; who terrified by the unanimous Oppoſition he met
with from the Province, fled into Africa. In Sicily, Cato applied himſelf with
reat diligence to the refitting of old Ships, and building of new. He ſent
2 Lieutenants to raiſe Forces in Lucania and the Country of the Brutians,
and ordered the States of Sicily to furniſh him with a certain number of Horſe
and Foot. When theſe Preparations were almoſt compleated, being in-
formed of Curios arrival, he called his chief Officers together, and com-
« plained, that he was betrayed and abandoned by Pompey, who without
60 any
j
179.
180
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
« any previous Preparation had involved the Commonwealth in an unneceſ-
« fary War; and upon being queſtioned by himſelf and others in the Senate,
ec had aſſured them, that he was abundantly able to ſuſtain it.” Having thus
declared his Mind, he quitted the Province, which by this means ſubmitted
without trouble to Curio, as Sardinia had before done to Valerius. Tubero
arriving in Africa, found Attius Varus in poſſeſſion of that Province; who
after the loſs of his Cohorts at Auximum, as we have ſhewn above, had fled
into thoſe parts, and, with the conſent of the Natives, taken upon him the
Command. Here he had found means to levy two Legions, by his knowledge
of the People and Country, where he had been Governor ſome Years before,
after the expiration of his Prætorſhip. Tubero coming before Utica with his
Fleet, was forbid the Harbour and Town; nor could he even > ror leave for
his Son to land, though he had a fit of Sickneſs upon him, but was obliged
to weigh Anchor and be gone. ty -
XXX. THESE Affairs diſpatched, Cz/ar, that his Troops might enjoy
ſome Repoſe, cantoned them in the neareſt Towns, and ſet out himſelf for
Rome. There he aſſembled the Senate, and after complaining of the Injuries
of his Enemies, told them, © that. he had never affected extraordinary Ho-
« nours, but waited patiently the time preſcribed by the Laws, to ſolicit for a
« ſecond Conſulſhip, to which every Roman Citizen had a right to aſpire:
« That the People, with the concurrence of their Tribunes, (in ſpite of the
ce Attempts of his Enemies, and the vigorous Oppoſition of Cato, who en-
« deavoured, according to Cuſtom, to ſpin out the time in ſpeaking,) had
te permitted him to ſtand Candidate though abſent, and that even in the Con-
ec ſulſhip of Pompey : who, if he diſapproved of the Decree, why did he let it
« paſs? but if he allowed it, why now oppoſe the execution? He ſet before
« them his Moderation, in voluntarily propoſing that both Parties ſhould lay
« down their Arms, by which he muſt have been himſelf diveſted of his
* Government and Command. He diſplayed the Malice of his Enemies,
ce who ſought to impoſe Terms upon him, to which they would not ſubmit
e themſelves; and choſe rather to involve the State in a civil War, than part
« with their Armies and Provinces. He enlarged upon the-Injury they had
« done him, in taking away two of his Legions, and their Cruelty and Inſolence,
“jn violating the Authority of the Tribunes. He ſpoke of his many offers
«© of Peace, his frequent deſire of an Interview, and the continual Refuſals he
« had received. For all theſe Reaſons, he requeſted and conjured them to. un-
c dertake the Adminiſtration of the Republick, jointly with him. But if
cc they declined it through Fear, he had no Intention to force fo great a Bur-
« den upon them, and would take the whole Charge alone. That in the
« mean time it would be proper to ſend a Deputation to Pompey, to treat
« of an Accommodation: Nor was he frighted at the Difhculty Pompey had
« ſtarted ſome time before in the Senate; that to ſend Deputies was to lt Samay
« ledge the Superiority of him to whom they were ſent, and a ſign of Timi-
« dity in the ſender. That this was a little low way of thinking; and that,
« in the ſame manner as he had endeavoured at a ſuperiority in Action, he
* would alſo ſtrive to be ſuperior in Juſtice and Equity.” |
XXXI. THE Senate liked the Propoſal of a Deputation to Pompey: but
the great Difficulty was, to find Deputies; every one, out of fear, refuſing to
charge himſelf, with that Commiſſion. For. Pompey, at his departure from
Rome, had declared in the Senate: That he would eſteem thoſe who ſtayed
| | « behind,
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"'S
OF THE CIVIL WAR: 'Book .
« behind, as no leſs guilty than thoſe in Cz/ar's Camp.” Thus three Days
were ſpent in Debates and Excuſes. The Tribune L. Metellus had likewiſe
been ſuborned by Cz/ar's Enemies to traverſe this Deſign, and hinder whatever
he ſhould propoſe. Which Cæſar coming to underſtand, and that he only
waſted his time to no purpoſe; he ſet out from Rome, without effecting what
he had intended, and arrived in further Gaul. |
XXXIIL HERE he was informed, that Pompey had ſent into Spain V. ibul-
lius Rufus; the ſame who a few Days before had been made Priſoner at Or-
finium, and ſet at liberty by Cz/ar : that Domitius was gone to take poſſeſſion
of Marſeilles, with ſeven Gallies, which he had fitted out at Igilium and
Coſanum, and manned with his Slaves, Freedmen, and Labourers: That the
Deputies of the above-mentioned State, young Men of the firſt Quality, (whom
Pompey, at his departure from Rome, had exhorted not to ſuffer the memory of
his paſt Services to their Country to be blotted out by thoſe lately received
from Cz/ar,) had been ſent before, to prepare the way for his Reception. In
conſequence of their Remonſtrances, the Inhabitants of Marſeilles ſhut their
Gates againſt Cæſar, and ſummoned to their Aſſiſtance the Mbici, a barbarous
People, who had long been under their Protection, and inhabited the adjoining
Mountains. They brought Proviſions from the neighbouring Country and
Caſtles, appointed Work-ſhops for the making of Arms, refitted their Navy,
and repaired their Walls and Gates.
XXXIIL CASA R ſending for fifteen of the principal Men of the City,
exhorted them not to be the firſt to begin the War, but to be ſwayed rather
by the Authority of all zaly, than the will of one particular Perſon, He for-
got not ſuch other Conſiderations as ſeemed moſt likely to bring them to reaſon.
The Deputies returning into the Town, brought back this Anſwer from their
Senate : * That they ſaw the Romans divided into two Parties; and it did not
C
*
« were Pompey and Cæſar, both Patrons of their City; the one having added
« to it the Country of the Yolce Arecomici and Helvians ; the other, after
« the reduction of Gaul, conſiderably augmented its Territories and Revenues :
6 That as they were therefore equally indebted to both, it became them not to
« aid the one againſt the other; but to remain neuter, and grant neither an
« admittance into their City or Port.”
XXXIV. WHILST theſe things were in agitation, Domitius arrived at
Marſeilles with his Fleet; and being received into the Town, was appointed Go-
vernor, and charged with the whole Adminiſtration of the War. By his
Order, they ſent out their Fleet to cruiſe round the Coaſts ; ſeized and brought
in all the Merchant Veſſels they could find; and made uſe of the Nails, Rig-
ging, and Timber of ſuch as were unfit for Service, to repair the reſt. They
depoſited in publick Granaries all the Corn that was to be found in the
City, and ſecured whatever elſe they thought might be ſerviceable to them in
caſe of a Siege. Cæſar provoked at theſe Preparations, brought three Legions
before the Town; began to erect Towers and Galleries; and gave Orders for
building twelve Gallies at Arles: which being finiſhed, lanched, and brought
to Marſeilles, within thirty Days from the cutting of the Wood they were com-
poſed of, he put them under the Command of D. Brutus; and having directed
the manner of the Siege, left the care of it to C. Trebonius his Lieutenant.
Aaa XXXV.
belong to them to decide ſuch a Quarrel: That at the head of theſe Parties
181
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CAS ARS COMMENTARIES
XXXV. DURING theſe Orders and Prepatations, he ſent C. Fabius be-
fore him into Spain, with three Legions that had wintered about Marbomme;
charging him to ſecure with all diligence the paſſage of the Pyrenæan Moun-
tains, which was at that time guarded by a Party of Aframuss Army. His
other Legions, whoſe Quarters were more remote, had orders to follow as faſt
as they could. Fabius, according to his Inſtructions, having made great diſ-
patch, forced the Paſſes of the Pyrenees; and by long marches. came up with
Afranins's Army.
XXxVL POMPEY had then three Lieutenants in Sþain 3 Afranius,
Petreius, and Varro. The firſt of theſe was at the head of three Legions,
and governed the nearer Spain. The other two had each two Legions, and
commanded ; the one from the Caſtilian Foreſt to the Anas; the other fr
the Anas, quite through Lufitanin, and the Territories of the /ertones. Theis
three Lieutenants, upon the arrival of Vibullius Rufus, whom Pompey had ſent
into Spain, as we have ſeen above; conſulted together, and agreed; that
Petreius ſhould join Afranins with his two Legions ; and that Varro ſhould
ſtay and ſecure further Spain. Theſe Reſolutions being taken ; Perreius levied
Horſe and Foot in Laſtania; and Afranius in Celtiberia, Cantabria, and the
barbarous Nations bordering upon the Ocean, When the Levies were com-
pleated, Petreius ſpeedily joined Afranius through the Territories of the Ves.
Zones ; and both reſolved to make Lerida the ſeat of the War, becauſe the
Country lay convenient for their purpoſe.
XXXVII. WE have already obſerved that 4franins had three Legions, and
Petreius two. Beſides theſe, there were about eighty Cohorts, ſome light,
forme heavy- armed; and five thouſand Horſe, raiſed in both Provinces. Cæſar
had ſent his Legions before him into Spain, with fix thouſand auxiliary Foot,
and three thoufand Horſe, who had ſerved under him in all his former Wars;
and he was furniſhed with the like number from Gawd, all choſen Troops. For
hearing that Pompey was coming with his whole Force through Mauritania
into Spain, he ſent circular Letters to all the Gallick States, inviting by name
thoſe of the moſt known and approved Valour, and in particular a ſelect Body
of Mountaineers from Aguitain, where it borders upon the Roman Province.
At the fame time he borrowed Money from the military Tribunes and Centu-
rions, which he diſtributed among the Soldiers. This Policy was attended with
two great Advantages: it bound the Officers to him by the Obligation of In-
tereſt, and the Soldiers by the tie of Gratitude.
XXXVHI. FABIUS, by Letters and Meſſengers, endeavoured to ſound the
diſpoſition of the neighbouring States. He had laid two Bridges over the Sico-
7is, four miles diſtant from each other, for the convenience of foraging, having
conſumed all the Paſture on this fide the River. Pompeys Generals did the
fame, with much the like view, which occaſioned frequent Skirmiſhes between
the Horſe. Two of Fabius Legions, which was the ordinary Guard of the
Foragers, paſſing one Day according to cuſtom, and the Cavalry and Carriages
following; the Bridge broke down on a ſudden, by the violence of the Winds
and Floods, and ſeparated them from the reſt of the Army. Af#anius and
Petreius perceiving it, by the Faſcines and Hurdles that came down with the
Stream ; detached immediately four Legions, with all their Cavalry, over the
Bridge that lay between the Town and their Camp; and marched to attack
Fabius's Legions. Upon this, L. Plancus, who commanded the Eſcort, finding
himſelf
OFTHE CIVIL WAR. Book 1.
himſelf ' hard preſſed; ſeized a ring Ground; and forming his Men in tws .
Diviſions, poſted. them back to back, that he might not be ſurrounded by the
Enemies Horſe. By this diſpoſition, tho' inferior in number, he was enabled
to ſuſtain the furious Charge of their Legions and Cavalry. During the courſe
of the Battle, the Enſigns of two Legions were perceived at a diſtance,. which
Fabius had ſent by the further Bridge to ſuſtain his Party, ſuſpecting what
might happen, and that Pompeys Generals would ſeize the Opportunity offered
them by Fortune, to, fall upon our Men. Their arrival put an end to the En-
gagement, and both Parties returned to their reſpective Camps.
XXXIX. TWO Days after, Cæſar arrived in the Camp with nine hundred
Horſe, which he had kept for a Body- guard. He began by re-eſtabliſhing in
the night the Bridge which had been broken down, and was not yet quite re-
paired. Next Day he took a view of the Country, and leaving fix Cohorts to
guard the Bridge, the Camp, and the Baggage, marched with all his Forces in
three Lines to Lerida, and ſtopped near Afranius's Camp, where he remained
ſome time under Arms, and offered him Battle on an even Ground. Afranius
drew out his Troops, and formed them before his Camp half way down the
Hill. Cz/ar finding that he declined an Engagement, reſolved to encamp within
four hundred Paces of the foot of the Mountain ; and to hinder his Troops from
being alarmed or interrupted in their Works, by ſudden Incurſions ſrom the
Enemy ; ordered them not to throw up a Rampart, which muſt have appeared
and betrayed them at a diſtance ; but to cut a Ditch in front, fifteen Foot
broad. The firſt and ſecond Lines continued in order of Battle, as had been
reſolved from the beginning; and the third carried on the Work behind them
unperceived. Thus the whole was compleated, before Afranius had the leaſt
ſuſpicion of his deſign to encamp there.
XI. IN the evening Cæſar retreated with his Legions behind the Ditch, and
paſſed the whole Night under Arms. Next Day he carried the Intrenchment
quite round his Camp: and becauſe Materials for a Rampart muſt have been
fetched from a great diſtance, he contented himſelf for the preſent with a
naked Ditch, as the Day before; allotting a Legion to each fide of the Camp;
and keeping the reſt of the Troops under Arms, to cover thoſe who worked.
Afranius and Petreius, to alarm our Men, and diſturb the Works, advanced
with their Troops to the foot of the Mountain, and threatned to give Battle.
But Czfar truſting to the three Legions under Arms, and the defence of his
Ditch, {till perſiſted in his Deſign. At laſt, after a ſhort ſtay, and without
daring to come forward into the Plain, they retreated again to their
Camp. The third Day, Cæſar added a Rampart to his Camp, and brought
into it the ſix Cohorts, with the Baggage which he had left in his former
XLI. BETWEEN the City of Lerida, and the Hill where Petreius and
Afranius were encamped, was a Plain of about three hundred Paces; in the
mid{t of which was a riſing Ground, which Gz/ar wanted to take poſſeſſion
of; - becauſe, by that means, he could cut off the Enemy's communication
with the Town and Bridge, and render the Magazines they had in the Town
uſeleſs. In this Hope, he drew out three Legions ; and having formed them
in 'order of Battle, commanded the firſt Ranks of one of them to run before,
and gain the Place. Afranius perceiving his deſign, diſpatched the Cohorts that
were upon guard before the Camp, a nearer way to the ſame Eminence, The
Contelt
183
184
CRS ARS COMMENTARIES
Conteſt was ſharply maintained on both ſides: but Afranius's Party, who had
firſt got poſſeſſion of the Poſt, * obliged our Men to give ground; and being
reinforced by freſh Supplies, put them at laſt to rout, and forced them to fly
for ſhelter to the Legions.
XLII. THE manner of fighting of Afraniuss Soldiers was, to come for-
ward briskly againſt an Enemy, and boldly take poſſeſſion of ſome Poſt ;
neither taking care to keep their Ranks, nor holding it neceſſary to fight in
a cloſe compact Body. It they found themſelves hard puſhed, they thought
it no diſhonour to retire and quit their Poſt; following in this the Cuſtom of
the Luſitanians; and other barbarous Nations; as it almoſt always happens,
that Soldiers give into the Manners of the Country where they have long
been uſed to make War. This manner of fighting however, as it was new
and unexpected, diſordered our Men, who ſeeing the Enemy come forward,
without regard to their Ranks, were apprehenſive of being ſurrounded; and
yet did not think themſelves at liberty to break their Ranks, or abandon their
Enſigns, or quit their Poſt, without ſome very urgent Cauſe. The firſt Ranks
therefore being put into diſorder, the Legion in that Wing gave ground, and
retired to a neighbouring Hill. | =
XLIII. CSA R, contrary to his Expectation, finding the Conſternation
like to ſpread through the whole Army, encouraged his Men, and led the
ninth Legion to their aſſiſtance. He ſoon put a ſtop to the vigorous and inſulting
purſuit of the Enemy, obliged them to turn their Backs, and puſhed them to
the very Walls of Lerida. But the Soldiers of the ninth Legion, elated with
ſucceſs, and eager to repair the Loſs we had ſuſtained, followed the Runaways
with ſo much heat, that they were drawn into a Place of diſadvantage, and
found themſelves directly under the Hill where the Town ſtood: whence when
they endeavoured to retire, the Enemy again facing about, charged vigorouſſy
from the higher Ground. The Hill was rough, and ſteep on each ſide, ex-
tending only ſo far in Breadth, as was ſufficient for drawing up three Cohorts:
but they could neither be reinforced in Flank, nor ſuſtained by the Cavalry.
The Deſcent from the Town was indeed ſomething eaſier, for about four
hundred Paces; which furniſhed our Men with the means of extricating them-
ſelves from the danger into which their Raſhneſs had brought them. Here
they bravely maintained the Fight, though with great diſadvantage to them-
ſelves, as well on account of the narrowneſs of the Place, as becauſe being
poſted at the foot of the Hill, none of the Enemies Darts fell in vain. Still
however they ſupported themſelves by their Courage and Patience, and were
not diſheartned by the many Wounds they received. The Enemies Forces in-
creaſed every Moment, freſh Cohorts being ſent from the Camp through the
Town, who ſucceeded in the place of thoſe that were fatigued. Ceſar was
likewiſe obliged to detach ſmall Parties to maintain the Battle, and bring off
ſuch as were wounded.
XLIV. THE Fight had now laſted five Hours without intermiſſion, when
our Men, oppreſſed by the Multitude of the Enemy, and having ſpent all
their Darts, attack d the Mountain Sword in hand; and overthrowing ſuch as
oppoſed them, obliged the reſt to betake themſelves to flight. The Purſuit
was continued to the very Walls of Lerida, and ſome out of fear took ſhelter
in the Town; which gave our Men an opportunity of making good their
Retreat. At the fame time the Cavalry though poſted diſadvantageouſly in a
bottom,
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book i.
bottom, found means by their Valour to gain the ſummit of the Mountain;
and riding between both Armies, hindered the Enemy from harraſſing our
Rear. Thus the Engagement was attended with various Turns of Fortune.
Ceſar loſt about ſeventy Men in the firſt Encounter; among whom was Q. Ful-
ginius, firſt Centurion of the Zaftati of the fourteenth Legion, who had
raiſed himſelf by his Valour to that Rank, through all the inferior Orders.
- Upwards of fix hundred were wounded. On Afranius's fide was ſlain 7. Cæ-
cilius, firſt Centurion of a Legion; alſo four Centurions of inferior degree,
and above two hundred private Men.
XLV. YET ſuch were the Circumſtances of this Day's Action, that both
ſides laid claim to the Victory: the Afranians, becauſe though allowed to be
inferior in Number, they had long ſuſtained our Attack, kept poſſeſſion of the
Eminence which occaſioned the Diſpute, and obliged our Men at firſt to give
ground: Cz/ar's Troops, becauſe they had maintained a fight of five Hours,
with a handful of Men, and in a very diſadvantageous Poſt ; becauſe they had
attacked the Mountain Sword in hand; becauſe they had driven their Ad-
verſaries from the higher Ground, and compelled them to take ſhelter in the
Town. Mean-time Afranius fortified the Hillock which had been the ſubject
-of diſpute, with a great Number of Works, and poſted there a large Body
of Troops. |
XLVI. TWO Days after, a very unfortunate Accident happened. For fo
SET great a Storm aroſe, that the Water was never known to be higher in thoſe
Parts; and the Snow came down in ſuch Quantities from all the Mountains
round about, that the River overflowed its Banks, and in one Day broke
down both the Bridges Fabius had built over it. Cz/ar's Army was reduced
to great Extremities on this occaſion. For his Camp, as we have before ob-
ſerved, was between the Sicoris and Cinga, two Rivers that were neither of
them fordable, and neceſſarily (hut him up within a ſpace of no more than
thirty miles. By this means, neither could the States that had declared for
him ſupply him with Proviſions, nor the Troops that had been ſent beyond
the Rivers to forage return, nor the large Convoys he expected from Gaul
and Italy get to his Camp. Add to all this, that it being near the time of
Harveſt, Corn was extremely ſcarce: and the more, as before Cæſar's arrival,
Afranius had carried great Quantities of it to Lerida; and the reſt had been
- ſince conſumed by Cz/ar's Troops. The Cattle, which was the next Reſource
in the preſent ſcarcity, had been removed to Places of Security, on the break-
ing out of the War, The Parties ſent out to forage and bring in Corn, were
perpetually harraſſed by the Spaniſh Infantry, who being well acquainted with
the Country, purſued them every where. The Rivers themſelves did not im-
pede them, becauſe they were accuſtomed to paſs them on blown-up Skins,
which they always brought with them into the Field. Afranius, on the con-
trary, abounded in all things. He had large Magazines of Corn already laid
up, was continually receiving freſh Supplies from the Province, and had plenty
of Forage. The Bridge of Lerida furniſhed all theſe Conveniencies without
danger, and opened a free communication with the Country beyond the River,
from which Cz/ar was wholly excluded. | F
XLVII. THE Waters continued ſeveral Days. Cæſar endeavoured to re-
eſtabliſh his Bridges, hut could not get the better of the Obſtacles occaſioned
by the ſwelling of the River, and the Enemy's Forces ſtationed on the oppoſite
B bb Bank.
185
—y
7
186
CA SARS COMMENTARIES
Bank. They found it the eafter to prevent his Deſign, as the River was deep
and rapid, and they could diſcharge their Darts all along the Bank, on that
particular Spot where our Men were at work: whereas it was extremely
difficult on our fide to ſtruggle with the force of the Stream, and at the ſame
time guard ourſelves againſt the Aſſaults of the Enemy.
XLVIII. MEAN-WHILE Afranms was informed, that a large Convoy,
which was on its way to join Cz/ar, had been obliged to- halt at the River fide.
It conſiſted of Archers from Rovergue, Gauliſh Horſe, with many Carts and
much Baggage, according to the cuſtom of the Gauls, and about fix thouſand
Men of all forts, with their Domeſticks and Slaves; but withont Diſcipline or
Commander, every one following his own Choice, and all marching in perfect
Security, as if they had nothing more to apprehend than in former times.
There were likewiſe many young Gentlemen of Quality, Senators Sons, and
Roman Knights, with the Deputies of the States of Gaul, and ſome of Cæſars
Lieutenants; who were all ſtopped ſhort by the River. Afranius ſet out in
the night with three Legions, and all his Cavalry; and ſending the Horſe
before, attacked them, when they leaſt expected it. The Gauliſb Squadrons
forming with great expedition, began the Fight. While the Conteſt was upon
equal terms, the Gault, though few in number, bore up againſt the vaſt mul-
titude of the Enemy; but ſeeing the Legions advance, and having loſt ſome of
their Men, they retreated to the neighbouring Mountains. This delay faved
the Convoy ; for during the Skirmiſh, the reſt of the Troops gained the higher
Ground. We loſt that Day about two hundred Archers, a few Troopers,
and ſome Servants and Baggage. | | |
XLIX. ALL this ſerved to enhance the price of Proviſions, a Calamity
inſeparable from preſent Scarcity, and the proſpect of future Want. Corn was
already at fifty Denarii a Buſhel, the Soldiers began to loſe their Strength, and
the Evil increaſed every moment. Nay ſo great was the change produced in
a few Days, and ſuch the alteration of Fortune, that while our Men were in
the utmoſt want of all kind of Neceſſaries, the Enemy had plenty of every
thing, and were accounted victorious. Cæſar left nothing untried to remove
the preſent Scarcity : he diſmiſſed all the uſeleſs Mouths, and applied to the
States that had declared for him, defiring them to ſend him Cattle where they
wanted Corn,
L. THESE things were greatly exaggerated by Afranius, Petreius, and
their Friends, in the Letters they ſent upon this Occaſion to Rome. Nor was
Fame backward in adding to the Account; inſomuch that the War appeared to
be almoſt at an end. Theſe Couriers and Letters having reached Nome, there
was a great concourſe of People at Afranius's Houſe, many Congratulations
paſſed, and multitudes of the Nobility flocked out of Italy to Pompey ; ſome
to carry the farſt accounts of this grateful News ; others that they might not
be ſo late as to ſubject them to the Reproach of having waited for the event
of things. a
LI. AFFAIRS being in this extremity, and all the Paſſes guarded by
Afranius's Parties, without a poſſibility of repairing the Bridges; Cz/ar ordered
the Soldiers to build ſome light Boats, in imitatation of thoſe he had formerly
ſeen in Britain, whoſe Keel and Ribs were of Wood, and the reſt of
Wicker, covered with Leather. When he had got a ſufficient number, he ſent
them
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book 1.
them by night in Waggons, twenty-two Miles off his Camp. In theſe he embarked
a good number of Soldiers, and ſent them over the River; took poſſeſſion un-
expectedly of a Hill adjoining to the Bank on the other fide ; threw up a Fortifi-
cation before the Enemy thought of hindering him; poſted a Legion in this
Fortification ; and then threw a Bridge over the Sicoris in two Days. By this
means he recovered his Foragers, ſecured the Convoy, and opened a Paſſage
for future Supplies. The ſame Day he detached a great part of his Cavalry
over the River; who falling unexpectedly upon the Enemy's Foragers, diſperſed
up and down without ſuſpicion of Danger, made a conſiderable capture of Men
and Horſes ; and obſerving ſome S$p2n;/þ Cohorts on the march to their Aſſiſt-
ance, skilfully divided themſelves into two Bodies; one to ſecure the Booty;
the other, to receive, and return the Enemy's Charge. One of their Cohorts,
which had raſhly ſeparated from the reſt, and advanced too far before the main
Body, was furrounded and cut to pieces by our Men, who returned
over the ſame Bridge to the Camp, without lofs, and enriched with a conſi-
derable Booty.
LI. WHILST theſe things paſſed at Lerida, the People of Mar/cilles,
by the advice of L. Domitius, equipped ſeventeen Gallies, eleven of which
were covered. To theſe they added a multitude of ſmaller Veſſels, that they
might ſtrike a Terror into our Fleet by their very number; and manned them
with Archers, and the Mountaineers we have already mentioned, whom they
encouraged to perform their Part by great Rewards and Promiſes. Domitius
defired ſome of theſe Ships, and filled them with the Shepherds and Labourers
he had brought thither with him. Thus furniſhed and equipped, they failed
with great Confidence in queſt of our Fleet, which was commanded by Deci-
mus Brutus, and rid at Anchor at an Iſland over-againſt Marſeilles, Brutus
was much inferior to the Enemy in number of Ships; but Cz/ar had manned
them with his beſt Soldiers, choſen out of all the Legions, and headed by
Centurions of diſtinguiſhed Bravery, who had petitioned him for this Service.
Theſe had provided themſelves with Hooks and Grappling-Irons, and a great
number of Darts, Javelins, and offenſive Weapons of all ſorts. Thus prepared,
upon notice of the Enemy's arrival, they ſtood out to Sea, and attacked their
Fleet. The Conflict was ſharp and vigorous. ' For the Mountaineers, a hard
Race, habituated to Arms, and trained up in War, ſcarce yielded to the Ro-
mans in Bravery ; and having but juſt parted from Marſeilles, ſtill retained a
lively ſenſe of the Promiſes fo lately made them. The Shepherds too, animated
by the hopes of Liberty, and fighting under the Eye of their Maſter, did Won-
ders to merit his Approbation. The Townſmen themſelves 'confiding in the
nimbleneſs of their Ships, and the skill of their Pilots, eluded the ſhock of our
Veſſels, and baffled all their Attempts. As they had abundance of Sea-room,
they extended their Line of Battle, in order to ſurround our Fleet, or attack
our Ships ſingly with a number of theirs, or in running along: ſide, ſwee
away a range of Oars. If they were compelled to come to a cloſer Engage-
ment, ſetting aſide the Skill and Addreſs of their Pilots, they relied wholly on
the Bravery of their Mountaineers. Our Men were but indifferently provided
with Rowers and Pilots, who had been haſtily taken out of ſome Merchants
Ships, and knew not ſo much as the names of the Tackle. They were
incommoded too by the weight and lumpiſhneſs of their Veſſels, which being
built in haſte of unſeaſoned Timber, were not ſo ready at tacking about. But
when an Opportunity offered of coming to cloſe Fight, they would boldly get
between two of the Enemy's Ships; and grappling them with their Hooks, ;
| charge
187
|
1
|
|
te. FO I YO "hs ae
*
CEASARs COMMENTARIES
charge them on each fide, board them, and cut to pieces the Mountaineers
and Shepherds that defended them. In this manner they ſunk part of
their Veſſels, took ſome with all the Men on board, and drove the reſt
into the Haven. In this Engagement the Enemy had nine Galleys ſunk
or taken,
188
LIII. THE report of this Battle reaching Lerida, and Cæſar having finiſhed
his Bridge over the Sicoris, Affairs ſoon began to put on a new Face. The
Enemy dreading the Courage of our Horſe, durſt not diſperſe about the Coun-
try as formerly; but either foraged in the neighbourhood of the Camp, that
they might the ſooner make good their Retreat; or by a long Circuit, en-
deavoured to avoid our Parties: and upon receiving any Check, or even deſ-
crying our Cavalry at a diſtance, they would throw down their Truſſes, and
fly. At laſt, they were reduced to omit foraging ſeveral Days together,
and reſolved to purſue it only by night, contrary to the general Cuſtom
of War.
LIV. IN the mean time the Oſcenſes and Calagurritani, jointly ſent Deputies
to Ceſar, with an Offer of their Submiſſion and Services, The Tarraconemſes,
Facitani, and Auſetani, and not many Days after, the 1/lurgavonenſes, who in-
habit along the Banks of the Iherus, followed their Example. He only required
them to ſupply him with Corn, to which they readily agreed ; and having got
together a great number of Carriage-Horſes, brought it to his Camp. A Cohort
of the lurgavonenſes, hearing of the Reſolution taken by their State, deſerted
from the Enemy, and came over to Cz/ar's Camp. The Change was ſudden
and great: for the Bridge being finiſhed, Proviſions ſecured, the rumor of
Pompey's march through Mauritania extinguiſhed, and five conſiderable States
having declared in his favour ; a great number of diſtant Provinces re-
nounced their Engagements with Afranius, and entered into new ones with
Cæſar. FT .
LV. THESE things having ſtruck a Terror into the Enemy; that he
might not be always obliged to ſend his Cavalry ſo far about to forage, the
Bridge lying above ſeven Miles from his Camp, he bethought himſelf of drain-
ing the River, by turning ſome of its Water into Canals thirty Foot deep, ſo 8
as to make it fordable. The Work being almoſt compleated, Petreius and : L
Afranius grew extremely apprehenſive of being entirely .cut off from their B
Proviſions and Forage, becauſe Cz/ar was very ſtrong in Cavalry. They there- =
fore thought proper to quit a Poſt that was no longer tenable, and to carry VB
the War into Celtiberia. What contributed ſtill further to confirm them in =
this Reſolution was, that of the two contrary Parties, concerned in the late E
War; thoſe who had declared for Sertorius, ſtill trembled at the name of the 3
Conqueror, and dreaded his PFyer though abſent; and thoſe who had attached
themſelves to Pompey, continued to love him for the many Services he had
done them : but Cz/ar's name was hardly known among theſe Barbarians.
Here they expected conſiderable Reinforcements of Horſe and Foot; and
doubted not, by taking the advantage of Places, to be able to protract the War
till Winter. In order to execute this Plan, they collected all the Boats to be found
on the Therus, and ordered them to be brought to Ofoge/a, a City on that
River, about twenty miles from their Camp. Here they commanded a Bridge
of Boats to be built; and having ſent two Legions over the Sicoris, fortified
their Camp with a Rampart of twelve Foot.
LVI.
"a
midnight.
OF THE CIVIL WAR. BOOK f.
LVI. CASA R having notice of this by his Scouts, laboured day and
night at his Drains with the utmoſt diligence ; and had already io far dimi-
niſhed the Water of the Sicoris, that the Cavalry could, with ſome difficulty,
paſs over : but it took the Infantry as high as the Shoulders, who had there-
fore both the depth of the River, and the rapidity of the Stream to ſtruggle with.
Mean-while it was known, that the Bridge over the Iberus was almoſt finiſhed,
and Ceſars Ford in great forwardneſs. This was a freſh Motive to the Enemy
to quicken their march: wherefore leaving two auxiliary Cohorts for a Garri-
ſon at Lerida, they croſſed the Sicoris with all their Forces, and joined the two
Legions they had ſent over before. Cz/ar had now no other Remedy left but
to harraſs and fatigue them with his Cavalry : for if he went with his whole
Army over his Bridge, he lengthened his march prodigiouſly, and gave Afranius
time enough to get to the Berus. Accordingly the Horſe having forded the
River, came up with Petreius and Afraniuss rear, who had decamped about
midnight; and making a motion to ſurround them, began to ſtop and retard
their march,
LVII. A T Day-break we diſcovered from the Hills near the Camp, that the
Enemy's rear was greatly harraſſed by our Cavalry. Sometimes they obliged
them to halt, and diſordered their Ranks: at other times the Enemy facing
about, charged with all their Cohorts at once, and forced our Men to give
ground ; who wheeling again as ſoon as they began to march, failed not to
renew the Attack. At this fight the legionary Soldiers running up and down
the Camp, complained that the Enemy would eſcape out of their Hands, and
the War neceſſarily be prolonged. They addreſſed themſelves to the Centu-
rions and military Tribunes, and deſired them to beg of Cæſar not to ſpare
them; that they feared neither Danger nor Fatigue, and were ready to paſs
the River as the Horſe had done. Cæſar moved by their Alacrity and In-
treaties, though he ſaw ſome Danger in expoſing his Army to the rapidity of a
deep River, judged it yet proper to attempt and make trial of the Paſſage.
Having therefore withdrawn from every Company ſuch as were. weak of Body,
or of leſs Courage than the reſt ; he left them in the Camp with a Legion and
all the Baggage. The reſt of the Army happily paſſed the River, by the aſ-
ſtance of a double line of Cavalry, placed above and below them. Some of
the Infantry were carried away by the violence of the Current, but they were
picked up and ſaved by the Horſe below them; ſo that not one Man was loſt.
Having paſſed the River without loſs, he drew up his Army in order of Battle,
and began to purſue the Enemy in three Lines: and ſuch was the Ardor of
the Soldiers, that notwithſtanding the Army was obliged to make a Circuit of
fix miles, notwithſtanding the time neceſſarily loſt in croſſing the River, they
got up at the ninth hour of the Day to the Enemy, who had ſet out at
*
LVIII. WHEN Afranius and Petreius perceived them at ſome diſtance,
being with reaſon intimidated, they ſuſpended their march, halted on an Emi-
nence, and formed in order of Battle. Cæſar would not hazard an Action with
his Troops thus fatigued, and halted likewiſe in the Plain. On this, the
Enemy reſumed their march, and he the purſuit ; which obliged them to en-
camp earlier than they deſigned. Hard by was a range of Mountains, and
about five miles farther, the ways were difficult and narrow. The Enemy re-
tired among theſe Mountains, to avoid the purſuit of the Cavalry; and having
placed Parties in all the Paſſes, to ſtop Cz/ar's Army; hoped by this means to
c c ä continue
189
a _ CAESAR's COMMENTARIES
continue their march to the Berus, without Fear or Danger. This was their
reat Affair, and what before all things they ſhould have endeavoured to ef-
ect: but being fatigued by a long march, and their continual Skirmiſhes with
Ceſar's Cavalry, they deferred it till next Day. Cæſar likewiſe encamped on
a Hill that lay near him.
LIX. ABOU T midnight the Cavalry having ſurpriſed ſome of the Enemy,
who had adventured a little too far from their Camp in queſt of Water ; Cz/ar
was informed by them, that Pompey's Lieutenants were decamping without
noiſe. Immediately he ordered the Alarm to be ſounded, and gave his Army
the ſignal to march. The Enemy, finding they ſhould be purſued, kept ſtill;
being afraid of a nocturnal Flight, wherein they would have had greatly the
diſadvantage, on account of their heavy Baggage, which they had with them,
and the ſuperiority of Cz/ar's Cavalry. Next Day Petreivs went privately out
with a Party of Horſe, to take a view of the Country. Cæſar likewiſe detached
a Squadron for the ſame purpoſe, under the command of Decidius Saxa. Both
made the like Report in their ſeveral Camps; that for five miles together, the
Country was level and open, but after that rough and mountainous; and that
whoever ſhould firſt get poſſeſſion of the Defiles, might eaſily prevent the other
Army from approaching them.
LX. UPON this a Council of War was held by Petreius and Afranius, to
deliberate about the time of beginning their march. The greater number were
for ſetting out by night, in hopes of reaching the Defiles before Cæſar could have
notice of their departure. Others argued againſt the poſſibility of decamping
privately, by the Alarm given in Cæſar's Camp the Night before: © That the
« Enemies Cavalry were continually patrolling in the. night, and had beſet
ce all the Ways and Paſſes: That a nocturnal Engagement was to be avoided,
« becauſe in a civil War, the Soldiers were more apt to liſten to their Fears,
c than the Obligations of the military Oath : That Shame, and the preſence
« of the Centurions and Tribunes, the great Inſtruments of Obedience and
« military Duty, could have their proper Effect only in the Light, which ren-
« dered it of infinite importance to wait the approach of Day: That in caſe of
« a Diſaſter, yet the bulk of the Army would eſcape, and be able to poſſeſs
te themſelves of the Poſt in queſtion.” This Opinion prevailed in the
Council, and they reſolved to ſet out the next Morning by break of
Day.
LXI. CASA R having taken a view of the Country, decamped as ſoon
as it was light, taking a conſiderable Circuit, and obſerving no particular Rout :
for the direct way to the Iberus and Octogeſa, lay in the rear of the Enemy's
Camp. He was therefore obliged to march thro' Valleys and Precipices, and
over ſteep Rocks, which the Soldiers could not climb, but by diſencumbring
themſelves of their Arms, and returning them afterwards to one another. But
not a Man murmured at theſe Difhculties, in hopes of ſeeing a ſpeedy end of
all their Labours, if they could but gain the Berus before the Enemy, and
intercept their Proviſions. As in this march we purſued at firſt an oppoſite
courſe, and ſeemed to turn our Backs upon the Enemy, Afraniuss Soldiers,
who obſerved us from their Camp, came torth with joyful Looks, and inſulted
us on our ſuppoſed Flight, imagining the want of Provifions obliged us to re-
turn to Lerida. Their Generals applauded themſelves upon their Reſolution of
not decamping, and were confirmed in the notion of our Retreat, as they ſaw
we
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book I.
we had neither Horſes nor Carriages, whence they concluded the ſcarcity muſt
be exceeding great. But when they ſaw us, after ſome time, turn to the right,
and that our advanced Guard had already gained. the Ground beyond their
Camp, there was not a Man fo tardy or indolent, as not to perceive the neceſſity
of decamping and oppoſing our march. Immediately they ran to Arms, and
leaving a few Cohorts to guard the Camp, fallied in a Body, purſuing their
way directly to the [berus.
LXII. ALL depended upon diſpatch, and getting the firſt poſſeſſion of
the Defiles and Mountains. Our 'Troops were retarded by the difficulties of the
Way, and Afranius's by the continual Attacks of Cz/ar's Cavalry. But ſuch
was the ſituation of. the Afranians, that even ſuppoſing them to gain the Hills
firſt, they could only ſecure their own Retreat, without a poſlibility of preſerving
their Baggage, and the Cohorts left to guard the Camp; becauſe Cæſar's Army
getting between, cut them off from all Communication with their own Men.
Cz/ar arrived firſt at the Place in queſtion; and having found a Plain beyond
the Rocks, formed his Men in order of Battle againſt the Enemy. Afranius,
who now ſaw our Army in his Front, at the ſame time that his Rear was con-
tinually harraſſed by the Cavalry, halted on an Eminence, from whence he de-
tached four Spaniſh Cohorts, to take poſſeſſion of the higheſt Mountain there-
abouts ; ordering them to make all the diſpatch they could to ſeize it, that he
might get thither himſelf with the reſt of his Forces, and changing his rout,
march them over the Hills to Ofoge/a. The Spaniards wheeling obliquely to
take poſſeſſion of the Place, were perceived by Cæſar's Cavalry; who charged
them furiouſly, broke them at the firſt Onſet, ſurrounded, and cut them to
pieces in ſight of both Armies.
LXIII. CAZSAR had now an opportunity of giving the Enemy an effec-
tual Blow; whoſe Army, in the preſent Conſternation it was under, would, he
was ſenſible, make but a faint Reſiſtance ; more eſpecially as it was ſurrounded
on all ſides by the Cavalry, and would be obliged to fight on equal Ground.
He was preſſed on all hands to give the Signal. The Lieutenants, Centurions,
and military Tribunes, got round him, urging him not to delay the Engage-
ment: That the Soldiers were all eager for a Battle; whereas, on the con-
« trary, the Afranians had given many marks of Fear: That they had neither
« dared to ſupport their own Detachment, nor offered to deſcend from the
« Hill, nor been able to withſtand the very firſt Charge of our Cavalry: That
c they had brought their Enſigns all into one place, where they crouded con-
« fuſedly round them, without obſerving Ranks or Order: That if he was
c afraid to attack them on the Eminence, he would ſoon have an opportunity
« of more equal Ground, as Afranius would be obliged to remove for want
« of Water.“
LXIV. CAS AR was in hopes of terminating the Affair, without Blood-
ſhed, or a Battle; becauſe he had intercepted the Enemy's Proviſions. Why
therefore, even ſuppoſing the Event to be proſperous, ſhould. he unneceſſarily
loſe any of his Men? Why ſhould he expoſe to Wounds Soldiers who had
deſerved ſo well of him? Why, in fine, ſhould he tempt Fortune? Eſpeci-
ally as it redounded no leſs to the Honour of a good General, to gain the
Victory by his Conduct, than by the force of his Arms. He was alſo touched
with Compaſſion for Afranius's Soldiers; who, after all, were Fellow-Citizens,
I9L
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192
wonted Clemency, and every body applauded his late Conduct.
9.4
*
on
CASARSs C OMMENTA RIES
touching their Lives. This Reſolution was not at all reliſhed by the Army;
who, in their diſcontent, openly declared, that ſince Cz/ar did not lay hold
of ſo favourable an Opportunity, nor let them fight when they had a mind,
they would not fight when he had a mind. But nothing could ſhake him.
Nay he even retreated a little, to give Afranius and Petreius liberty to regain
their Camp, which they did. He then poſted Troops on the Mountains
to guard the Defiles, and came and encamped as near the Enemy as
poſſible.
LXV. THE Day after, Pompey's Lieutenants diſturbed at finding their
Proviſions cut off, and all the Ways to the Herus intercepted, conſulted what
They had it ſtill in their power to return to Lerida,
or march to Tarraco. But while they were debating this matter, notice was
brought them, that our Cavalry had fallen upon their Parties ſent out in
queſt of Water. Upon this Intelligence, they formed ſeveral Poſts of Horſe
and Foot, intermixed - with Legionary Cohorts; and began to throw up a
Rampart from the Camp to the Place where they watered, that the Soldiers
might paſs and repaſs under cover, without fear, and without a Guard. Afra-
nius and Petreius divided this Work between them, and went to give Direc-
tions about it in perſon.
was proper to be done.
LXVI. IN their Abſence, their Soldiers found frequent opportunities of
converſing with our Men, and ſought out every one his Fellow-Citizen and
Acquaintance. They began by thanking them for having ſpared them the
Day before, owning they were indebted to them for their Lives. Afterwards
they asked them, if they might truſt to Ce/ar's Honour; teſtifying much
Grief at being obliged to fight with their Countrymen and Relations, with
whom they were united by the ſtricteſt Ties. At laſt they ſtipulated. even for
their Generals, whom they would not ſeem to betray ; and promiſed, if the Lives
of Petreius and Aſranius were granted them, to change ſides. At the ſame time
they ſent ſome of their principal Officers to negotiate with Cæſar; and, theſe
Preliminaries to an Accommodation being ſettled, the Soldiers of both Armies
went into one another's Tents, ſo that the two Camps were now in a
manner one. A great Number of Centurions and military Tribunes came to
pay their court to Cæſar, and beg his Protection. The Spaniſh Chiefs, who
had been ſummoned to attend Afranius, and were detained in the Camp as
Hoſtages, followed their Example. Every Man ſought out his Acquaintance
and Friend, who might recommend and procure him a favourable Reception
from Cæſar. Things were carried to ſuch a length, that Afranius's Son, a
young Gentleman, treated with Cæſar by the Mediation of Sulpicius, to defire
he would give his Word for his Life, and that of his Father. The Joy was
general, they mutually congratulated each other; the one, in that they had
eſcaped ſo imminent a danger; and the other, in that they had brought to a
happy Concluſion ſo important an Enterpriſe, without ſtriking a Blow. Cz/ar,
in the judgment of all, was upon the point of amply: reaping the fruits of his
o
LXVII. AFRAMNIUS having notice of what paſſed, quitted the Work
he was engaged in, and returned to the Camp; prepared, as it would ſeem,
to bear with an equal mind whatever ſhould happen. But Petreius was not
wanting to himſelf, He armed his Slaves; and joining them to a Pretorian
Cohort of Target-bearers, and ſome Spaniſh Horſe, his Dependents, whom he
always
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book t.
always kept about him to guard his Perſon ; he inſtantly flew to the Rampart,
broke off the Conferences of the Soldiers, drove our Men from the Camp, and
put all of them he could find to the Sword. The reſt flocked together :
where, alarmed at the danger to which they ſaw themſelves expoſed, they
wrapped their Clokes round their left Arms, drew their Swords; and truſtin
to the nearneſs of their Camp, defended themſelves againſt the Spaniſh Target-
bearers and Cavalry, till they had retreated to our advanced Guard, who
ſcreen'd them from any farther Aſſault.
LXVIII. AFTER this he went through the whole Camp, begging his
Troops with Tears, to have pity on him, and Pompey their General; and that
they would not deliver them both up to the cruel Vengeance of their Enemies.
Every one upon this flocks to the Head- quarters. There Petreius propoſes to
the Army to bind themſelves by a new Oath, not to abandon nor betray their
Commanders, nor to act ſeparately, but all in concert, for the common good.
He himſelf took this Oath firſt, and then exacted it of Afranius, afterwards
of the military Tribunes and Centurions, and laſtly of all the Companies man
by man. At the ſame time an Order was iſſued, that all who had any of
Cæſar's Soldiers in their Tents ſhould ſignify it, that they might be put to
Death in the ſight of the whole Army. But the majority deteſting this bloody
Order, carefully hid thoſe who were under their Protection, and procured
them means to eſcape in the night. However the Terror they had been
thrown into by their Generals, the Severity ſhewn in puniſhing, and the new
Oath they had been obliged to take, defeated, for the preſent, all hopes of a
Surrender, changed the Soldiers Minds, and reduced the War to its former
State.
LXIX. CASAR ordered diligent Search to be made after ſuch of the
Enemies Soldiers, as had come to his Camp during the time of Conference,
and carefully ſent them back. Some military Tribunes and Centurions volun-
tarily choſe to ſtay with him; whom he afterwards treated with great Diſtinc-
tion, promoting the Centurions to higher Ranks, and honouring the Roman
Knights with the Office of military Tribune.
LXX. THE Afranian Troops were deſtitute of Forage, and could not
water without much difficulty. The Legionary Soldiers had indeed ſome Pro-
viſions, becauſe they had been ordered to bring two and twenty Days Corn
with them from Lerida: but the Spaniſh Infantry and Auxiliaries had none;
for they neither had Opportunities of ſupplying themſelves, nor were their
Bodies inured to carry heavy Burdens. "Accordingly they every Day deſerted
in ſhoals to Cæſar. In this Extremity, of the two Expedients propoſed, that
of returning to Lerida appeared the ſafeſt, as they had ſtill ſome Proviſions
in that City, and might there concert what further meaſures to purſue. Tar-
raco was at a greater diſtance,” and they would of courſe be expoſed to more
Accidents by. the Way. This Reſolution being taken, they decamped. Ceſar
ſent the Cavalry before, to harraſs and retard them in their march ; and fol-
lowed himſelf with the reſt of the Army. The Cavalry gave the Enemy no
reſpite, being continually engaged with their Rear. |
LXXI. THE manner of fighting was thus. Some light-armed Cohorts
formed the Rear-guard, which, in a Plain, halted from time to time, and
made head agajnſt our Cavalry. When they fell in with an Eminence, the
Ddd
very
193
CAEASARs COMMENTARIES
very nature of the Ground furniſhed them with the means of defending them-
ſelves; becauſe thoſe who were firſt could cover. them behind. But when a
Valley or Deſcent came in the Way, the Van could give no Aſſiſtance to the
Rear, and our Cavalry annoyed them with their Darts from the higher
Ground, which put them in imminent danger. In this caſe the 'Legions
were obliged to halt, and endeavour to drive back the Cavalry a good way,
after which they ran down the Valley precipitately, until they came to the
oppoſite Eminence. For their Cavalry, of which they had a conſiderable
Number, was fo terrify'd by their ill Succeſs in former Skirmiſhes, that, far
from being of any ſervice, they were forced to place it in the Center to fe-
cure it; and if any of them chanced to ſtraggle from the main Body, they
were immediately taken by Gz/ar's Horſe.
LXXII. DURING theſe continual Skirmiſhes, in which the Enemy were
-often obliged to halt, in order to diſengage their Rear, it is eaſy to perceive,
that their march could not be very expeditious. This was in fact the caſe; fo
that after advancing four miles, finding themſelves greatly incommoded by the
Cavalry, they halted on an Eminence, and drew a Line before them, as it
were to encamp; but did not unload their Beaſts of Burden. When they
ſaw that Ceſar had marked out his Camp, pitched. his Tents, and ſent his
Cavalry to forage ; ſuddenly, towards noon, they reſumed their march briskly,
hoping to be rid of the Cavalry which had ſo much incommoded them. But
Cz/ar ſet out immediately with his Legions, leaving a few Cohorts to guard
the Baggage, and ſent Orders to his Cavalry to return with all diligence. The
Cavalry returned accordingly; and having ' overtaken the Enemy before the
cloſe of Day, attacked their Rear ſo vigorouſly, that they were almoſt routed ;
a great Number of Soldiers, and even ſome Centurions being ſlain. Cz/ar's
whole Army came up, and threatned them with an immediate Attack.
LXXIII. AS they could then neither chooſe a proper Place for a Camp,
nor continue their march, they were forced to halt where they were, far from
any Water, and on very diſadvantageous Ground. Cæſar did not offer to
attack them, for the Reaſons mentioned before: he would not even permit
any Tents to be pitched that Day, that he might be the readier to purſue with
all his Forces, ſhould they attempt to eſcape either by night or by day. The
Afranians perceiving the diſadvantage of their Situation, employed the whole
Night in throwing up Intrenchments, and diſpoſed their Camp directly front-
ing ours. The ſame they did the following Day, from Sun-riſe till the
Evening. But the farther they extended their Camp, and produced their Lines,
in order to better their poſition, the farther they went from Water ; and to
avoid one inconvenience, fell into another. The firſt Night no-body went out
of the Camp for Water, and the next Day the whole Army was obliged to
do it in order of Battle, ſo that they could not forage that Day. Cz/ar wanted
to humble them by theſe Misfortunes, and reduce them by Want and Neceſſity
rather than Force. He began however to draw Lines round their Camp, -the
better to check their ſudden Sallies and Eruptions, to which he foreſaw
they would be obliged to have recourſe at laſt. Want, and the defire of
marching with leſs difficulty, ſoon conſtrained them to kill all the Beaſts of
Burden.
LXXIV. TWO Days were ſpent in forming and executing theſe Reſolu-
tions: on the third Cz/ar had conſiderably advanced his Works. Afranius and
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OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book 1.
Petreius, ſenſible of the Conſequences, drew all their Forces out of the Camp,
and formed them in order of Battle. Cæſar preſently called in his Workmen, |
aſſembled his Cavalry, and put his Army in a condition to receive them: for
he was aware of the hurt his Reputation might ſuſtain, if, contrary to the opi-
nion of the Troops, and the carneſt expectations of all, he ſhould ſtill ſeem to
decline an Engagement. However, for the Reaſons already mentioned, he
reſolved to keep only upon the defenſive; and the rather, becauſe the diſtance
between the two Camps was ſo fmall, that ſhould he even put his Adverſaries
to rout, he could not flatter himſelf with the hopes of a compleat Victory. In
fat, from Camp to Camp was not above two thouſand Foot : the Armies were
ſted on each fide of this Space, which was left void for the mutual. Charge
and Aſſault of the Soldiers. On ſuppoſition therefore of a Battle, the nearneſs
of their Camp furniſhed an eaſy Retreat to the vanquiſhed. For this
Reaſon he reſolved to wait the Enemy's Charge, and not enter the firſt into
Action.
LXXV. AFRAMNTU S's Troops were ranged in two Lines, conſiſting of
five Legions ; and the Cohorts wont to be ſtationed in the Wings, formed a
Body of Reſerve. Cz/ar's Army was upon three Lines; in the firſt of which
were poſted four Cohorts, detached out of each of the five Legions; in the
ſecond three; and in the third the like number, all from their reſpective
Legions : the Archers and Slingers were diſpoſed in the midſt, and the Cavalry
on the two Wings. The Armies being drawn up in this manner, each Gene-
ral kept firm to his Reſolution : Gz/ar, not to engage, unleſs forced to it:
and Afranius, to prevent the progreſs of our Works. In this Poſture they
continued till Sun-ſet, when both Armies returned to their ſeveral Camps.
The next Day, Cæſar prepared to Aniſh his Lines; and Pompeys Lieutenants,
as their laſt Reſource, endeavoured to find a fordable place in the Sicoris. But
Cz/ſar penetrating their Deſign, ſent his light-armed Germans, with part of
his Cavalry over the River; and poſted many good Bodies of Troops along the
Banks, at a ſmall diſtance from one another,
LXXVI. AT laft, having no hope left, and being in want of every thing,
Wood, Water, Forage, Corn, they demanded an Interview : and that it might
be, if poſſible, in ſome place out of the fight of the Soldiers. Cz/ar denied
the laſt part of their Requeſt, but offered to grant them a publick Interview :
whereupon Afranius, having given his Son for a Hoſtage, went to the place
appointed by Caſar; where, in the preſence of both Armies, he addreſſed him
to this effect: That it was no juſt matter of Blame, either in him or his
« Soldiers, to have preſerved their Fidelity to their General Pompey ; but that
v they had now ſufficiently acquitted themſelves of their Duty, and ſuffered
« enough in his Cauſe, by the want of all kind of Neceſſaries: That like
« wild Beaſts caught in a Toil; they were deprived of the moſt common En-
« joyments; having their Bodies oppreſſed by Want, and their Minds over-
cc whelmed with Ignominy : That they therefore acknowledged themſelves
« yanquiſhed, and beſought and - conjured him, not to make a rigorous uſe
« of his Victory, but to ſpare the Lives of his - unhappy Countrymen.”
This Speech was delivered with all poſſible marks of Humility and
Submiſhon. |
LXXVII C SAR replied : © That he, of all Mankind, had leaſt Reaſon
to complain, or implore Compaſſion: That all the reſt had fully done their
| 5 “Duty:
195
196
C SA R's COMMENTARIES
© Duty: himſelf, in forbearing to attack him, with all the Advantages of time
c and place, that the way to an Accommodation might be the. more open : his
« Army, in returning untouched the Men that were in their power, after Injuries
« received, and the maſſacre of their Comrades : in fine, even his own Troops,
« in endeavouring to conclude a Peace, whereon they thought their Safety de-
« pended.. Thus all Orders had ſhewn an Inclination to treat, while Afranius
« and Petreius alone oppoſed an Accommodation; refuſing both Interview and
« 'Truce, and barbarouſly murdering thoſe, whom the faith of a Conference
« had enticed to their Camp: That it had therefore happened to them, as
« frequently happens to Men of Obſtinacy and Arrogance ; and they were
« forced to have recourſe to thoſe Conditions, and earneſtly ſolicit the. very
« fame Terms, which not long before they had deſpiſed. However, he would
« not take advantage of their preſent Submiſſion, or the favourable Circum-
| & ſtances in which he found himſelf, to demand any thing tending to the
« increaſe of his own Power; but only that they would disband thoſe Troops,
« which they had now for ſo many Years kept on foot againſt him. For with
« what other view had fix Legions been ſent into Spain; a ſeventh levied
« there; ſo many powerful Navies equipped; ſo many able and experienced
« Officers ſent over. Theſe mighty Preparations could not be meant againſt
« Fpain, or to ſupply the wants of the Province, which having enjoyed a long
« run of Peace, had no occaſion for ſuch extraordinary Forces. Their real
« Aim was to pave the way to his Deſtruction; to effect which, a new ſpecies of
ce Power had been introduced into the Commonwealth; and the ſame Man
60 appointed to command in 1zaly at the Gates of Rome, and hold for ſo many
« Years, tho abſent, the Government of the two moſt potent Provinces of the
« Republick. For this Reaſon the Magiſtrates were ſtript of their Prerogatives,
and not ſuffered to take poſſeſſion of their Provinces, at the expiration of the
< Prætorſnip or Conſulſhip, as had always been the Cuſtom ; but particular
<« Governors were ſent, by the Choice and Management of a Faction. For
< this Reaſon even the Excuſe of old Age was diſallowed; and thoſe who had
« merited a Diſcharge by their paſt Services, were compelled to take Arms
c again, to compleat the number of their Troops. In fine, for this Reaſon he
te x had been denied that Juſtice, which was never refuſed to any General
cc before him; that after having ſucceſsfully ſerved the Commonwealth, he
« ſhould be allowed to return home, and disband his own Army, with ſome
< marks of Honour, or at leaſt without Ignominy. All which, nevertheleſs,
cc he had hitherto born, and ſtill reſolved to bear with Patience: nor was it
« now his Deſign, to take from them their Soldiers, and enliſt them, as it
« would be eaſy for him to do; but to prevent their employing them againſt
« him. Therefore, as he had already intimated, they muſt reſolve to quit
« Sþain, and disband their Forces: in which caſe he would injure no Man.
% This was his final Reſolution, and the only Condition of Peace they were
to expect. |
LXXVIII. THESE Conditions were very agreeable to Afraniuss Soldiers;
who, inſtead of being puniſhed, as they feared, were in ſome ſort rewarded by
the Diſcharge procured them. They plainly ſhewed their Satisfaction. For,
while the place and time of their diſmiſſion were debating, they figni-
fed by their Geſtures and Cries from the Rampart, where they ſtood, that
they deſired to be disbanded immediately: becauſe no ſufficient Security could
be given for the performance of what was put off till another time. Aſter
ſome diſcuſſion of that Article by Cz/ar and Afranius, it was regulated, mo
thoſe
,
/
- OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book 1.
thoſe who had Houſes or Poſſeſſions in Spain, ſhould be diſcharged on the
ſpot; and the reſt near the Yar, a River between Gaul and Italy. Cæſar on
his fide declared, that he would hurt no-body, nor force any one to take on
in his Service.
LXXIX. CSA R undertook to find them in Corn until they got to
the Var. He even promiſed to reſtore to them all they had loſt in the War,
that could be known again; himſelf indemnifying his own Soldiers, who
hereby loſt part of their Booty. By this Conduct he acquired their Confidence
to ſuch a degree, that he was Arbiter of all the Diſputes they had, either
among themſelves, or with their Commanders. The Soldiers being ready to
mutiny about their Pay, becauſe Petreius and Afranius affirmed it was not
yet due, the matter was referred to Cz/ar, who determined it to the ſatisfac-
tion of both Parties. About a third of the Army was disbanded during the
two Days they continued here; after which the reſt ſet out for the Yar in
this order. Two of Cæſar's Legions marched at the head, the others in the
rear, and the vanquiſhed Troops in the middle. Q. Fufius Calenus, one of
Ceſar's Lieutenants, preſided over the march. In this manner they continued
their Rout to the Yar, where the remainder of the Troops were disbanded.
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THE ARGUMENT.
I, Trebonius continues the Siege of Marſeilles. III. Naſidius arrives with à Fleet
to the relief of the Town. IV. The Inhabitants repair their Fleet, and join it
to that of Naſidius. V. A Sea-fight between Brutus and the People of Mar-
ſeilles. VI. In which the latter are defeated. VIII. Trebonius raiſes a pro-
digious Tower againſt the Town. IX. Likewiſe a Muſculus of uncommon fixe.
X. By which a Tower belonging to the Enemy is overthrown. XI. Upon this
the Befieged demand a Truce. XIII. hich they afterwards break, and in a
ſudden Sally, burn Trebonius's Yorks. XIV. Trebonius, with wonder ful
expedition, raiſes a new and amazing Terraſs. XV. Upon which the Befreged
again treat of à Surrender, XVI. Mean-while M. Varro in farther Spain
prepares to oppoſe Cæſar. XVII. Cæſar ſummons à general Aſſembly of the
States at Corduba. XVIII. Varro, deſerted by his Troops, goes over to Cæſar.
XIX. Cæſar having reduced Spain, arrives before Marſeilles. XX. The
Marſeillians ſurrender. L. Domitius ęſcapes by Sea. XXI. About the ſame
time C. Curio ſets out for Africa. XXII. H# here, at firſt, be wars ſucceſsfully
againſt Varus. XXXIV. But afterwards, Varus having received Supplies
from King Juba, he raſbly ventures a Battle; where, after ſome Advantages
in the beginning, by means of his Cavalry, be is at laſt cut off with his
whole Army. |
G e l ee C0: A R's
COMMENTARIES
OF THE
GAR.
r
HILE theſe things paſſed in Spain, Trebonius, Cæſar's Lieutenant,
who had been left to carry on the Siege of Mar/eilles, raiſed Ter-
raſſes for two different Attacks, and approached with his Towers
and Galleries. One of the Attacks was on the fide of the Port; the other
towards the mouth of the Rhone, which empties itſelf into the Sea bordering
upon Spain and Gaul. For Marſeilles is waſhed by the Sea on three ſides, and
can be approached by Land only on the fourth; of which that part where the
Citadel ſtands, being very ſtrong by Nature, becauſe of a deep Valley that
runs before it, requires a long and difficult Siege. For the compleating of
theſe Works, Trebonius drew together, from all parts of the Province, a great
number of Workmen and Beaſts of Carriage; ordered Wood and Oſiers to be
brought; and having prepared all things neceſſary, raiſed a Terraſs eighty
Foot high,
I.
IT. BUT fo well was the Town provided with all requiſites of War, and
ſo great was the multitude of Machines to annoy the Beſiegers, that no Mantles
were ſufficient to withſtand their violence. For they had wooden Bars twelve
Foot in length, armed at the point with Iron, which were ſhot with ſuch force
from their Baliſtz, that they pierced four rows of Hurdles, and entered a con-
ſiderable way into the Ground. To reſiſt the violence of theſe Batteries, the
Beſiegers made uſe of Galleries, whoſe Roofs conſiſted of pieces of Wood of
about a Foot in thickneſs, ſtrongly compacted together. Under this cover, the
Materials neceſſary for raiſing the Terraſs were conveyed : and a Tortoiſe ſixty
Foot long, compoſed of ftrong Beams, and armed with every thing neceſſary
to defend it againſt Fire and Stones, went before to level the Ground. But in
ſpite of all endeavours; the greatneſs of the Works, the height of the Wall and
Towers, and the multitude of Machines made uſe of by the Beſieged, greatly
retarded the Approaches, Beſides, the Mountaineers made frequent Sallies, and
ſet fire to the Towers and Mount: which tho' our Men eafily ſuſtained,
driving them back with great loſs into the Town, yet failed not very much to
incommode the Works.
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202
CSA R's COMMENTARIES
III. IN the mean time L. Mafidius, ſent by Pompey to the Aſſiſtance of
Domitius and the Maſſilians, with a Fleet of ſixteen Ships, ſome of which
were ſtrengthened with Beaks of Braſs; paſſed the Straits of Sicily unknown to
Curio, landed at Meſſana, and raiſed ſo great a Terror in the Place, that being
abandoned by the Senate and principal Inhabitants, he found Means to carr
off one of their Gallies : and joining it to his own Fleet, ſteered directly for
Marſcilles; having diſpatched a Frigate before, to apprize Domitius and the
Inhabitants of his coming, and preſs them to hazard a ſecond Engagement with
Brutus, when they ſhould be reinforced by his Fleet. |
IV. THE Maſſilians, after their late Defeat, had drawn as many old Ships
out of the Docks as they had loſt in the Engagement; and repaired and
rigged them with wondrous expedition. They were likewiſe well provided with
Rowers and Pilots; and had prepared a number of faſhing Barks, which they
filled with Archers and Engines, and ſtrengthened with Roofs, to ſhelter the
Rowers from the Enemies Darts. The Fleet being equipped in this manner;
the Maſſilians, animated by the Prayers and Tears of their old Men, Matrons,
and Virgins, to exert themſelves in defence of their Country in fo preſſing a
Conjuncture embarked with no leſs Confidence and Aſſurance, than they had
done before their late Defeat. For ſuch is the weakneſs of the human Mind,
that things dark, hidden, and unknown, always produce in us à greater degree
of Confidence or Terror; as happened in the preſent Caſe: for the arrival of
Nafidius had filled all Men with an uncommon ſhare of Hope and Eagerneſs.
The Wind ſpringing up fair, they ſet fail, and rendezvouſed at Tauroenta, a
Caſtle belonging to the Town, where Waſidius lay with his Fleet. Here
they put their Ships in order, armed themſelves with Courage for a ſecond
Encounter, and entering readily into all the Meaſures propoſed by Maſdius
left. to * the command of the left Wing, and ſtationed themſelves upon
the right. 5
V. BRUTUS failed to meet them with his Fleet conſiderably increaſed;
for beſides the Ships which Cz/ar had cauſed to be built at Arles, he had alfo
joined to it fix more taken from the Maſſiliant, which he had refitted and
rigged fince the late Action. Wherefore exhorting his Men to deſpiſe an Ene-
my, who had not been able to reſiſt them when entire and unvanquiſhed, he
advanced againſt them full of Reſolution and Confidence. It was eaſy to diſcern
from Treboniuss Camp, and the Eminences around it, what paſſed in the Town,
All the Youth that were left, the old Men, the Women, Children, and even the
Guards upon the Walls, extending their Hands to Heaven, or repairing to the
Temples, and proſtrating themſelves at the Altars, beſought the Gods to grant
them Victory. Nor was there a Man among them who did not believe, that
their Safety depended wholly on the iſſue of that Day's Action. For the choice
of their Youth, and the moſt conſiderable Men of their City, were all on board
the Fleet: inſomuch, that in caſe of any Diſaſter, they had no Reſource left:
but ſhould they obtain the Victory, they were in hopes of preſerving their City,
either by their own Forces, or the Reinforcements they expected from
without,
o
VI ACCORDINGLY in the Engagement, they behaved with the moſt
determined Courage. The remembrance of what their Wives and Children
had repreſented to them at their departure ſerved to exalt their Bravery, in a full
Perſuaſion, that this was the laſt Opportunity they ſhould have of exerting
themſelves
—
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book U.
themſelves in defence of their Country; and that if they fell in the Engage-
ment, their Fellow-Citizens could not long ſurvive them, as their Fate muſt be
the ſame upon the taking of the Town. Our Ships being at ſome diſtance
from each other, both gave the Enemy's Pilots an opportunity of ſhewing their
Addreſs in working their Veſſels, and flying to the aſſiſtance of their Friends,
when they were laid hold on by our grappling Hooks. And \indeed, when it
came to a cloſe Fight, they ſeconded the Mountaineers with derful Reſolu-
tion, and in Bravery ſeemed to yield but little to our Men. At the ſame time,
a great quantity of Darts poured inceſſantly from their ſmaller Frigates,
wounded a great many of our Rowers, and ſuch of the Soldiers as were with-
out ſhelter. Two of their Gallies fell upon that of Brutus, which was
eaſily diſtinguiſhed by its Flag: but tho' they attacked him on both ſides, he
extricated himſelf with ſuch Agility and Addreſs, as in a ſhott time to get a
little before; which made them run foul of each other ſo violently, that they
were both conſiderably ſhattered : one in particular had its Beak broken, and was
in a manner totally cruſhed ; which being obſerved by thoſe of our Fleet that
lay neareſt, they ſuddenly fell upon and funk them, before they could recover
out of their Diſorder.
VII. IN this Encounter, the Ships under Vaſidius were of no manner of
ſervice to the Maſſilians, but quickly retired out of the Fight. For as they
were neither animated by the fight of their Country, nor the Intreaties of their
Relations, they were not very forward to expoſe their Lives to hazard, but
eſcaped without hurt from the Combat. The Maffilians had five Ships ſunk,
and four taken. One eſcaped to the Coaſt of hither Spain with thoſe of Maſidius.
Of the reſt that remained, one was immediately diſpatched to Marſeilles,
to carry thither the news of the Defeat. As ſoon as it drew near the Town,
all the Inhabitants flocked out, to know what had paſſed; and being informed
of it, appeared no leſs dejected, than if the City had been taken by Storm.
However, they ſtill continued their Preparations for the Defence of the Place
with as much diligence as ever.
VIII. T HE. Legionaries who had the charge of the Works on the right
ceived, that a Tower of Brick built at a little diſtance from the Walls, would
be of great ſervice to ſhelter them from the frequent Sallies of the Enemy. At
firſt they made it very low and ſmall, to guard againſt ſudden Incurſions.
Hither they retired in caſe of Danger: here they defended themſelves againſt
the moſt obſtinate Attacks of the Enemy; nay, even aſſaulted them in their
turn, repulſed and purſued them. This Tower was of a ſquare form, thirty
Foot every way, allowing for the thickneſs of the Walls, which might be about
five Foot. Afterwards, (being inſtructed by Experience, which is the beſt of
Teachers,) they plainly perceived, that the higher it was carried, the more
ſerviceable it would prove. The manner of effecting it was thus. When the
Work was raiſed to the height of one Story, they laid a Floor over it, the ex-
tremities of whoſe Beams were concealed in the thickneſs of the Wall ; that
they might not, by appearing on the outſide, be liable to be ſet on fire.
Thence they continued the Wall directly upwards, as far as their Galleries and
Mantles would allow. Here they laid two Beams croſs-wiſe, whoſe extremities
- almoſt reached to the Angles of the Wall, for ſupporting the Floor, which was
to ſerve as a Roof to the whole. Over theſe Beams they laid the Joiſts of
the Roof, and boarded them with Planks. The Roof was ſo contrived as to
project a little beyond the Wall, in order to ſuſpend from it what might be
neceſſa ry
203
204
CA SAR's COMMENTARIES
neceſſary to ſhelter the Workmen, while employed in compleating the Story.
This Floor was paved with Tiles and Clay, to render it proof againſt Fire;
and had beſides a eovering of ſtrong Mattreſſes, to break the force of Stones
and Darts. At the ſame time they ſuſpended from the Beams of the Roof,
that projected beyond the Wall, Curtains made of ſtrong Cables, wove to the
depth of four Feet, and which went round the three ſides of the Tower that
were expoſed to the Engines of the Enemy; having experienced on former Oc-
caſions, that this kind of Cover was impenetrable to any Dart or Engine what
ever. When this part of the Tower was finiſhed, roofed, and ſheltered from
the Enemy's Blows, they removed their Mantles to another; and by means of
Engines elevated the Roof entire from the firſt Story, as far as the Curtains
would allow. There, ſecure from all Inſult, they laboured at the Wall; ele-
vating the Roof a ſecond time, and thereby enabling themſelves both to con-
tinue the Work, and lay the interjacent Floors, -In this manner they pro-
ceeded from Story to Story, mounting them one upon another, till without
Danger or Wounds, they had compleated the number of ſix; leaving Loop-
Holes in convenient Places, for the Engines to play through.
IX. WHEN by means of this Tower, they thought they had ſufficiently
provided for the ſecurity of the Works around it; they reſolved to build a
Gallery fixty Foot long, of Wood two Feet in thickneſs, to extend from the
brick Tower to the Tower of the Enemy, and the very Walls of the Town:
The form of the Gallery was this: Firſt, two Beams of equal length were laid
upon the Ground, at the diſtance of four Feet from one another; and in theſe
were fixed little Pillars five Foot high, joined at the top by Beams deſigned to
fapport the Roof of the Gallery. Over theſe were laid Rafters two Foot
ſquare, faſtened ftrongly with Nails and Plates of Iron. The upper part of
the Roof was compoſed of ſquare Laths, four Inches thick, which were placed
at a ſmall diſtance one from another, to bear the Tiles that were to be laid
upon them. Thus was the whole finiſhed with a ſloping Roof, which being
partly compoſed of Tiles and Mortar, was proof againſt Fire; and had beſides
a covering of Hides, to hinder the Mortar from being waſhed away by Spouts
of Water. Over all we threw ſtrong Mattreſſes, to ſcreen the Hides from
Fire and Stones. This Work was finiſhed cloſe by the brick Tower, under
cover of four Mantles; and immediately carried forward: upon Rollers, in the
manner Ships are lanched, till it unexpectedly reached the very Tower of the
Enemy.
x. THE Maſſlians aſtoniſhed at fo threatning and unlooked for a Ma-
chine, puſhed forward with Leavers the largeſt Stones they could find, and
tumbled them from the top of the Wall upon the Gallery. But the ſtrength
of the Wood refifted the violence of the Blows, fo that they fell to the Ground
without doing any hurt. Obſerving this, they changed their Deſign, and
poured down upon us burning Barrels of Pitch and Tallow. But theſe like-
wiſe rolled along the Roof without Damage, and falling upon the Ground,
were afterwards thruſt away with Forks and long Poles. Mean-while our Sol-
diers, under protection of the Gallery, were endeavouring with their Leavers
to undermine the Enemy's Tower. The Gallery itſelf was defended: by the
Tower of Brick, whence our Engines played without intermiſſion 3 inſomuch
that the Enemy, driven from their Tower and Walls, were at laft obliged to
abandon their Defence. By degrees the Tower being undermined, part of it fell
down, and the reſt was ſo ſhaken that it could not ſtand long. |
XI.
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xl. UPON this the Enemy, alarmed at ſo unexpected a Misfortune, diſ-
couraged by the dewnfal of the Tower, awed by ſuch a Teſtimony of the
wrath of the G dreading the plunder and devaſtation of their City ;
came forth in the Habit of Suppliants: and with out- ſtretchedꝰ Hands, be-
ſought the Compaſſion of the Army and Generals. At this new and unexpected
ſight, all Acts of Hoſtility ceaſed ; and the Soldiers laying aſide their Ardor for
the Fight, were eager to hear and get acquainted with the Propoſals of the
Enemy: who arriving in preſence of the Army and Generals, threw themſelvcs
at their Feet, requeſting them to ſuſpend all further Operations till Cæſar's ar-
rival. They told them: © That as the Works were now compleated, and
« the Tower deſtroyed, they were ſenſible the City could no longer hold out ;
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Plunder, by breaking into and pillaging the Town.”
and therefore meant not to defend it: That in the mean time, no Prejudice
could ariſe to the Beſiegers from this Reſpite ; becauſe, if they refuſed to
ſubmit upon Cz/ar's coming, he would have it in his power to treat them as
he pleaſed. They added, that it the whole Tower ſhould be brought down,
it would be impoſſible to hinder the Soldiers from yielding to the deſire of
This, and much more
of the ſame nature (for the Maſſilians are a learned People,) they urged in a
very moving and pathetick Strain.
theſe Remonſtrances, drew off the Soldiers
from the Works, diſcontinued the Attack, and contented themſelves with
oſting Guards in convenient Places.
Compaſſion occaſioned a kind of Truce
till Cz/ar's arrival; ſo that on neither fide were any Acts of Hoſtility com-
mitted, but every thing was quiet and ſecure, as if the Siege had been at an
end. For Cz/ar had earneſtly recommended it to Trebonius by Letter, to prevent,
if poſſible, the City's being taken by Storm ; left the Soldiers, irritated by
their Revolt, and the Reſiſtance they had found, ſhould put all the Youth to
the Sword, as they threatned to do.
Nay they were even then hardly reſtrained
from breaking into the Town, and loudly murmured againſt Tebonius, for de-
laying a Conqueſt, which they looked upon as certain.
XIII. BU T the Maſilians, a Nation without Faith, aimed at nothing far-
ther in all this, than to find a Time and Opportunity to deceive us, and put
in practice the treacherous Purpoſe they had formed. For after ſome Days,
our Men ſuſpecting no Danger, but relying upon the good Faith of the Enemy;
while ſome were retired to their Tents, others laid down to reſt in the Trenches,
overpowered by the long Fatigue they had undergone; and all the Arms laid
up and removed out of ſight; ſuddenly they fallied from the Town: and the
Wind being high, and favourable to their Deſign, ſet fire to the Works. The
Flame in a moment ſpread itſelf on all ſides, inſomuch that the Battery, the
Mantles, the Tortoiſe, the Tower, the Machines, and the Gallery were entirely
deſtroyed, before it was poſſible to diſcover whence the Diſaſter aroſe.
The
ſuddenneſs of the Accident made our Men immediately run to their Arms,
where every one took what came firſt to hand. Some fallied out upon the
Enemy, but were checked by the Arrows and Darts poured upon them from
the Town; inſomuch that the Maſſilians, ſheltered by their Walls, burnt with-
out any difficulty the Tower of Brick and the Gallery, Thus the Labour of
many Months was deſtroyed in an Inſtant, by the treachery of the Enemy,
and the violence of the Wind.
Next Day they made the ſame Attempt,
favoured by the ſame Wind, and with yet greater Aſſurance, againſt the
Tower and Terraſs of the other Attack. They approached them boldly, and
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CRE SARS COMMENTARIES
threw plenty of Fire upon them: but our Men, grown wiſe by their late Miſ-
fortune, had made all neceſſary Preparations for their Defence; ſo that after
loſing many Men, they were obliged to retreat into the City, without effecting
their Purpoſe.
XIV. TREBONIUS immediately reſolved to repair his Loſs, in which
he found himſelf warmly ſeconded by the Zeal of the Soldiers. They ſaw the
Works which had coſt ſo much Labour and Toil, deſtroyed by the Perfidy of
a People, who made no ſcruple of violating the moſt ſacred Engagements:
they ſaw that their Credulity had been abuſed, and that they were become
the Jeſt of their Enemies, which grieved and provoked them at the fame time.
But it was ſtill difficult to determine, whence they might be ſupplied with
Wood, to repair all theſe Works. There was none in the neighbourhood of
Marſeilles, the Trees having been all cut down for a great way round. They
reſolved therefore to raiſe a Terraſs of a new kind, and ſuch as Hiſtory no
where mentions before that time. They raiſed two Walls of Brick, each fix
Foot thick, and diſtant from one another nearly the breadth of the former
Mount. Over theſe they laid a Floor; and to render it firm, beſides its being
ſupported on either ſide, placed Pillars underneath between the Walls, to bear
it up where it was weakeſt, or had a greater ſtreſs of weight to ſupport. There
were moreover Croſs-beams, which reſted upon Nitches in the Wall; and to
render the ſeveral Floors proof againſt Fire, Hurdles were laid over them, which
were afterwards covered with Clay. The Soldiers thus ſheltered over head by
the Roof, on the right and left by Walls, and before by a Breaſt-work, brought
the neceſſary Materials without danger; and by the eagerneſs with which they
laboured, ſoon compleated the whole ; leaving Ouvertures in convenient Places,
to ſally out upon occaſion, . | 5
XV. THE Enemy ſeeing we had repaired in ſo ſhort a time, what they
imagined muſt have coſt us the labour of many Days; that there was now no
hope leſt, either of deceiving us, or ſallying out upon us with ſucceſs; that
all the approaches to the City by Land, might in like manner be ſhut up by a
Wall and Towers, fo as to render it impoſſible for them to appear upon their
Works, our Walls over-topping and commanding theirs, that they could neither
diſcharge their Javelins, nor make any uſe of their Engines, in which their
principal Hope lay ; and that they were now reduced to the neceſlity of fight-
ing us upon equal Terms, tho' conſcious of their great inferiority in point of
Valour: they were forced to have recourſe again to the fame Conditions of
Truce they had ſo ill obſerved before.
XVI. M. YARRO in farther Spain, having early notice of what paſſed
in 1zaly, and beginning to diſtruſt the ſucceſs of Pompey's Affairs, ſpoke in a
very friendly manner of Cæſar. He faid: “ That he was indeed under par-
« ticular Obligations to Pompey, who had made him his Lieutenant-General ;
ce but at the ſame time was no leſs indebted to Czſar : That he was not igno-
« rant of the duty of a Lieutenant, employed by his General in an Office of
« Truſt; but that he likewiſe knew his own Strength, and the Attachment of
ce the whole Province to Cæſar. After this manner he talked in all Compa-
nies, nor declared expreſly for either fide, But when he afterwards under-
ſtood, that Ce/ar was detained by the Siege of Marſeilles; that the Armies of
Petreius and Afranius had joined, and daily grew ſtronger by the arrival of
new Succours; that there was room to hope for every thing ; that the hither
Province
-
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book 1.
Province had unanimouſly declared in their Favour ; that Cæſar himſelf was
reduced to great Straits at Lerida: of all which Afranius wrote largely,
magnifying his own Advantages: he began to alter with Fortune. He raiſed
Troops over the whole Province; added thirty auxiliary Cohorts to the two
Legions he had already under his Command; formed great Magazines of Corn
to ſupply Marſeilles, and the Armies under Afranius and Petreius; ordered the
Gadlitani to furniſh him with ten Ships of War; cauſed a conſiderable Num-
ber to be built at Hiſpalis; ſent all the Money and Ornaments he found in
the Temple of Hercules to Cales; left there a Garriſon of fix Cohorts, under
the Command of Caius Gallonius, a Roman Knight, the Friend of Domitius,
who had ſent him thither to look after an Inheritance of his; conveyed all the
Arms, public and private, to Galloniuss Houſe; ſpoke every where diſadvan-
tageouſly of Cæſar; declared ſeveral times from his Tribunal, that Cæſar had
beeri worſted, and that many of his Soldiers had gone over to Afranius, as he
was well aſſured by undoubted Teſtimonies: by all which, having ſtruck a
Terror into the Roman Citizens of that Province, he obliged them to promiſe
him one hundred and ninety thouſand Seſterces, twenty thouſand weight of Silver,
and one hundred and twenty thouſand Buſhels of Wheat. The States well affected
to Cz/ar he loaded with heavy Contributions; confiſcated the Effects of ſuch
as had ſpoken againſt the Commonwealth; quartered Soldiers upon them ;
harraſſed them with arbitrary Judgments; and in fine obliged the whole
Province to take an Oath of Fidelity to himſelf and Pompey. Hearing of
what had paſſed in hither Spain, he prepared for War. His Deſign was, to
ſhut himſelf up with his two Legions in Cales, where all the Proviſions and
Shipping lay; becauſe he very well underſtood, that the whole Province was
in Cze/ar's Intereſt: for he judged it would be eaſy in that Iſland, with the
Ships and Proviſions he had, to draw out the War into length.
XVII. CASAR, though called upon by many and neceſſary Affairs to
return to 1zaly, reſolved however not to leave Spain, till he had entirely quelled
the War in that Province: for he knew that hither Spain had many Obliga-
tions to Pompey, and that moſt of the Inhabitants were ſtrongly in his In-
tereſt, Having therefore detached two Legions into farther Spain, under the
Command of 2. Caſſius, Tribune of the People, he himſelf advanced by great
Journeys at the head of fx hundred Horſe. He ſent Orders before to the
Magiſtrates, and the principal Men of every State, to meet him by a certain
Day at Cordova. All obeyed: every State ſent its Deputies: nor was there a
ſingle Roman Citizen of any Conſideration, who did not repair thither on this
occaſion. The very Senate of Cordova, of their own proper motion, ſhut
their Gates againſt Varro, ſtationed Guards and Sentinels along the Walls, and
detained two Cohorts called Calonice, which chanced to march that way, that
they might ſerve to protect the Town. At the ſame time thoſe of Carmona,
the moſt conſiderable State in the Province, drove out of their City three Co-
horts, which Yarro had left to garriſon the Citadel, and ſhut their Gates
againſt them.
XVIII. THIS determined Farro to make all poſſible Diſpatch, that he
might reach Cales as ſoon as poſſible, left his march ſhould be intercepted ;
ſo great and apparent was the Affection of the Province to Cæſar. When he
was advanced a little way, he received Letters from Cales, which informed him,
« That as ſoon as Cz/ar's Edict was known, the principal Men of Cales, with
ce the Tribunes of the Cohorts he had left in Garriſon, had conſpired to drive
« Gallonius
208
CASARs COMMENTARIES
« Gallonius from the City, and preſerve the Town, and Iſland for Cz/ar :
« that this Project being formed, they had warned Gallonius to retire of his
« own accord, while he yet might with ſafety; threatning, if he did not,
« to come to ſome immediate Reſolution againſt him: that Gallonius, terrified
« by ſo general a Revolt, had accordingly left Ca/es. Upon this Intelligence,
one of the two Legions known by the Name of Yernacula, took up their En-
ſigns in Yarro's preſence, quitted the Camp, and marched directly to Hiſpalis,
where they fat down in the Market-place and Cloiſters, without committing
the leaſt Act of Violence: which ſo wrought upon the Roman Citizens reſiding
in the Town, that every one was defirous of accommodating them in their
Houſes. Varro aſtoniſhed at theſe Proceedings, turned back with deſign to
reach Italica, but was informed that the Gates were ſhut. At laſt, finding
himſelf ſurrounded on all fides, and the Ways every where beſet; he wrote
to Ceſar, that he was ready to reſign the Legion under his Command, to
whomſoever he ſhould order to receive it. Cz/ar ſent Sextus Cæſar to take
the Command; and Varro having reſigned the Legion accordingly, came to
him at Cordova. After giving him an Account of the State of the Province,
he faithfully reſigned all the publick Money he had in his hands, and informed
him of the Quantity of Corn and Shipping he had prepared.
XIX ; CASAR aſſembling the States at Cordova, returned thanks ſeve-
rally to all who had declared in his Favour: to the Roan Citizens, for having
made themſelves Maſters of the Town in his Name: to the Spaniards, for
driving out Pompey's Garriſons: to the People of Coles, for having fruſtrated
the Deſigns of his Enemies, and aſſerted their own Liberty: to the military
Tribunes and Centurions ſent thither to guard the Place, for having confirmed
them in their Reſolutions by their Example. He remitted the Tribute im-
poſed by Varro upon the Roman Citizens; reſtored their Eſtates to thoſe who
had been deprived of them for ſpeaking their Thoughts freely; diſtributed
Rewards to a great many both in publick and private; and gave all room to
hope for like Favours in the iſſue. After a ſtay of two Days at Cordova, he
went to Cales; where he reſtored to the Temple of Hercules all the Treaſures
and Ornaments which had been carried off, and lodged in private Houſes.
He committed the Government of the Province to & Caſſius, aſſigned him
four Legions for that purpoſe ; and embarking for Zarraco on board the Fleet
which Varro had obliged the Gaditani to furniſh, arrived there in a few Days.
There. he found Deputies from almoſt all the States of the Province: and
having, in like manner as at Cordova, both publickly and privately rewarded
ſome States; he left Tarraco, came by Land to Marbonne, and thence to Mar-
ſeilles. There he was informed of the Law touching the Dictatorſhip, and that
M. Lepidus the Prator had named him to that Office.
XX. THE Maſſilians overwhelmed with a Profuſion of Calamities ;
reduced to the utmoſt Diſtreſs by Famine; worſted in two difterent Engage-
ments by Sea; weakened by continual Sallies; aſſaulted by a heavy Peſtilence,
occaſioned by the length of the Siege, and their conſtant change of Diet; (for
they were obliged to feed upon old Meal and muſty Barley, which had been
long treaſured up in their Magazines againſt an Accident of this kind:) their
Tower being overthrown; a great Part of their Walls undermined; and no
Proſpect of Relief from Armies or the Provinces, which were now all reduced
under Cæſars Power: they reſolved to ſurrender in good earneſt. But ſome
Days before, Domitius, who was appriſed of their Intentions, having prepared
three
OE THE CIVIL WAR. Book 1.
three Ships (two of which he aſſigned to his Followers, and embarked in
perſon on board the third) took occaſion during a Storm to make his Eſcape.
Some of Brutuss Gallies, which he had ordered to keep conſtantly cruiſing
before the Port,' chancing to get fight of him, prepared to give chace. That
in which Domitius was eſcaped under favour of the Tempeſt; but the two
others, alarmed at ſeeing our Gallies fo near them, re-entered the Port. Cz/ar
| ſpared the Town, more in regard to its Antiquity and Reputation, than any real
Merit it could plead. He obliged the Citizens however to deliver up their Arms,
Machines, and Ships of War, whether in the Port or Arſenal: to ſurrender all
the Money in their Treaſury: and to receive a Garriſon of two Legions. Then
ſending the reſt of the Army into Italy, he himſelf ſet out for Rome.
XXI. ABOUT the fame time, C. Curio failed from Sicily into Africa,
with. two of the four Legions which had been put under his Command by
Cæſar, and five hundred Horſe; having conceived the higheſt Contempt of the
Troops headed by P. Attins Varus. After two Days and three Nights failing,
he landed at a Place called Aguilaria, This Place is about twenty-two Miles
diſtant from Clupea, and has a very convenient Harbour for Ships in the Sum-
mer-time, ſheltered on each fide by a Promontory. L. Cæſar the Son waited
for him at Clupea with ten Gallies, which P. Attius had taken in the War
againſt the Pirates, and repaired at Utica, for the ſervice of the preſent War.
But terrified at the number of Ships Curio brought with him, he ſtood in for
the Coaſt; where running his Galley on ſhore, he left her, and went by Land
to Adrumetum. C. Conſidius Longus commanded in that Town with one
Legion: and here alſo the reſt of the Fleet repaired after Cæſar's Flight.
M. Rufus the Quæſtor purſuing them with twelve Gallies, which Curio had
brought with him from Africa to guard the Tranſports; when he ſaw Cz/ar's
own Galley upon the Strand, he towed her off, and returned with the. Fleet
to Curio.
XXII. CURTO ordered him to fail directly for rica, and followed him-
ſelf with the Land-Army. After a march of two Days, he arrived at the
River Bagradas, where he left C. Caninius Rebilus with the Legions, and ad-
vanced before with the Cavalry, to take a view of the Cornelian Camp, which
was judged to be a Situation extremely advantageous. It is a high Rock,
jutting out into the Sea, ſteep and rough on both fides, but with an eafier
Deſcent where it fronts Urtica. It lies little more than a Mile from Nica in
a direct Line: but as there is a Fountain about half way, which runs towards
the Sea, and overflowing the Plain, forms a Moraſs; to avoid this, in march-
ing to Utica, it is neceſſary to take a compaſs. of fix Miles. When he had
taken a view of this Poſt, he went next and examined Varuss Camp, which
was under the Walls of the Town, towards the Gate named the Gate of War.
The Situation of it was extremely advantageous; for on the one fide it was
covered by the City of Urica itſelf, and on the other by a kind of Theatre
which ſtood without the Walls, the Works round which took up ſo much
room, that they rendred the Approach to the Camp extremely difficult. At
the ſame time he ſaw all the Ways crouded with People, who out of fear of
being pillaged, were carrying their moſt valuable Effects into the City. He
detached the Cavalry againſt them to diſperſe them, and likewiſe have
an Opportunity of making ſome Booty. Upon which FYarus ordered fix
hundred MNumidian Horſe to advance to their Aſſiſtance, which he far-
ther ſtrengthned with four hundred Foot, ſent by Juba a few Days before,
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CAS AR's COMMENTARIES
to reinforce. the Garriſon of UJrica. This King inherited from his Father an
Affection for Pompey, and beſides perſonally hated Curio, who, during his
Tribuneſhip, had publiſhed a Law to deprive him of his Kingdom. The
Mumidian Cavalry came to Blows with ours; but were not able to ſtand
their firſt Charge, retreating to their Camp with the loſs of an hundred and
twenty Men. Mean-time, ypon the arrival of Curid's Fleet, he ordered Pro- -
clamation to be made among the Merchant Ships which were at Utica, to
the number of two hundred, that he would treat them as Enemies, if they
did not immediately repair to the Cornelian Camp. Upon this Proclamation
they inſtantly weighed Anchor, and leaving Utica, failed whither they
were ordered; by which means the Army was plentifully ſupplied with every
thing they ſtood in need of.
XXIII. THESE things diſpatched, Curio repaired to his Camp at Ba-
grada, where with the joint Acclamations of the whole Army, he was ſaluted
by the Name of Imperator. Next Day he led his Army towards rica, and
encamped not far from the Town. But before he had iſhed his Intrench-
ments, he was informed by ſome Parties of Horſe, who were upon the ſcout,
that a powerful Body of Horſe and Foot had been ſent by the King to Urica :
at the ſame time a great Cloud of Duſt began to appear, and ſoon after the
Enemy's Van was in view. Curio aſtoniſhed at a Motion ſo unexpected, ſent
the Cavalry beſore to ſuſtain their firſt Charge, and keep them in play: he,
mean- while, drawing off the Legions from the Works with all poſhble expe-
dition, formed them in order of Battle. The Horſe engaged according to Or-
ders; and with ſuch Succeſs, that before the Legions could be duly. drawn
up, the whole Reinforcement ſent by the King, who marched without Order
or apprehenſion of Danger, falling into Confuſion, at laſt betook themſelves to
flight. The Cavalry, wheeling nimbly along the Shore, eſcaped with little
Loſs into the Town: but great numbers of the Infantry were cut to
pieces.
XXIV. NEXT Night two Centurions of the Nation of the Mar, with
twenty-two private Soldiers, deſerted from Curio, and went over to Attius Pa-
rus. Theſe, either believing the thing themſelves, or deſirous to carry grateful
Tidings to Varus, (for we eaſily believe what we wiſh, and readily hope that
others will fall into our way of thinking,) aſſured him, that the whole Army
was extremely averſe to Curio, and would infallibly revolt, if he would but
advance, and come to a Conference with them. Accordingly Varus drew out
his Legions next Day. Curio did the ſame: and the two Armies ftood facing
one another in order of Battle, with a ſmall Valley between them.
XXV. SEXTUS QUINTILIUS VAR U, who, as we have re-
lated above, had been made Priſoner at Corfinium, was now in the Enemy's
Army: for Caſar having granted him his liberty, he had retired into Africa.
Curio had brought over with him from Sicily the very fame Legions, who had
revolted ſome time before to Cæſar at the Siege of Corfinium: ſo that excepting
a few Centurions who had been changed, the Officers and Companies were the
ſame as had formerly ſerved with this very Qtintilius. He made uſe of this
Handle to debauch the Army of Curio, “and began with putting the Soldiers
« in mind- of their former Oath to Domitius, and to himſelf that General's
«© Quzſtor ; he exhorted them not to carry Arms againſt the old Companions of
« their Fortune, who had ſhared with them in all the Hazards of that Siege;
p © nor
OF THE CIVIL VAR. Book n.
“ nor fight in defence of that Party, who treated them ignominiouſly, and as
« Defſerters.” To theſe Conſiderations he added offers of a liberal Recom-
pence, if they would follow his Fortune and that of Aitius. But his Speech
made no impreſſion upon Curio Troops, fo that both Armies retired to their
reſpective Camps. t
XXVI. BUT an uncommon Panick ſoon ſpread itſelf over Curios Camp,
which the various Diſcourſes of the Soldiers ſerved only to increaſe. For
every one had his Opinion, and added the Suggeſtions of his own Fear to that
which he heard from others. Theſe Reports ſpreading from one to many, and
receiving Additions in every new Relation, there appeared to be ſeveral Authors
of the ſame Notions: © That in a civil War it was lawful for every Soldier to
& chooſe what fide he pleaſed : That the ſame Legions who a little before had
« fought on the fide of the Enemy, might without ſcruple return again to the
& fame Cauſe, ſince Cæſars conferring Favours upon his Enemies, ought not
tc to render them unmindful of prior and greater Obligations: That even the
c municipal Towns were divided in their Affection, and ſided ſome with one
« Party, ſome with another.” Theſe Diſcourſes proceeded not from the Marſi
and Peligni alone, but ran like a Torrent through the whole Camp. However,
ſome of the Soldiers blamed their Companions for this ſo great freedom of
Talk; and others, who affected to appear more diligent than the reſt, enlarged
in their Accounts of it to the Officers. Mr
XXVII. FOR theſe Reaſons Curio ſummoning a Council of War, began to
deliberate about the proper Remedies for this Evil. Some were for attacking
at all hazards the Camp of Varus, in order to find employment for the Soldiers,
whoſe Idleneſs they conſidered as the cauſe of all the preſent Alarms. Befides,
it was better, they ſaid, to truſt to Valour, and try the fortune of a Battle,
than ſee themſelves abandoned by their Men, and delivered up to the barbarity
of the Enemy. Others were for retiring during the night to the Cornelian
Camp, where they would have more time to cure the Infatuation of the Sol-
diers; and whence, in caſe of a Diſaſter, they could with more fafety and eaſe
make good their Retreat into Sicily, by means of the great number of Ships
they were there provided with. Curio reliſhed neither of theſe Motions : the
one, he thought, argued Cowardife ; the other, a raſh Boldneſs: to retreat,
would have all the appearance of a ſhameful Flight; to attack, they muſt re-
ſolve to fight in a place of Diſadvantage. & With what hope, ſaid he, can
« we attack a Camp fortified by Nature and Art? And what Advantage can
« we draw from an Attempt, whence we ſhall be obliged: to retire with Loſs ?
© Does not Succeſs always ſecure to a General the Affection of his Troops, whereas
« ill Fortune is evermore followed with Contempt? And what would a De-
campment imply but an ignominious Flight, an abſolute deſpair of all
« Things, and an unavoidable Alienation of the whole Army ? That we ought
c not to let the modeſt think we diſtruſt them, nor the inſolent that we fear
ce them; becauſe the Knowledge of our Fear only augments the Preſumption of
ce the one, and an Apprehenſion of being ſuſpected abates the Zeal of the other.
« But if what is reported of the diſcontent of the Army be true, which I am
ce yet unwilling to believe, at leaſt to the degree ſome pretend; we ought for
« that Reaſon rather to hide and diſſemble our Fears, than by an unreaſonable
« diſcovery of them add ſtrength to the Evil: That as in ſome Caſes it was
« neceſſary to conceal the Wounds of the Body, that an Enemy might not
« conceive hope from our Misfortunes ; ſo alſo ought we to hide the Indiſ-
« poſition
211
* a . CASAR's COMMENTARIES
= poſition of an Army: That by retreating" in the night, as ſome propoſed,
« they would only furniſh a fairer occaſion. to the ilh affected to execute their
« Purpoſe: for Fear and Shame are powerful ' Reſtraints by Day, but Night
« intirely diveſts them of theif Force: That he was neither ſo raſh, as to at-
« tack a Camp without hopes of Succeſs; nor ſo blinded by Fear, as to be
ce at a loſs what Meaſures to purſue : That he thought it his Duty to examine
« things to the bottom; and as he had called them together to deliberate
« upon the. preſent ſtate of Affairs, doubted not, with their Aſſiſtance, to take
« ſuch Meaſures as would be attended with Succeſs. ö
XXVIII, H E then diſmiſſed the Council: and aſſembling the Soldiers,
ut them in mind of what advantage their Steddineſs and Zeal had been to
Cz/ar at Corſinium, and how ſerviceable towards the conqueſt of the greateſt
part of : zaly. „It was you, ſaid he, that gave the Example, and all the mu-
« nicipal 'Towns ſoon followed: their ſubmiſſion to Cæſar was your Work: and
ce therefore it is not without reaſon, that he is ſo particularly attached to you,
« and that Pompey hates you ſo ſincerely. - It was you that obliged him to quit
cc Italy, without being forced to it by the loſs of a Battle. Cæſar, who ranks
« me in the number of his deareſt Friends; has committed my Safety to your
Care, with Sicily and Africa, without which it would be impoſſible to de-
ec fend either Rome or Italy. Vou are now in the preſence of thoſe who ex-
ce hort you to abandon us: and indeed what could be more deſirable to
e them, than at the ſame time to enſnare us, and fix upon you the ſtain of an
« infamous Crime? What worſe Opinion could an enraged Enemy teſtify of
| « you, than to ſuppoſe you capable of betraying thoſe, who own themſelves
c indebted: to you for all; and of throwing yourſelves into the power of a
« Party, who conſider you as the Authors of all their Misfortunes? Are you
« Strangers to Ce/ar's Exploits in Spain? Two Armies defeated ? Two Gene-
&« rals overcome? Two Provinces brought under ſubjection? And all this in
e the ſpace of forty Days, after Cz/ar came within fight of the Enemy. Is
te it likely that thoſe, who with Forces unbroken could not ſtand their Ground,
<< will be able to reſiſt, now they are vanquiſhed ? And will you, who followed
« Czſar before Fortune declared in his favour, now return to the vanquiſhed,
« when Fortune has already decided the Quarrel, and you are upon the point of
« obtaining the Reward of your Services? They charge you with having aban-
cc doned and betrayed them, contrary to the faith of Oaths. But is it indeed true
« that you abandoned Domitius? Or did not he rather meanly abandon you,
| | « at a time when you were ready to ſuffer every thing for his ſake? Did
= « he not, unknown to you, | reſolve to ſeek his Safety in flight? And were
ll . you not, after being thus baſely betrayed by him, indebted to Cz/ar's Good-
| « neſs for your Preſervation? How could your Oath bind you to one, who
„ after throwing away the Enſigns of his Authority, and diveſting himſelf of
( « his Office, ſurrendered himſelf a private Man and a Captive into the power
|
« of another? The new Engagement you were then brought under alone ſub-
ce fiſts at preſent, and ought quite to obliterate that, which the ſurrender of
« your General, and his loſs of Liberty, have made void. But tho I doubt
not of your being ſatisfied with Cæſar, you may perhaps have taken offence
ii « at me. And, indeed, I have no thought of mentioning any Services I may
« have done you; which, as yet, come far ſhort of my Intentions, and your
« Expectations: but you are not ignorant, that the Rewards of military Service
<« come not till after the concluſion of the War; and I believe you little
« doubt what the iſſue of this will be. Nor need I on this occaſion decline
| | | « taking
A
*
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book if.
taking notice of the Diligence I have uſed, the Progreſs already made, and
the good Fortune that has hitherto attended me. Are you diſſatisfied that
{ I have landed my Army ſafe in Africa, without the loſs of a ſingle Ship ?
« That I diſperſed the Enemies Fleet at the firſt Onſet? That within the
cc ſpace of two Days I have twice defeated their Cavalry? That I forced two
c hundred of their Merchant-men to quit the Port of Urica and join me?
ce and that I have reduced them to a ſituation where it is impoſſible for them
© to receive any Supplies either by Land or Sea? Can you think of abandoning
« a Cauſe conducted by ſuch Leaders, and attended with ſuch Succeſs; to
cc follow the Fortune of thoſe who ſo ignominiouſly delivered up Corfinium,
cc relinquiſhed 1zaly, ſurrendred Spain, and have already ſuſtained conſiderable
« Lofles in the African War? I never pretended to mote than being a Fol-
c lower of Cz/ar + it was you that honoured me with the Title of Imperaror ;
« which I am this moment ready to reſign, if you think me unworthy of the
& Favour. Reſtore me my former Name, that it may not be faid I was ho-
« noured, to be covered afterwards with the greater Ignominy.”
XXIX. THESE Remonſtrances made ſuch an Impreſſion upon the Sol-
diers, that they frequently interrupted him while he was ſpeaking, and appeared
deeply touched at his ſuſpecting their Fidelity. As he retired, they all gathered
round him, exhorting him not to be diſcouraged, or ſcruple to hazard a
Battle, and make Trial of their Fidelity and Bravery. This Behaviour of the
Troops wrought ſo great a Change in the Minds of the Officers, that Curio,
with the joint Concurrence of them all, reſolved to give Battle the firſt Op-
portunity that offered. Accordingly drawing out his Men next day, in the
ſame Place he had done for ſome time paſt, he ranged them in Order of
Battle. Attius Varus did the ſame; that if an Opportunity offered, either of
corrupting the Soldiers, or fighting to advantage, he might be in readineſs to
lay hold of it.
XXX. BETWEEN the two Armies lay a Valley, as we have obſerved
above; not indeed conſiderable for its Breadth, but ſteep and difficult of
Aſcent. Both fides waited till the other ſhould paſs it, that they might engage
to more Advantage. Curio obſerving that all the Horſe on Yaruss tight
Wing, together with the light-armed Foot, had ventured down into this
Valley; detached his Cavalry againſt them, with two Cohorts of Marrucinians;
whoſe firſt Shock the Enemy were not able to ſuſtain, but returned full ſpeed
to their own Men, leaving the light- armed Foot behind, who were ſurrounded
and cut to Pieces in fight of Yaruss Army; which fronting that way, was
witneſs to the Flight of the one, and Slaughter of the other. Upon this Re-
bilus, one of Czſar's Lieutenants, whom Curio had brought with him from
Sicily, on account of his conſummate Knowledge in the Art of War; „Why,
« ſays he, do you delay ſeizing the favourable Moment? You ſee the Enemy
« ſtruck with Terror.” Curio made no Anſwer, only deſired his Soldiers to
remember what they had promiſed the Day before; and marching the firſt,
commanded them to follow him. The Valley was ſo ſteep and difficult, that
the firſt Ranks could not aſcend, but with the aſſiſtance of thoſe that came
after. But the Attiniarn Army was ſo diſpirited with Fear, and the Flight and
Slaughter of theit Troops, that they never thought of making Reſiſtance;
fancying themſelves already ſurrounded by our Cavalry: ſo that before we
could arrive within reach of Dart, the whole Army of Varus fled, and re-
treated to their Camp.
EY .
213
214 CEASAR's COMMENTARIES
XXXI. IN this Flight, one Fabius Pelignus, a Centurion of the loweſt
Rank in Curio's Army, as he was purſuing the Fugitives, called with a loud
Voice to Varus, as if he had been one of his own Men, who wanted to
admoniſh him of ſomething. Varus hearing himſelf named ſeveral times,
turned and ſtood ſtill, demanding who he was, and what he wanted. Fabius
aimed a Blow at his Breaſt with his Sword, and would certainly have killed
him, had not Varus warded it off with his Shield. Fabius himſelf was ſoon
aſter ſurrounded and ſlain. Mean-while the Multitude of Fugitives ſo cloſed
up the Gates of the Camp, and preſſed upon one another in ſuch manner,
that more were crouded to Death, than fell either in the Battle or Purſuit.
Nay the Camp itſelf was very near being taken; becauſe great Numbers in-
ſtead of ſtopping there to defend it, made directly for the Town. But both
the Nature of the Ground, and the Fortifications themſelves, prevented the
Aſſault; and the rather, as Curio's Soldiers being armed only for Battle, had
brought with them none of the neceſſary Tools to force a Camp. Curio
brought back his Army without the loſs of a Man, Fabius excepted: of the
Enemy about fix hundred were killed, and a thouſand wounded. After Curio
had drawn off his Men, all the wounded quitted the Camp, and retired into
the City, as did a great many others, who overcome by Fear, ſheltered them-
ſelves there alſo under the ſame pretence. Varus obſerving this, and that an
= univerſal dread had ſeized the Army; left only a Trumpet in the Camp, with
1 a few Tents for ſhew; and about midnight, filently entered the Town with
: l all his Forces,
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XVXXII. NEXT Day Curio reſolved to beſiege Utica, and draw a Line
| of Circumyallation round it. There was in the Town a Multitude of Men
unfit for the Fatigues of War, through a long Enjoyment of Peace. The
Inhabitants themſelves were ſtrongly attached to Cæſar, for ancient Favours
received from him. The Senate was compoſed of People greatly differing in
their Tempers: and the Loſſes already ſuſtained ſpread Terror through all
Ranks. A Surrender was publickly talked: of; and all concurred in ſoliciting
Varus not to ruin them by his Obſtinacy and Perverſeneſs. While theſe
things were in agitation, Meſſengers ſent by King Juba arrived, who in-
formed them of the approach of his Army, and exhorted them to defend
| the City; which contributed not a little to confirm their wavering
| Minds. 8
2X
XXXIII CURIO received the ſame News; but for ſome time would not
believe it, ſo greatly did he confide in his good Fortune. Beſides, Ce2/ar's
Succeſs in Spain was already known in Africa; whence he concluded it im-
if probable that Juba would attempt any thing againſt him. But when he was
| | for certain informed of his being within twenty-five Miles of Uzica with his
if whole Army, he retired from before the Town to the Cornelian Camp, laid
| | in great Quantities of Corn and Woad, began to fortify himſelf, and ſent
il directly to Sicily for the Cavalry, and the two Legions he had left there.
iq The Camp itſelf was very advantageous for protracting the War; being
| ſtrong both by Nature and Att, near the Sea, and abounding in Water and
Salt, great Quantities of which had been carried thither from the neighbouring
| Salt-pits., Neither ran he any hazard of being ſtraitned for Wood and Corn,
| as the Country abounded in Trees and Grain, He reſolved therefore, with
| the conſent of the whole Army, to wait here the arrival of the reſt of the
Troops, and make Preparation for continuing the War.
as”
XXXIV.
OF THE CIVIL WAR Book ii.
XXXIV. THIS Reſolution being taken, and meeting with a general
Approbation; ſome of the Townſmen, who had deſerted to Curio, informed
him, that the War in which Juba was engaged with the Leptitani, having
obliged him to return into his own Kingdom, he had only ſent his Lieutenant
Sabura, with a ſmall Body of Forces, to the Aſſiſtance of the Uticans. Upon
this Intelligence, to which he too haſtily gave Credit, he changed his Deſign,
and reſolved to give Battle. The Fire of Youth, his Courage, good Succeſs,
and Self-confidence, contributed greatly to confirm him in this Reſolution;
Urged by theſe Conſiderations, about the beginning of the Night, he ſent all
his Cavalry towards the Enemy's Camp, which was upon the River Bagradas,
and where Sabura, of whom we have ſpoken before, commanded in chief. But
the King followed with all his Forces, and was not above fix Miles behind him.
The Cavalry which Curio had detached, marched all night, and coming un-
expectedly upon the Enemy, attacked them before they were ready to receive
the Charge: for the Mumidians, according to the Cuſtom of that barbarous
Country, . were encamped without Order or Rule. Falling upon them, there-
fore, in this Confuſion, and oppreſſed with Sleep, they ſlew great Numbers,
and obliged the reſt to fly in the utmoſt Conſternation: after which they re-
turned to Curio, with the Priſoners they had taken.
XXXV. CURTO had ſet out with all his Forces about the fourth Watch
of the Night, leaving only five Cohorts to guard his Camp. After a march
of fix Miles he was met by his Cavalry, who informed him of all that had
paſſed. He asked the Priſoners, who commanded at Bagradas? they an-
ſwered, Sabura. Upon this, without making any farther Enquiries, for fear
of being detained too long, he turned to the Troops next him, and ſaid:
e Do you not ſee, Fellow-ſoldiers, that the Report of the Priſoners correſponds
« exactly with the Intelligence given by the Deſerters? Juba is not with the
« Army. It muſt conſiſt of but a few Troops, ſince they were not able to
« withſtand the Charge of a ſmall Body of Horſe. Haſte, therefore, in the
« Purſuit of Glory, Booty, and Victory.” What the Cavalry had done was
indeed conſiderable, becauſe they were but few in number in compariſon of
the Mumidiaus: but as Vanity always makes us believe our Merit to be greater
than it is, they themſelves boaſted immoderately of the Action, and en-
deavoured to enhance the Value of it. They made a mighty Parade of the
Booty. The Priſoners too, as well Infantry as Cavalry, marched in Proceſſion
before them. And indeed the whole Army imagined, that to delay the Battle
was no other than to delay the Victory: ſo that the Ardor of the Troops per-
fectly ſeconded Curios Hopes. He therefore haſtened his march, ordering
the Horſe to follow, that he might as ſoon as poſſible come up with the
frighted Enemy. But as they. were fatigued with their late march, they
found themſelves unable to keep pace with the Army; but ſtopped, ſome in
one Place, ſome in another: which, however, retarded not Curios Hopes.
XXXVI. FU BA having notice from Sabura of the Action in the Night,
detached to his Aſſiſtance two thouſand Spaniſh and Gallick Horſe, of his
ordinary Guard, with that part of the Infantry in which he put the greateſt
Confidence. Himſelf followed leiſurely with the reſt of the Troops, and about
forty Elephants; ſuſpecting that Curio, who had ſent the Cavalry before, could
not be far off with his Army. Sabura drew up his Horſe and Foot, ordering
them to give ground upon the Enemy's Attack ; and, as through Fear, coun-
terfeit a Flight. Mean-while he told them, that he would give the Signal
of
. 2
— - —— — 200
r, r ER be dr,
———
— ..... — —_——— —_—— —— —
216
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
of Battle when he ſaw proper, and direct their Motions as the Caſe might
require. |
XXXVII. CURTO flattered with new Hopes, and imagining by the
Enemy's Motions, that they were preparing for Flight, made his Troops come
down from the Mountain into the Plain; and advancing ſtill farther, tho' his
Army was already very much fatigued, having marched upwards of fixteen
miles, halted at laſt to give the Men breath. That Moment Sabura ſounded
the Charge, led on his Men in order of Battle, and went from Rank to Rank
to animate the Troops: but he ſuffered only the Cavalry to come to Blows,
keeping the Infantry at a diſtance within fight. Curio was not wanting on
his fade, but exhorted his Men to place all their hopes in their Valour. And
indeed neither the Infantry, tho' fatigued with their march ; nor the Cavalry,
tho few in number, and ſpent with Toil; ſhewed any want of Valour, or
backwardneſs to fight: tho'ghe laſt, in particular, did not exceed two hundred;
the reſt having ſtopt by the way. Theſe, wherever they attacked the Enemy,
obliged them to-give ground: but they could neither purſue far, nor drive
their Horſes on with Impetuoſity. On the other hand, the Mumidian Cavalry
began to ſurround our Men, and charge them in the Rear. When the Co-
horts advanced againſt them, they fell back, and by the quickneſs of their
Retreat, eluded the Charge: but immediately returning, they got behind our
Men, and cut them off from the reſt of the Army. Thus it was equal!
dangerous for them to maintain their Ranks, or advance to Battle. The
Enemy's Forces increaſed continually, by the Reinforcements ſent from the
King: ours, on the contrary, were diſabled by Fatigue. Neither could our
wounded Men retire, or be ſent to any place of Safety, the whole Army being
inveſted by the Enemy's Horſe. Theſe deſpairing of fafety ; as is uſual for
Men in the laſt moments of Life, either lamented their own Fate, or recom-
mended their Relations to their Fellow-Soldiers, if any ſhould be fo fortunate
as to eſcape that Danger. The whole Army was filled with Conſternation
and Grief.
XXXVIII CU RIO perceiving the general Alarm, and that neither his
Exhortations nor Prayers were regarded, ordered the Troops to retire with the
Standards to the neareſt Mountains, as the only Reſource in the preſent Exi-
gence. But the Cavalry detached by Sabura had already ſeized them. All
hope being now loſt, ſome were {ſlain endeavouring to fly: others threw
themſelves upon the Ground, partly in deſpair, partly unable to make an
Efforts for their own Safety. At this moment Cn. Domitius, who commanded
the Horſe, addreſſing Curio, intreated him to endeavour to regain his Camp with
the few Cavalry that remained, promiſing not to abandon him. “ Can I,
« ſays Curio, look Ceſar in the Face, after having loſt an Army he had
«© committed to my Charge?” So ſaying, he continued fighting till he was
ſlain, Very few of the Cavalry eſcaped, thoſe only excepted who had ſtopt to
refreſh their Horſes : for perceiving at a diſtance the rout of the whole
Army, they returned to their Camp. All the Infantry were ſlain to a
Man.
XXXIX. WHEN this Diſaſter was known, M. Rufus the Quæſtor,
whom Curio had left to guard the Camp, intreated his Men not to loſe
Courage. They begged and requeſted him to reconduct them into Sicily:
which he promiſed; and ordered the Maſters of the Tranſports to have their
Ships
OF THE CIVIL VAR. Book n.
Ships in readineſs at night along the Shore. But Fear had fo univerſally ſeized the
Minds of the Soldiers, that ſome cried out Juba was arrived with his Troops;
ſome that Varus approached with the Legions, the Duſt of whoſe march they
pretended to diſcern; and others, that the Enemy's Fleet would be upon
them in an inſtant : though there was not the leaſt ground for theſe Reports.
The Conſternation thus becoming general, each Man thought only of his
own Safety. Thoſe who were already embarked failed immediately: and their
Flight drew after it that of the Tranſports; ſo that only a very few ſmall
Frigates obeyed the Summons, and, came to the general Rendezvous. The
Diſorder was ſo great upon the Shore, every one ſtriving who ſhould firſt em-
bark, that many Boats ſunk under the Croud, and others were /afraid to come
near the Land.
XL. THUS only a few Soldiers and aged Men, who either through In-
tereſt or Compaſſion were received on board, or had. Strength enough to ſwim
to the Tranſports, got ſafe to Sicily. The reſt deputing their Centurions to
Varus by night, ſurrendered to him. Juba coming up next Day, claimed
them as his Property, put the greater Number to the Sword, and ſent a few of
the moſt conſiderable, whom he had ſelected for that purpoſe, into Mumidia.
Varus complained of this Violation of his Faith; but durſt not make any Re-
ſiſtance. The King made his Entrance into the City on horſeback, followed
by a great Number of Senators, among whom was Servius Sulpicius, and Licinius
Damaſippus. Here he ſtayed a few Days, to give what Orders he thought
neceſſary; and then returned with all his Forces into his own Kingdom.
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THE ARGUMENT.
1. Cæſar reverſes ſome Judgments given upon Perſons for Bribery at Elections. II. He ſets out
for Brunduſium. III. Pompey's mighty Preparations for War. IV. Cæſar embarks, and
arrives at the Promontory of Ceraunium. VI. His Fleet returning to Brunduſium 7s inter-
cepted by the Enemy. VII. M. Octavius, one of Pompey's Adberents, laying ſiege to Salona,
is obliged, by a ſudden Sally of the Inhabitants, to abandon his Lines, VIII. Cæſar's Embaſſy
to Pompey with Propoſals of Peace. R. Cæſar makes himſelf maſter of Oricum. X Alſo
of Apollonia, and the whole Country round about, XI. Cæſar and Pompey. incamp over-
againſt each other on the Banks of the River Apſus. XII. Cæſar's Tranſports ſailing from
Brunduſium, put back immediately for fear of the Enemy. XIII. Pompey's Fleet reduced to
great Straits. XIV. Conferences ſet on foot about a Peace, which come to - nothing.
XV. Bibulus, Admiral of Pompey's Fleet, dies. XVI. Pompey's Anſwer to Cæſar's Propoſals
of Peace. XVII. The Conferences about a Peace renewed, but without effeff. XVIII. A Com-
motion in Rome. XXI. Libo, one of Pompey's Followers, blocks up the Port of Brundu-
fium with a Fleet. XXII. But by the Valour and Conduct of Antony is forced to quit his
Project. XXIII. Antony and Kalenus tranſport Cziar's Troops to Greece with. wonderful
good Succeſs, XXVII. Pompey, to avoid being ſhut up between two Armies, retires to
Aſparagium. XX VIII. Scipio, a Partizan of Pompey, behaves very tyrannically in Aſia,
XXIX. The Motions of Cæſars Lieutenants in Theſſaly, Ætolia, and Macedonia.
XXXIV. ung Pompey burns Cæſar's Fleet in the Port of Oricum. XXXV. Cæſar cuts
off Pompey's Communication with Dyrrhachium. XXXVI. And beſieges him in his Camp.
XXXIX. Many Attempts and Diſpofitions on both fides, with various turns of Fortune.
XL. Cæſar's Troops, diſtreſſed for want of Corn, make Bread of a certain Root.
XLIII. Pompey repulſed in a Sally. XLVII. Kalenus, one of Cæſar's Lieutenants, poſſeſſes
himſelf of ſeveral Towns in Achaia, XLVIII. Cæſar offers Pompey Battle. XLIX. Ano-
ther Embaſſy with Propoſals of Peace, which are rejected. L. Pompey, diſtreſſed for
want of Forage, reſolves to break thro' Cæſar's Lines. LI. Roſcillus and Ægus diſguſted
at ſome Check they had received from Cæſar, revolt to Pompey. LII. Pompey breaks thro'
Czſar's Lines, after making great Slaughter of his Troops. LXI. Cæſar defiſts from the
Den of inclgiing Pompey, and makes a Speech to his Men, LXII. Cæſar retires to Aſpa-
ragium, and 1s follewed by Pompey. LXV. Thence to Apollonia. LXVII. And then to
Gomphi, @ Town of: Theſſaly; which refuſing to open its Gates, is taken by Aſſault the firſt
jj Day. LXVIII. Metropolis ſubmits, and their Example is followed by other Theſſalian
1 States. LXIX. Pompey arrives in Theſſaly, elated with his Succeſs, and confident of
"8 Viftory. LXX. Cæſar reſolves to give battle. His Reſolution with reſpect to his Cavalry.
i LXXII. Pompey likewiſe reſolves to give battle, and boaſts of an aſſured Victory.
1 LXXIII. The diſpoſition of Pompey's Army. LXXIV. The diſpoſition of Cæſar s.
7 LXXV. Cæſar's Speech to bis Soldiers. LXXVI. The Battle of Pharſalia, in which Cæſar
1 | obtains a compleat Victory. LXXVH. Cæſar makes himſelf - maſter of Pompey's Camp.
LXXVIII. Where he finds great Riches. LXXIX. Pompey's Flight, LXXX. Cæſar
| purſues Pompey's Troops, and obliges them to ſurrender. LXXXI. The number of Men
1 killed on each fide. LXXXII. Mean-while Lælius, a Follower of Pompey, blocks up the
1 Port of Brunduſium with a Fleet. LXXXIII. And Caſſius burns ſome Ships in Sicily
__ belonging to Cæſar. LXXXIV. Cæſar purſues Pompey. LXXXV. Pompey flying to
Peluſium, is murdered there by ſome of King Ptolemy's Court. LXXXVI. Some Prodigies
that happened on the Day of Cæſar's Victory. LXXXVII. Cæſar purſuing Pompey to Alex-
andria, hears there the News of his Death, LXXXVIII. And is unexpetedly entangled in @
new War,
1 Ps SE BEER =
|
JJC. ̃ 61)!
COMMENTARIES
OF THE
CLIT LE MAD
5 © K Ht
I. (* A S 4 R, as Dictator, holding the Comitia, Julius Ceſar, and
HP. Servilius, were choſen Conſuls: for this was the Year in which
he could be elected to that Magiſtracy, conſiſtent with the Laws.
This Affair being diſpatched ; as Cæſar ſaw publick Credit at a ſtand over
all Italy, becauſe no body paid their Debts; he ordered that Arbiters
ſhould be choſe, who ſhould make an eſtimate of the Poſſeſſions of all
Debtors, and ſhould convey them in payment to their Creditors, at the price
they bore before the War. This Regulation he thought beſt calculated to
reſtore publick Credit, and prevent the Apprehenſion of a general Aboli-
tion of Debts, which is but too common a Conſequence of Wars and civil
Diſſenſions. At the ſame time, in conſequence of an Addreſs to the People,
he re-eſtabliſhed the Prators and Tribunes, who had been deprived upon |
a Charge of Bribery, at a time when Pompey. awed the City by his Le- |
gions. Theſe Deciſions were ſo little conformable to Law, that Sentence .=
was often pronounced by a Party of Judges, different from thoſe who at- 8
tended the Pleadings. As theſe had made him an offer of their Service 1
in the beginning of the War, he accounted the Obligation the ſame as if |
he had actually accepted of their Friendſhip : but thought it better their |
Reſtoration ſhould ſeem to flow from the People, than appear a mere act of |
Bounty in him ; that he might neither be charged with Ingratitude to his
Followers, nor accuſed of invading the Prerogatives of the People. |
II. ALL this Buſineſs, with the Celebration of the Latin Feſtivals, and 8
the holding the Comitia for Elections, took him up only eleven Days, at the i118
end of which he abdicated the Dictatorſhip ; and immediately ſet out from Rome,
in order to reach Brunduſium, where he had ordered twelve Legions, with all the
Cavalry, to rendezvous. But he had ſcarce Ships to carry over twenty thouſand
legionary Soldiers, and fix hundred Horſe ; which alone hindered him from put-
ting a ſpeedy end to the War. Beſides, the Legions were conſiderably weakened by ||
their many Loſſes in the Gallick War, and the long and painful march from Spazn : —_
and an unhealthful Autumn in Apulia, and about Brunduſium, with the change of |
ſo fine a Climate as that of Gaul and Spain, had brought a general ſickneſs among . 1
the Troops. |
8 L11 III. |
CRN SARS COMMENTARIES
III. POMPEY having had a whole Year to compleat his Preparations,
undiſturbed by Wars, and tree from the Interruption of an Enemy ; had col-
lected a mighty Fleet from fa, the Cyclades, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bi-
ehynin, Syria, Cilicia, Phenicia, and Egypt; and had given Orders for the
building of Ships in all Parts. He had exacted great Sums from the People
of Afra and Syria; from the Kings, Tetrarchs, and Dynaſties of thoſe Parts;
from the free States of Aebaia; and from the Corporations of the Provinces
ſubject to his Command. He had raiſed nine Legions of Roman Citizens:
five he had brought with him from Italy; one had been ſent him from Sicily,
conſiſting wholly of Veterans, and called Gemella, becauſe compoſed of two;
another from Crete and Macedonia, of veteran Soldiers likewiſe, who having
been disbanded by former Generals, had ſettled in thoſe Parts; and two more
from Afa, levied by the care of Lentulus. Beſides all theſe, he had great
Numbers from Theſſaly, Beotia, Acbaia, and Epirus; whom, together with
Antony's Soldiers, he diſtributed among the Legions by way of Recruits. © He
expected alſo two Legions that Metellus Scipio was to bring out of Syria, He
had three thouſand Archers drawn together from Crete, Lacedemon, Pontus,
Syria, and other Provinces; fix Cohorts of Slingers; and two of Mercenaries.
His Cavalry amounted to ſeven thouſand; fix hundred of which came from
Galatia under Dejotarus; hve hundred from Cappadocia under Ariobarzanes ;
and the like Number had been ſent him out of Thrace by Cotus, with his Son
Sadalis at their head. Two hundred were from Macedonia, commanded by
Raſcipolis, an Officer of great Diſtinction: five hundred from Alexandria,
conſiſting of Gauls and Germans, left there by A. Gabinius to ſerve as a Guard
to King Pzolemy; and now brought over by young Pompey in his Fleet, to-
gether with eight hundred of his own Domeſticks. Tarcundarius Caſtor and
Donilaus furniſhed three hundred Gallogrecians : the firſt of theſe came him-
{elf in perſon, the latter ſent his Son. Two hundred, moſt of them Archers,
were ſent from Syria by Comagenus of Antioch, who lay under the greateſt
Obligations to Pompey. There were likewiſe a great Number of Dardanians
and Beſſiant, partly Volunteers, partly Mercenaries; with others from Mace-
donia, Theſſaly, and the adjoining States and Provinces, who altogether made
up the Number mentioned above. To ſubſiſt this mighty Army, he had taken
care to amaſs vaſt Quantities of Corn from Theſſaly, Aſia, Egypt, Crete, Cyrene,
and other Countries; reſolving to quarter his Troops during the Winter at
Dyrrhachium, Apollonia, and the other maritime Towns, to prevent Ce/ar's
paſſing the Sea; for which purpoſe he ordered his Fleet to cruiſe perpetually
about the Coaſts. Young Pompey commanded the Egyptian Squadron;
D. Lælius and C. Triarius the Afiatic ; C. Caſſius the Syrian; C. Marcellus and
C. Coponius the Rhodian; Scribonius Libo and M. Ofavius the Liburnian and
Achaian : but the chief Authority was veſted in M. Bibulus, who was Ad-
miral of the whole, and gave his Orders accordingly.
IV. C AS A R, upon his Arrival at Brundufrum, harangued his Troops, and
told them: * That as they were now upon the point of ſeeing an end of all
<« their Toils and Dangers, they ought not to ſcruple at leaving their Servants
* and Baggage behind them in Trab, that they might embark with leſs Con-
« fuſion, and in greater Numbers; putting all their Hopes in Victory, and
« the Generoſity of their General.” The whole Army teſtified their Ap-
probation of what was propoſed, and called out that they were ready to ſub-
mit to his Orders. Accordingly, having put ſeven Legions on board, as we
have before obſerved, he ſet fail the fourth of January, and arrived next Day
at
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book m.
at the Cæraunian Mountains: where having found among the Rocks and Shelves,
with which that Coaſt abounds, a tolerable Road; and not daring to go to
any Port, as he apprehended they were all in the Enemy's Poſſeſſion; he
landed his Troops at a Place called Pharſalus, whither he brought his Fleet
without the loſs of a ſingle Ship.
V. LUCRETIUS YVESPILLO and Minucius Rufus were at Oricum,
with eighteen Afiatic Ships; and Bibulus had an hundred and ten at Corcyrs.
But the firſt durſt not hazard an Engagement, though Cæſar was eſcorted by
no more than twelve Gallies, only four of which had Decks: and Bibulus
had not time to re- aſſemble his Sailors and Soldiers, who were diſperſed in
full Security: for no news of Cz/ar's Approach had reached thoſe Parts, till
his Fleet was ſeen from the Continent.
VI CASAR having landed his Troops, ſent the Fleet back the ſame
Night to Brunduſium, to bring over his other Legions and Cavalry, PFufrus
Kalenus, Lieutenant-General, had the Charge of this Expedition, with Orders
to uſe the utmoſt Diſpatch. But ſetting fail too late, he loſt the benefit of
the Wind, which offered fair all Night, and fell in with the Enemy. For Bi-
bulus hearing at Corcyra of Cz/ar's Arrival, forthwith put to Sea, in hopes of
incercepting ſome of the Tranſports; and meeting the Fleet as it returned
empty, took about thirty Ships, which he immediately burnt, with all that
were on board; partly to ſatisfy his own Vengeance for the diſappointment he
had received; partly to deter the reſt of the Troops from attempting the
Paſſage, He then ſtationed his Fleet along the Coaſt from Salona to Oricum,
uarded all Places with extraordinary care, and even lay himſelf aboard, not-
withſtanding the rigour of the Winter; declining no Danger nor Fatigue, and
ſolely intent upon intercepting Gz/ar's Supplies.
VII. AFTER the departure of the Liburnian Gallies, M. Octavius, with
the Squadron under his Command, failed from 7/hyricum, and came before
Salona. Having ſpirited up the Dalmatians, and other barbarous Nations in
thoſe Parts, he drew Ia to revolt from Cz/ar. But finding that the Council
of Salona was neither to be moved by Promiſes nor Threats, he reſolved to
inveſt the Town. Salona is built upon a Hill, and advantageouſly fituated for
Defence: but as the Fortifications were very inconſiderable, the Roman Citizens
reſiding there, immediately ſurrounded the Place with wooden Towers; and
finding themſelves too few to reſiſt the Attacks of the Enemy, who ſoon over-
whelmed them with Wounds, betook themſelves to their laſt Refuge, by
granting Liberty to all Slaves capable of bearing Arms, and cutting off the
Womens Hair to make Cords for their Engines. O&avins perceiving their
Obſtinacy, formed five different Camps round the Town, that they might at
once ſuffer all the Inconveniences of a Siege, and be expoſed to frequent At-
tacks. The Salonians, determined to endure every thing, found themſelves
moſt preſſed for want of Corn; and therefore ſent Deputies to Cz/ar to ſolicit
a Supply, patiently ſubmitting to all the other Hardſhips they laboured under.
When the Siege had now continued a conſiderable time, and the Ofavians
began to be off their Guard: the Salonians finding the Opportunity favourable,
about noon, when the Enemy were diſperſed, diſpoſed their Wives and Chil-
.dren upon the Walls, that every thing might have its wonted Appearance; and
ſallying in a Body with their enfranchiſed Slaves, attacked the neareſt Quarters
of OfXavins. Having ſoon forced theſe, they advanced to the next; thence
| | to
223
Rr oO IT 7-7
—_— 2. |
: : AY. l
1118 5 = _ _ 2s
224 CEASAR's COMMENTARIES
to a third, a fourth, and ſo on through the reſt; till having driven the Enemy
from every Poſt, and made great Slaughter of their. Men, they at length com-
pelled them, and Octavius their Leader, to betake themſelves to their Ships.
Such was the iſſue of the Siege. As Winter now approached, and the loſs
had been very conſiderable; Ofavizs, deſpairing to reduce the Place, retired
to Dyrrhachium, and joined Pompey.
VIII. WE have ſeen that L. HVibullius Rufus, Pompey's chief Engineer, had
fallen twice into Cæſar's hands, and been as often ſet at liberty; the firſt time
at Corfinium, the next in Spain. Having been therefore twice indebted to
him for his Life, and being alſo much in Pompeys Eſteem, Cæſar thought him
a proper Perſon to negotiate between them. His Inſtructions were; That
« jt was now time for both to deſiſt from their Obſtinacy, and lay down
&© their Arms, without expoſing themſelves any more to the precarious Events
« of Fortune. That the Loſſes they had already ſuſtained ought to ſerve as
« Leſſons and Cautions, and fill them with juſt Apprehenſions with regard
« to the future, That Pompey had been forced to abandon Tzaly, had loſt
ce Sicily and Sardinia, the two Spains, with about an hundred and thirty
« Cohorts of Roman Citizens, who had periſhed in theſe Countries. That
c himſelf too had been a conſiderable Sufferer by the Death of Curio, the
<« Deſtruction of the African Army, and the Surrender of his Forces at Cor--
« cyra. That it was therefore incumbent on them to ſhow ſome regard to
« the ſinking State of the Commonwealth, having ſufficiently experienced by
ce their own Misfortunes, how prevalent Fortune was in War. That the pre-
« ſent Moment was the moſt favourable in this reſpe& ; becauſe, not having
« yet tried one another's Strength, and conſidering themſelves as Equals, there
« would be more likelihood of agreeing on terms: whereas, if one of them
cc once got the ſuperiority, he would exact every thing from the other, and
« give up nothing. That as hitherto they had been unable to ſettle the Con-
| « ditions of Peace, they ought to refer them to the Deciſion of the Senate
| « and People of Rome; and in the mean time, to obtain a free and unbiaſſed
| « Judgment, both ſwear to disband their Armies in three Days time. That
5 « when they were once diveſted of their national and auxiliary Forces, in
1 « which their whole Confidence lay, they would find themſelves under a ne-
[ ce ceſſity of ſubmitting to the Decree of the Senate and People. In fine, that to
« give Pompey a proof of his readineſs to perform theſe Propoſals, he would
1 « give immediate Orders for the Diſcharge of all his Forces, both in Garriſon
lll. « and in the Field.“
| | IX VIBULLIUS having received theſe Inſtructions, thought it ne-
1 ceſſary to give Pompey ſpeedy notice of Cze/ar's Arrival, that he might be pro-
il vided againſt that event, before he laid open the Commiſſion he was charged
| with. Accordingly journeying Day and Night, and frequently changing Horſes
for the greater Expedition, he at length got to Pompey, and informed him that
Cæſar was approaching with all his Forces. Pompey was at that time in Can-
davia, from whence he was marching through Macedonia, to his Winter-
Quarters at Apollonia and Dyrrhachium. Concerned at this unexpected News,
he haſtened his march to Apollonia, to prevent Cz/ar's making himſelf maſter
of the Sea-coaſts. Mean-while Cz/ar having landed his Forces, marched the
ſame Day to Oricum. Upon his Arrival there, L. Torquatus, who commanded
in the Town for Pompey, with a Garriſon of Parthinians, ordered the Gates to
be ſhut, and the Greeks to repair to their Arms, and man the Walls. But
they
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book u.
they refuſing to fight againſt the Authority of the People of Rome; and the
Inhabitants, of their own accord, endeavouring to admit Cæſar; Torquatus,
deſpairing of Relief, opened the Gates, and ſurrendered both himſelf and the
Town to Cæſar, who readily granted him his Life.
X. CA SAR having made himſelf maſter of Oricum, marched directly
to Apollonia. Upon the report of his arrival, L. Sraberius, who commanded ©
in the Place, ordered Water to be carried into the Caftle, fortified it with
great care, and demanded. Hoſtages of the Townſmen. They refuſed to com-
ply ; declaring they would not ſhut their Gates againſt the Conſul of the Ro-
man People, nor preſume to act in contradiction to the Judgment of the Se-
nate, and of all Italy. Szaberius finding it in vain to refiſt, privately left the
Place; upon which the Apolloniams ſent Deputies to Cz/ar, and received him
into the Town. The Bullidemſas, Amantiani, with the reſt of the neighbouring
Countries, and all Epirus, followed their Example ; acquainting Cz/ar by
their Ambaſſadors, that they were ready to execute his Commands.
XI. MEAN-WHILE Pompey, having notice of what paſſed at Oricum
and Apollonia, and being apprehenſive for Dyrrhachium, marched day and night
to reach the Place, At the ſame time it was reported that Cz/ar was not far
off; which meeting with the more credit, becauſe of their haſty march, put
the whole Army into ſuch Conſternation, that many abandoning their Colours
in Epirus and the neighbouring States, and others throwing down their
Arms, every thing had the appearance of a precipitate Flight. But upon
Pompey's halting near Dyrrhachium, and ordering a Camp to be formed ; as
the Army had not even then recovered its Fright, Labienus advanced before the
reſt, and ſwore never to abandon his General, but to ſhare in whatever Lot
Fortune ſhould aſſign him. The other Lieutenants did the ſame, as likewiſe
the military Tribunes and Centurions, whoſe Example was followed by the
whole Army. Cz/ar finding that he was prevented in his Deſign upon Dyr-
rhachium, purſued his march more leifurely, and encamped on the River Agſis,
in the Territories of the Apolloniam, that he might protect the Poſſeſſions of a
State which had ſo warmly declared in his favour. Here he reſolved to paſs
the Winter in Tents, and wait the arrival of the reſt of his Legions out of
Italy. Pompey did the like, and having encamped on the other fide of the
Apſus, aſſembled there all his Legions and Auxiliaries.
XII. KALENUS having embarked the Legions and Cavalry at Brundu-
frum, according to the Inſtructions he had received, put to Sea with his whole
Fleet; but had not failed very far, till he was met by Letters from Cz/ar,
informing him, that all the Grecian Coaſts were guarded by the Enemy's
Fleet. Upon this he recalled. his Ships, and returned again into the Harbour.
Only one continued its Rout, which carried no Soldiers, nor was ſubject to the
Orders of Kalenus, but belonged to a private Commander. This Veſſel arriving
before Oricum, fell into the hands of Bibulus, who not ſparing the very Children,
put all on board to death, both Freemen and Slaves. So much did the ſafety of
the whole Army depend upon a ſingle Moment. Ry
XIII. BIBULUS, as we have. related above, lay at Oricum with his
Fleet; and as he deprived Cz/ar of all Supplies by ſea, ſo was he in like
manner greatly incommoded by Ceſar at land: who having diſpoſed Parties
along the Coaſt, hindered him from getting Water or Wood, or coming =
| M m m 8
225
|= 226 CASARS COMMENTARIES
I the Shore. This was attended with many Inconveniences, and threw him into
| | great Straits; inſomuch that he was obliged to fetch all his other Neceſſaries,
| | | as well as Wood and Water, from the Iſland of Corcyra : and once, when
'| foul Weather prevented his receiving Refreſhments from thence, the Soldiers
il | were neceſſitated, for want of Water, to collect the Dew which in the night
[| fell on the Hides that covered their Ships. Yet he bore all theſe Difficulties
with ſurpriſing Firmneſs, and continued tefolute in his Deſign of not unguard-
ing the Coaſt. But at laſt, being reduced to the above-mentioned Extremity,
and Libo having joined him, they called from on board to M. Acilius and Sta-
tins Murcus, two of Cæſar's Lieutenants, one of whom guarded the Walls of
Oricum, and the other the Sea-Coaſts ; that they wanted to confer with Ceſar,
about Affairs of the greateſt Conſequence, if they could but have an Oppor-
tunity. To gain the more Credit, they let fall ſome Expreſſions that ſeemed
to promiſe an Accommodation; and in the mean while demanded and obtained
a Truce : for Murcus and Acilius believing their Propoſals to be ſerious, knew
how extremely grateful they would be to Cæſar, and doubted not but Vibullius
had ſucceeded in his Negotiation, |
XIV. CA SAR was then at Buthrotum, a Town over-againſt Corcyra,
whither he was gone with one Legion, to reduce ſome of the more diſtant
States, and ſupply himſelf with Corn, which then began to be ſcarce. Here re-
ceiving Letters from Acilius and Murcus, with an account of Libb and Bibulus's
Demands, he left the Legion, and returned to Oricum. Upon his arrival, he
invited them to a Conference. Libo appeared, and made an Apology for
Bibulus : That being naturally haſty, and bearing a perſonal Grudge to
« Czſar, contracted during the time of his Ædileſhip and Quæſtorſhip, he had
c for that Reaſon declined the Interview ; to prevent any Obſtructions from his
c preſence to the ſucceſs of ſo defirable and diſadvantageous a Deſign: That
« Pompey was, and ever had been inclined to lay down his Arms, and ter-
cc minate their Differences by an Accommodation: but as yet had not ſent him
« ſufficient Powers to treat, which however he doubted not ſoon to receive, as
the Council had intruſted him with the whole Adminiſtration of the War :
e That if he would therefore make known his Demands, they would ſend
« them to Pompey, who would ſoon come to a Reſolution upon their Repre-
c ſentations. In the mean time the Truce might continue, and both Parties
« abſtain from acts of Hoſtility, till an Anſwer could be obtained.” He ad-
ded ſomething about the Juſtice of their Cauſe, and their Forces both natural
| and auxiliary; to which Cz/ar neither at that time returned any Anſwer, nor
1 do we now think it of importance enough to be tranſmitted to Poſterity.
Cæſars Pemands were: “ That he might have leave to ſend Ambaſſadors to
5 « Pompey ; and that they would either ſtipulate for their return, or under-
i cc take themſelves to convey them in ſafety : That with regard to the Truce ;
C ſuch were the preſent Circumſtances of the War, that their Fleet kept back
« his Supplies and Tranſports, and his Forces deprived them of Water and
« acceſs to the Shore. If they expected any Abatement on his fide, they muſt-.
cc likewiſe abate in guarding the Coaſt ; but if they ftill perſiſted in their for-
14 « mer Vigilance, neither would he yield in what depended on him: That
i” « notwithſtanding, the Accommodation might go forward, without any Ob-
« ſtruction from this mutual Denial.” Libo declined receiving Cz/ar's Am-
baſſadors, or undertaking for their ſafe return, and choſe to refer the whole
matter to. Pompey ; yet inſiſted mightily on the Truce. Cæſar perceiving, that
Ll. the only Aim of the Enemy was, to extricate themſelves out of their preſent
1 ; i Strait:
A
_ — P ES _—
- nat d
,
OF THE CIVIL VAR. Book iii.
Straits and Danger; and that it was in vain to entertain any hopes of Peace;
turned all his thoughts to the vigorous proſecution of the War.
XV. BIBULUSY having kept at Sea for many Days, and contracted a
dangerous Illneſs by the Cold and perpetual Fatigue; as he could neither have
proper Aſſiſtance on board, nor would be prevailed upon to quit his Poſt ;
he at laſt ſunk under the weight of his Diſtemper. After his death, no body
ſucceeded in the command of the whole Fleet ; but each Squadron was go-
verned, independently of the reſt, by its particular Commander.
XVI. WHEN the Surpriſe occaſioned by Cæſar's ſudden arrival was over;
Vibullius, in preſence of Lilo, L. Lucceius, and Theophanes, who were among
Pompey's moſt intimate Counſellors, reſolved to deliver the Commiſſion he had
received from Cæſar. But ſcarce had he begun to ſpeak, when Pompey inter-
rupted him, and ordered him to proceed no farther. « What, ſays he, is
« my Life or Country to me if I ſhall ſeem to be beholden to Cz/ar for
« them? And will it be believed that I am not indebted to him for them,
ce if he, by an Accommodation, reſtores me to 1zaly ?” Caſar was informed
of this Speech, after the concluſion of the War, by thoſe who were preſent
when it was delivered: he till continued however, by other Methods, to try to
bring about an Accommodation.
|
XVII. AS the two Camps were only ſeparated by the River A4þ/us, the
Soldiers had frequent Diſcourſe among themſelves ; and it was ſettled by mu-
tual Conſent, that no act of Hoſtility ſhould paſs during the Conferences.
Cæſar taking advantage of this Opportunity, ſent P. Vatinius, one of his
Lieutenants, to forward to the utmoſt an Accommodation; and to demand fre-
quently with a loud Voice, Whether it might not be permitted to Citizens,
« to ſend Deputies to their Fellow-Citizens about Peace: That this had never
ce been denied even to Fugitives and Robbers, and could much leſs be op-
ce poſed, when the only deſign was, to prevent the effuſion of civil Blood.”
This and much more he ſaid, with a ſubmiſſive Air, as became one employed
to treat for his own and the common Safety. He was heard with great filence
by both Parties, and received this Anſwer from the Enemy: ® That A. Varro
« had declared he would next day appear at an Interview, whither the De-
« puties of both Parties might come in perfect Security, and mutually make
& La their Demands.” The hour of meeting was likewiſe ſettled ; which
being come, . multitudes on both ſides flocked to the Place, the greateſt Ex-
pectations were formed, and the Minds of all ſeemed intent upon Peace.
T. Labienus advancing from the Croud, began in a low Voice to confer with
Vatinius, as if to ſettle the Articles of the Treaty. But their Diſcourſe was
ſoon interrupted by a multitude of Darts that came pouring in on all fides.
Vatinius eſcaped the Danger by means of the Soldiers, who protected him with
their Shields; but Cornelius Balbus, M. Plotius, L. Tiburtus, Centurions, and
ſome private Men were wounded. Labienus then lifted up his Voice, and
cried: © Leave off prating of an Accommodation: for you muſt not expect
tc Peace, till you bring us Cz/ar's Head.
XVIII. ABOUT the fame time M. Cælius Rufus, Prætor at Rome for fo-
reign Affairs, having undertaken the cauſe of the Debtors ; on his entrance
into his Office, ordered his Tribunal to be fixed near that of the City Prætor
C. Trebonius ; and promiſed to receive the Complaints of ſuch as ſhould appeal
| | tO
227
228
. gerous Beginnings, that by reaſon of the multiplicity of Affairs wherewith
CASAR's COMMENTARIES
to him, in regard to the Eſtimation and Payments, made in conſequence of
Ceſar's late Regulation. But ſuch was the equity of the Decree, and the hu-
manity of Trebonius, who in fo nice and critical an Affair, thought it neceſſary
to conduct himſelf with the utmoſt Clemency and Moderation, that no pre-
tence of Appeal could be found. For to plead Poverty, perſonal Loftes, the
hardneſs of the Times, and the difficulty of bringing their Effects to fale, is
uſual enough even with reaſonable Minds: but to own themſelves indebted, and
yet aim at keeping their Poſſeſſions entire, would have argued a total want
both of Honeſty and Shame. Accordingly not a Man was found who made any
ſuch Demand. Czlius's whole Severity, therefore, was pointed againſt thoſe, to
whom the Inheritance of the Debtor was adjudged : and having once embarked
in the Affair, that he might not ſeem. to have engaged himſelf to no purpoſe in,
an unjuſtifiable Cauſe, he publiſhed a Law, by which he allowed the
Debtors fix Years for the diſcharge of their Debts, which they were to clear at
equal Payments, without Intereſt.
XIX. BUT the Conful Servilius, and the reſt of the Magiſtrates oppoſing
the Law; when he found it had not the effect he expected, he thought pro-
per to drop that Deſign; and in the view of inflaming the People, propoſed
two new Laws; the one, to exempt all the Tenants in Name from paying
Rents; the other, for a general abolition of Debts, This Bait took with the
Multitude ; and Cælius at their head, came and attacked Trebonius on his
Tribunal, drove him thence, and wounded ſame about him. The Conſul
Servilius reported theſe things to the Senate, who interdifted to Cælius the
functions of his Office. In conſequence of this Decree, the Conſul refuſed -
him admittance into the Senate, and drove him out of his Tribunal, when he
was going to harangue the People. Overwhelmed with Shame and Reſent-
ment, he openly threatned to carry his Complaints to Cæſar; but privately
gave notice to Milo, who had been banifhed for the murder of Cladius, to
come into Italy, and join him with the remains of the Gladiators, which he
bought formerly to entertain the People with, in the Shows he gave them.
With this view he ſent him before to Turinum, to ſolicit the Shepherds to take
Arms, and went himſelf to Cafilinum ; where hearing that his Arms and
Enſigns had been ſeized at Capua, his Partizans at Naples, and their defign of
betraying the City diſcovered : finding all his Projects defeated, the Gates of
Capua ſhut againſt him, and the Danger increafing every Moment, becauſe the
Citizens had taken Arms, and began to conſider him as a publick Enemy;
he defiſted from the Project he had formed, and thought proper to change his
Rout. |
XX. IN the mean time Milo, having diſpatched Letters to all the Colonies
and free Towns, intimating that what he did was. in virtue of Pompeys Au-
thority, who had ſent him his Orders by Bibulus, endeavoured to draw over
the Debtors to his Party, But not ſucceeding in his Deſign, he contented
himſelf with ſetting ſome Slaves at liberty, and with them marched to beſiege
Cgſa, in the Territory of Turinum. &. Padius the Prætor, with a Garriſon of
one Legion, commanded in the Town; and here Milo was ſlain by a Stone
from a Machine on the Walls. Czlius giving out that he was gone to
Cz/ar, came to Thurium ; where endeavouring to debauch the Inhabitants,
and corrupt by promiſes of Money the Spaniſp and Garnliſh Horſe, whom
Cæſar had ſent thither to garriſon the Place, they flew him. Thus theſe dan-
the
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book ni.
the Magiſtrates were diſtracted, and the tickliſh fituation of the Times,
threatned great Revolutions, and alarmed all Taly, were brought to a ſafe
and ſpeedy iſſue. 6
XXI. LIBO leaving Oricum, with the Fleet under his Command, con-
fiſting of fiſty Sail, came to Brunduſium, and poſſeſſed himſelf of an Iſland
directly facing the Harbour; judging it of more conſequence to ſecure a Poſt,
by which our Tranſports muſt neceſſarily paſs, than guard all the Coaſts and
Havens on the other fide. As his Arrival was unexpected, he ſurpriſed and
burnt ſome Trranſports, and carried off a Veſſel loaden with Corn. The
Confternation was great among our Men; inſomuch that having landed ſome
Foot, with a party of Archers, in the night, he defeated our Guard of Ca-
valry; and had fo far the Advantage by the commodiouſneſs of his Poſt, that
he writ Zompey word, he might draw the reſt of the Navy on Shore, and
order Mem to be careen'd ; for he alone, with his Squadron, would undertake
to cut oft Cz/ar's Supplies.
XXII ANTON was then at Brunduſium; who confiding in the Valour
of the Troops, ordered ſome Boats belonging to the Fleet to be armed with
Hurdles and Galleries; and having filled them with choſen Troops, diſpoſed
them in ſeveral Places along the Shore. At the ſame time he ſent two three-
bench'd Gallies, which he had cauſed to be built at Brunduſium, to the mouth
of the Harbour, as if with deſign to exerciſe the Rowers. Libo perceiving
them advance boldly, and hoping he might be able to intercept them, de-
tached five Quadriremes for that purpoſe. At their Approach, our Men
rowed towards the Harbour ; whither the Enemy, eager of the purſuit, incon-
ſiderately followed them: for now Antonys armed Boats, upon a Signal given,
came pouring upon them from all Parts; and at the very firſt Onſet took
a Quadrireme, with all the Soldiers and Sailors on board, and forced the reſt
to an ignominious Flight. To add to this Diſgrace, the Cavalry, which An-
tony had poſted all along the Coaſt, hindered the Enemy from watering ; which
reduced them to ſuch Straits, that Libo was forced to quit the Blockade of
Brunduſium, and retire with his Fleet.
XXIII. SEVERAL Months had now paſſed, the Winter was almoſt
over; mean-time neither the Ships nor Legions were yet arrived, which Cæſar
expected from Brunduſium. He could not help thinking that ſome Oppor-
tunities had been loft, as it was certain the Wind had many times offered
fair, and there was a neceſſity of truſting to it at laſt. The longer the delay
in ſending over the Troops, the more vigilant and alert were the Enemy in
guarding the Coaſt, and the greater their Confidence to hinder the paſſage;
nay Pompey, in his Letters, frequently reproached them, that as they had not
prevented the firſt Embarkation, they ought at leaſt to take care that no more
of the Troops got over; and the Seaſon itſelf was becoming leſs favourable,
by the Approach of milder Weather, when the Enemy's Fleet would be able
to act and extend itſelf. For theſe reaſons Cæſar writ ſharply to his Lieutenants
at Brunduſium, charging them not to omit the firſt Opportunity of ſailing, as
ſoon as the Wind offered fair; and to ſteer for the Coaſt of Apollonia, which
they could approach with leſs danger, as it was not fo ſtrictly guarded by
the Enemy, who were afraid of venturing on a Coaſt ſo ill provided with
Havens.
N nn XXIV.
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230
CASA Rs COMMENTARIES
XXIV. THE Lieutenants rouſed and emboldened by theſe Letters, and
encouraged by the Ex hortations of the Troops themſelves, who profeſſed they
were ready to face any danger for Cz/ar's ſake, embarked under the Direction
of M. Antony, and Fufius Kalenus; and ſetting ſail with the Wind at South,
paſſed Apollonia and Dyrrhachinm next Day. Being delcried from the Con-
tinent, C. Caponius, who commanded the Rhodian Squadron at Dyrrhachium,
put out to ſea; and the Wind ſlackening upon our Fleet, it was near falling
into the hands of the Enemy; but a freſh Gale ſpringing up at South, ſaved
us from that danger. Caponius however deſiſted not from the purſuit, hoping
by the Labour and Perſeverance of the Mariners, to ſurmount the violence of
the Tempeſt ; and though we had paſſed Dyrrhachium with a very hard Gale,
ſtill continued to follow us. Our Men apprehenfive of an Attack, ſhould the
Wind again chance to flacken, ſeized an Advantage Fortune threw in their
way, and put into the Port of Vympheum, about three Miles beyond Liſus.
This Port is ſheltered from the South-weſt Wind, but lies open to the South:
but they preferred the hazard they might be expoſed to by the Tempeſt, to
that of fighting. At that inſtant, by an unuſual piece of good Fortune, the
Wind, which for two Days had blown from the South, changed to the South-
weſt. - This was a ſudden and favourable turn: for the Fleet ſo lately in dan-
ger from the Enemy, was ſheltered in a ſafe commodious Port: and that which
threatned ours with Deſtruction, was in its turn expoſed to the utmoſt Peril.
By this unexpected change, the Storm, which protected our Fleet, beat fo
furiouſly on the Rhod7an Gallies, that they were all, to the Number of fixteen,
broke to pieces againſt the Shore. Moſt of the Soldiers and Mariners periſhed
among the Rocks; the reſt were taken up by our Men, and ſent by Cz/ar's
Orders to their ſeveral Homes,
XXV. TWO of our Tranſports, unable to keep up with the reſt, were
overtaken by the Night; and not knowing where the Fleet had put in, caſt
Anchor over-againft Liſſus. Otacilius Craſſus, who commanded in the Place,
ſent out ſome Boats and ſmall Veſſels to attack them: at the ſame time he
urged them to a ſurrender, promifing Quarter to ſuch as would ſubmit. One
of theſe Veſſels carried two hundred and twenty new raiſed Soldiers; the other
leſs than two hundred Veterans. On this Occaſion appeared, how great a de-
fence againſt Danger reſults from firmneſs of Mind. The new Levies, frighted
at the Number of their Adverſaries, and fatigued with Sea- ſickneſs, ſurrendred
on promiſe of their Lives. But when they were brought to Ozacilius, regard-
les of the Oath he had taken, he ordered them all to be cruelly ſlain in his
preſence. The Veterans, on the contrary, though they had both the Storm
and a leaky Veſſel to ſtruggle with, abated nothing of their wonted Bravery ;
but having ſpun out the time till Night, under pretence of treating, obliged
the Pilot to run the Veſſel aſhore; where finding an advantageous Poſt, they
continued the remainder of the Night. At day-break Ozacilivus detached
againſt them about four hundred Horſe, who guarded that Part of the Coaſt,
and purſued them Sword in hand: but they defended themſelves with great
Bravery, and having ſlain ſome of the Enemy, rejoined, without loſs, the reſt
of the Troops.
XXVI. UPON this the Roman Citizens inhabiting Liſſus, to whom Ceſar
had before made a grant of the Town, after fortifying it with great care,
opened their Gates to Antony, and furniſhed him with every thing he ſtood
in need of. Ozacilius, dreading the Conſequences of this Revolution, quitted
» | the
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book in.
the Place, and fled to Pompey, Antony having landed his Troops, which
conſiſted of three veteran Legions, ohe new raiſed, and eight hundred Horſe,
ſent moſt of the Tranſports back again to Brunduſium, to bring over the reſt
of the Foot and Cavalry ; retaining nevertheleſs ſome Ships of Cauliſb Struc- |
ture, that if Pompey, imagining Italy deſtitute of Troops, ſhould attempt to
return thither, as was commonly rumoured,. Cz/ar might be able to foilow
him. At the ſame time he gave Cæſar ſpeedy Notice of the number of
Forces he had brought over with him, and the Place where he had
landed,
XXVII. THIS Intelligence reached Ceſar and Pompey much about the ſame
time; for both had ſeen the Fleet paſs Apollonia and Dyrrhachium, and had in
conſequence directed their march that way ; but neither knew, for ſome Days,
into what Harbour it had put. On the firſt news of Antony's landing, the two
Generals took different Reſolutions ; Cæſar, to join him as ſoon as poſſible ; Pom-
bey, to oppoſe his march, and, if poſlible, draw him into an Ambuſcade. Both
quitted their Camps on the Aęſus about the ſame time; Pompey, privately during
the night; Cz/ar, publickly by day. But Cz2/ar, who had the River to croſs,
was obliged to fetch a compaſs, that he might come at a Ford. Pompey, on
the other hand, having nothing to obſtruct his march, advanced by great
Journeys againſt Antony; and underſtanding that he was not far off, poſted his
Troops on an advantageous Ground, ordering them to keep within their Camp,
and light no Fires, that his approach might not be perceived. But Antony be-
ing informed of it by the Greeks, would not ſtir out of his Lines; and ſend-
ing immediate notice to Cæſar, was joined by him next Day. On advice of
Cæſar's arrival, Pompey, that he might not be ſhut up between two Armies,
quitted the Place; and coming with all his Forces to A/paraginm, a Town
belonging to the Dyrrbachians, encamped there on an advantageous Ground.
XXVIII. ABOUT the ſame time Scipio, natwithitanding ſome Checks he
had received near Mount Amanus, aſſumed the Title of Emperor; after which
he exacted great ſums of Money from the neighbouring States and Princes;
obliged the Farmers of the Revenue to pay the two Years' Taxes, which lay in
their hands, and advance a third by way of Loan; and ſent Orders to the
whole Province for levying Cavalry. Having got a ſufficient number together,
he quitted the Parthians, his neareſt Enemies, who not long before had ſlain
M. Craſſus, and held Bibulus inveſted ; and marched out of Syria with his
Legions and Cavalry. When he arrived in Aſia minor, he found the whole
Country filled with Terror on account of the Parthian War; and the Soldiers
themſelves declared, that they were ready to march againſt an Enemy, but
would never bear Arms againſt a Conſul, and their Fellow-Citizens. To ſtifle
theſe Diſcontents, he made conſiderable Preſents to the Troops, quartered them
in Pergamus and other rich Towns, and gave up the whole Country to their
diſcretion. Mean-while the Money demanded of the Province was levied with
great Rigor; and various Pretences were deviſed, to ſerve as a Ground to new
Exactions. Slaves and Freemen were ſubjected to a Capitation- Tax. Impoſts
were laid upon Pillars and Doors of Houſes. Corn, Soldiers, Mariners, Arms,
Engines, Carriages, in a word, every thing that had a Name, furniſhed a ſuf-
ficient Handle for extorting Money. Governors were appointed not only over
Towns, but over Villages and Caſtles; and he that acted with the greateſt -
rigor and cruelty, was accounted the worthieft Man, and beſt Citizen. The
Province ſwarmed with Lictors, Overſeers, and Collectors, who beſides the
Sums
231
2 — *
— — — —
x
232
CAS AR's COMMENTARIES
sums impoſed by publick Authority, exacted Money likewiſe on their own
account; colouring their iniquitous Pemands with a Pretence, that they had
been expelled their Country and native Homes, and were in extreme want of
every thing. Add to all theſe Calamities, immoderate Uſury, an Evil almoſt
inſeparable from War: for as great Sums are then exacted, beyond what a
Country is able to furniſh, they are obliged to apply for a Delay, which at any
Price is ſtill accounted a Favour. Thus the Debts of the Province increaſed
conſiderably during theſe two Years. Nor were the Raman Citizens the only
ſufferers on this Occaſion ; for certain Sums were demanded of every State and
Corporation, as a Loan upon the Senate's Decree; and the Farmers of the Re-
venue were ordered to advance the next Year's Tribute, in like manner as when
they firſt enter'd upon Office. Beſides all this, Scipio gave Orders for ſeizing
the Treaſures of the Temple of Diana at Epheſus, with all the Statues of that
Goddeſs. But when he came to the Temple attended by many Perſons of ſe-
natorian Rank, he received Letters from Pompey, deſiring him to lay aſide all
other Concerns, and make what haſte he could to join him, becauſe Cæſar had
paſſed into Greece with his whole Army. In conſequence of this Order, he
ſent back the Senators who had been ſummoned to attend him at Epbeſus,
made Preparations for paſſing into Macedonia, and began his march a few
Days after. Thus the Epheſian Treaſures eſcaped being plundered.
XXIX. CAESAR having joined Antonys Army, and recalled the Legion
he had left at Oricum, to guard the Sea-Coaſt, judged it neceſſary to ad-
vance farther into the Country, and poſſeſs himſelf of the more diſtant Provin-
ces. At the ſame time Deputies arrived from Theſſaly and Atolia, with aſ-
ſurances of Submiſſion from all the States in thoſe Parts, provided he would
ſend Troops to defend them. Accordingly he diſpatched L. Caſſius Longinus,
with a Legion of new Levies, called the twenty-ſeventh, and two hundred
Horſe into Theſſaly ; and C. Calvuiſius Sabinus, with five Cohorts, and ſome
Cavalry, into AÆtolia; charging them in a particular manner, as thoſe Pro-
vinces lay the neareſt to his Camp, that they would take care to furniſh him
with Corn. He likewiſe ordered Cn. Domitius Calvinus, with the eleventh and
twelfth Legions, and five hundred Horſe, to march into Macedonia: for Me-
nedemus, the principal Man of that Conntry, having come Ambaſſador to
| Cz/ar, had aſſured him of the Affection of the Province.
XXX. CALVISIUS was well received by the Ætolians; and having
driven the Enemies Garriſons from Calydon and Maupactum, poſſeſſed himſelf
of the whole Country. Caſſius arriving in Theſſaly with his Legion, found the
State divided into two Factions. Egeſaretus, a Man in Years, and of eſtabliſhed
Credit, favoured Pompey : Petreius, a young Nobleman of the firſt Rank, ex-
erted his whole Intereſt in behalf of Cz/ar.
XXXI. ABO UI the fame time Domizius arrived in Macedonia: and whilſt
Deputies were attending him from all parts, news came that Scipio approached
with his Legions, which ſpread a great Alarm thro' the Country ; as Fame, for
the moſt part, magnifies the firſt appearances of Things. Scipio, without ſtop-
ping any where in Macedonia, advanced by great marches towards Domitius;
but being come within twenty miles of -him, ſuddenly changed his Rout, and
turned off to Theſſaly, in queſt of Caſſius Longinus. his was done fo expe-
ditiouſly, that he was actually arrived with his Troops, when Caſſius received
the firſt notice of his march: for to make the more diſpatch, he had left
8 M. Favonins
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book. mi.
M. Favonius at the River Haliacmon, which ſeparates Macedonia from Theſſaly;
with eight Cohorts to guard the Baggage of the Legions, and ordered him to
erect a Fort there. At the ſame time King Cotus's Cavalry, which had been
accuſtomed to make Inroads into Theſſaly, came pouring upon Caſſius's Camp;
who knowing that Scipio was upon his march, and believing the Cavalry to be
his, retired in a Fright to the Mountains that begirt Theſſaly, and thence di-
rected his courſe towards Ambracia. Scipio preparing to follow him, received
Letters from M. Favonius; that Domitius was coming up with his Legions,
nor would it be poſſible for him to maintain the Poſt he was in, without his
Aſſiſtance. Scipio, upon this Intelligence, changed his reſolution, gave over the
purſuit of Caſſius, and advanced to the relief of Favonius. As he marched
Day and Night without intermiſſion, he arrived fo opportunely, that the
Duſt of Domitius's Army, and his advanced Parties, were deſcried at the ſame
time. Thus Domitius's Care preſerved Caſſius, and Scipio's Diligence Favonius.
XXXII. SCTPTIO continuing two Days in his Camp upon the Haliac-
mon, which ran between him and the Army of Domitius, put his Troops in
motion on the third, and by Day-break forded the River. Early next Morn-
ing he drew up his Troops in order of Battle at the head of his Camp. Do-
mitius was not averſe to an Engagement; but as between the two Camps there
was a Plain of fix miles, he thought that the fitteſt place for a Field of Battle,
and drew up his Men at ſome diſtance from Scipio's Camp. Scipio would not
ſtir from his Poſt; yet hardly could Domitius reſtrain his Men from advancin
to attack him; tho' a Rivulet with ſteep Banks, that ran in the front of the
Enemy's Camp, oppoſed their Paſſage. Scipio obſerving the keenneſs and ala-
crity of our Troops, and fearing that next Day he ſhould either be forced to
fight againſt his Will, or ignominiouſly keep within his Camp; after great Ex-
pectations raiſed, by too haſtily croſſing the River, he ſaw all his Projects de-
feated; and decamping in great ſilence during the night, returned to his for-
mer Station beyond the Haliacmon, and poſted himſelf on a riſing Ground,
near the River. A few Days after, he formed an Ambuſcade of Cavalry by
night, in a place where our Men were wont to forage: and when . Varus,
who commanded the Horſe under Domitius, came next Day according to
cuſtom; ſuddenly the Enemy roſe from their lurking Holes: but our Men
bravely ſuſtaining the Attack, ſoon recovered their Ranks, and in their turn
vigorouſly charged the Enemy. About fourſcore fell on this Occaſion; the reſt
betook themſelves to flight, and our Men returned to their Camp with the loſs
of only two of their Number.
XXXIII AF T E R this Rencounter, Domitius hoping to draw Scipio to a
Battle, feigned to decamp for want of Proviſions; and having made the uſual
Signal for retreating, after a march of three miles, drew up his Cavalry and Le-
gions in a convenient Plain, ſhrouded from the Enemy's view. Scipio pre-
paring to follow, ſent the Horſe and light- armed Infantry before, to explore
his Rout, and examine the ſituation of the Country. When they were ad-
vanced a little way, and their firſt Squadrons had come within reach of out
Ambuſh ; beginning to ſuſpect ſomething from the neighing of the Horſes,
they wheeled about in order to retreat; which the Troops that followed ob-
ſerving, ſuddenly halted. Our Men finding that the Ambuſh was diſcovered,
and knowing it would be in vain to wait for the reſt of the Army, fell upon
the two Squadrons that were moſt advanced. M. Opimius, General of the
Ooo Horſe
233
—— —
— — x
— & 2
34
CNS AR's COMMENTARIES
Horſe to Domitius, was amongſt tfeſe, but ſome how found means to eſcape.
All the reſt were either ſlain, or made Priſoners.
XXXIV. CA SAR having drawn off his Garriſons from the Sea-Coaſt, as
we have related above; left three Cohorts at Oricum to defend the Town, and
committed to their charge the Gallies he had brought out of 1raly. Aci-
lius, one of his Lieutenants, had the command of theſe Troops; who, for the
greater Security, cauſed the Ships to be drawn up into the Harbour behind the
Town, and made them faſt to the Shore. He likewiſe ſunk a Tranſport in
the mouth of the Haven, behind which another rode at Anchor, on whoſe
Deck a Tower was erected facing the entrance of the Port, and filled with
Troops, to be ready in caſe of ſurpriſe. Young Pompey, who commanded
the Ag yptian Fleet, having notice of this, came to Oricum; weighed up the
Veſſel that had been ſunk in the mouth of the Harbour; and, after an obſtinate
Reſiſtance, took the other, which had been placed there by Acilius to guard
the Haven. He then brought forward his Fleet, on which he had raiſed
Towers to fight with the greater advantage ; and having ſurrounded the Town
on all ſides, attacked it by Land with ſcaling Ladders, and by Sea from the
Towers, ſending freſh Men continually in the place of thoſe that were fatigued,
and thereby obliging us to yield thro' Wearineſs and Wounds. At the fame
time he ſeized an Eminence on the other fide of the Town, which ſeemed a
kind of natural Mole, and almoſt formed a Peninſula over-againſt Oricum;
and by means of this neck of Land, carried four ſmall Gallies upon Rollers
into the inner part of the Haven. Thus the Gallies, that were made faſt to the
Land, and deſtitute of Troops, being attacked on all ſides; four were carried
off, and the reſt burnt. This Affair diſpatched, he left D. Lælius, whom he
had taken from the command of the Afatic Fleet, to prevent the importation
of Proviſions from Biblis and Amantia; and failing for L:ifſas, attacked and
burnt the thirty Tranſports which Antony had left in that Haven. He endea-
voured likewiſe to take the Town: but the Roman Citizens of that Diſtrict,
aided by the Garriſon Cz/ar had left, defended it ſo well, that at the end of
three Days, he retired without effecting his Purpoſe, having loft ſome Men in
the Attempt.
XXXV. CASA R being informed that Pompey was at Aſparagium, marched
thither with his Army; and having taken the Capital of the Parrbinians by
the way, where Pompey had a Garriſon; arrived the third Day in Macedonia,
and encamped at a ſmall diſtance from the Enemy. The next Day he drew
out all his Forees, formed them before his Camp, and offered Pompey, battle.
Finding that he kept within his Lines, he led back his Troops, and began to
think of purſuing other Meaſures. Accordingly, on the morrow, by a long
Circuit, and thro' very narrow and difficult ways, he marched with all his
Forces to Dyrrhachium ; hoping either to oblige Pompey to follow him thither,
or cut off his Communication with the Town, where he had laid up all his Pro-
viſions, and Magazines of War: which happened accordingly. For Pompey, at
firſt, not penetrating his Deſign, becauſe he counterfeited a Rout different
from what he really intended, imagined he had been obliged to decamp for
want of Proviſions: but being afterwards informed of the truth by his Scouts,
he quitted his Camp next Day, in hopes to prevent him by taking a nearer
way. Cæſar ſuſpecting what might happen, exhorted his Soldiers to bear the
Fatigue patiently ; and allowing them to repoſe during only a ſmall part of
; the
—
_ OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book ni.
the Night, arrived next Morning at Dyrrbachium, where he immediately
formed a Camp, juſt as Pompeys Van began to appear at a diſtance:
XXXVI POMPEY thus excluded from Dyrrhachium, and unable to
execute his firſt Deſign, came to a reſolution of encamping on an Eminence
called Petra, where was a tolerable Harbour, ſheltered from ſome Winds. Here
he ordered part of his Fleet to attend him, and Corn and Proviſions to be
brought him from fa, and the other Provinces ſubject to his Command.
- Cz/ar apprehending the War would run into length, and deſpairing of Sup-
plies from Italy, becauſe the Coaſts were fo ſtrictly guarded by Pompey's Fleet;
and his own Gallies, built the Winter before in Sicily, Gaul, and Italy, were
not yet arrived, diſpatched L. Canuleius, one of his Lieutenants, to Epirus for
Corn. And becauſe that Country lay at a great diſtance from his Camp, he
built Granaries in ſeveral Places, and wrote to the neighbouring States to carry
their Corn thither. He likewiſe ordered ſearch to be made for what Corn
could be found in Liſſus, the Country of the Parrhinians, and the other Prin-
cipalities in thoſe Parts. This amounted to very little; partly occaſioned by
the Soil, which is rough and mountainous, and obliges the Inhabitants often to
import Grain; partly becauſe Pompey foreſeeing Cz/ar's Wants, had ſome Days
before ravaged the Country of the Parthinians, plundered their Houſes, and by
means of his Cavalry cartied oft all their Corn,
XXXVII. FOR theſe Reaſons Cæſar formed a Project, which the very
nature of the Country ſuggeſted. All round Pompey's Camp, at a ſmall diſtance,
were high and ſteep Hills. Cz/ar took poſſeſſion of thoſe Hills, and built
Forts upon them ; reſolving, as the nature of the Ground would allow, to
draw Lines of Communication from one Fort to another, and incloſe Pompey
within his Works. His views herein were ; firſt, to facilitate the paſſage of his
Convoys, which the Enemy's Cavalry, which was very ſtrong and fine, would
no longer cut off; next, to diſtreſs this very Cavalry, for want of Forage ;
and laſtly, to leſſen the great Reputation and high Idea entertained of Pompey;
when it ſhould be reported all over the World, that he had ſuffered himſelf
to be blockaded, and as it were impriſoned by Cz/ar's Works; and durſt not
hazard a Battle to ſet himſelf at liberty.
XXXVIII. POMPEY would neither leave the Sea and Dyrrbachium,
where he had all his Magazines and Engines of War, and whence he was ſup-
plied with Proviſions by means of his Fleet; nor could he prevent the progreſs
of Ce/ar's Works without fighting, which at that time he was determined
againſt, He could do nothing therefore but extend himſelf, by taking in as
many Hills, and as large a Circuit of Country as poſſible, to give his Adver-
fary the more Trouble, and divide his Forces. This he did, by raiſing twenty-
four Forts, which took in a Circumference of fifteen miles, wherein were
arable and paſture Lands, to feed his Horſes and Beaſts of Burden. And as
our Men had carried their Circumvallation quite round, by drawing Lines of
Communication from Fort to Fort, to prevent the Sallies of the Enemy, and
guard againſt Attacks in their Rear; in like manner Pompey's Men had ſur-
rounded themſelves with Lines, to hinder us from breaking in upon them, and
charging them behind. They even perfected their Works firſt, becauſe they
had more Hands, and a leſs Circuit to incloſe. When Cæſar endeavoured to
gain any Place, Pompey, tho determined not to oppoſe him with all his
Forces, nor hazard a general Action, failed not however to detach _ of
. | Archers
2.35
— —
— —
*
— A ² Ä es OA ode OH IO oe —
e LE
*
* * — —
—
— —
236
CSA R's COMMENTARIES
Archers and Slingers, who wounded great Numbers of our Men, and occa-
ſioned ſuch a dread of their Arrows, that almoſt all the Soldiers furniſhed
themſelves with Coats of Mail, or of thick Leather, to guard againſt that
danger.
XXXIX. BOTH Parties diſputed every Poſt with great obſtinacy : Cæſar,
that he might incloſe Pompey within as narrow a ſpace as poſſible; and Pompey,
that he might have liberty to extend himſelf: which occaſioned many ſharp
Skirmiſhes. In one of theſe, Cz/ar's ninth Legion having poſſeſſed them-
ſelves of an Eminence, which they began to fortify, Pompey ſeized the oppoſite
Mount, with a Reſolution to hinder their Works. As the Acceſs on one fide
was very eaſy ; he ſent firſt ſome Archers and Slingers, and afterwards a ſtrong
Detachment of light-armed Foot, plying us at the ſame time with his mili-
tary Engines; which obliged our Men to deſiſt, as they found it impoſſible at
once to ſuſtain the Enemy's Charge, and go forward with their Works. Cæſar
perceiving his Men were wounded from all fides, reſolved to quit the Place
and retire. But as the Deſcent by which he muſt retreat was pretty ſteep, the
Pompeians charged him briskly in drawing oft, imagining he gave way through
fear. Pompey went fo far as to ſay, That he conſented to be accounted a
« General of no Merit, if Cze/ar's Men got off without conſiderable loſs.”
Czſar concerned about the Retreat of his Men, ordered Hurdles to be fixed
on the Ridge of the Hill fronting the Enemy; behind which he dug a mo-
derate Ditch, and rendred the Place as inacceſſible as he could on all fides,
When this was done, he began to file off the Legionary Soldiers, ſupporting
them by ſome light-armed Troops poſted on their Flanks, who with Arrows
and Stones might repulſe the Enemy. Pompey's Troops failed not to purſue
them with great Outcries and fierce Menaces, overturned the Hurdles, and
uſed them as Bridges to get over the Ditch. Which Cz/ar obſerving; and
fearing ſome Diſaſter might enſue, ſhould he ſeem to be driven from a Poſt,
which he quitted voluntarily ; when his Forces were got half down the Hill,
encouraging them by Antony, who had the Command of that Legion, he
gave the Signal to face about and fall on the Enemy. Immediately the Sol-
diers of the ninth Legion, forming themſelves into cloſe Order, lanched their
Darts; and advancing briskly up the Hill againſt the Enemy, forced them to
give ground, and at laſt betake themſelves to Flight; which was not a little
incommoded by the Hurdles, Paliſades, and Ditch, Cz/ar had thrown up
to ſtop their Purſuit, But our Men, who ſought only to ſecure their Retreat,
having killed ſeveral of the Enemy, and loſt only five of their own Number,
retired without the leaſt diſturbance, and incloſing ſome other Hills within
their Lines, compleated the Circumvallation.
XL. THIS method of making War was new and extraordinay ; as well
in regard to the Number of Forts, the Extent of the Circumvallation, the -
Greatneſs of the Works, and the manner of Attack and Defence; as on other
Accounts. For whoever undertakes to inveſt another, is for the moſt part
moved thereto, either by ſome previous Defeat he has ſuſtained, the know-
ledge of his Weakneſs, to take advantage of his Diſtreſſes, to profit by a
ſuperiority of Forces; or, in fine, to cut off his Proviſions, which is the moſt
ordinary Cauſe of theſe Attempts. But Cz/far, with an inferior Force, be-
ſieged Pompey, whoſe Troops were entire, in good order, and abounded in all
things. For Ships arrived every Day from all Parts with Proviſions; nor
could the Wind blow from any Quarter, that was not fayourable to ſome of
them;
OF THE CIVIL VAR. Book i.
them; whereas Cæſar's Army, having conſumed all the Corn round about, was
reduced to the laſt Neceſſities Nevertheleſs the Soldiers bore all with ſingular
Patience; remembring, that though reduced to the like Extremity the Year
before in Spain, they had yet, by their Aſſiduity and Perſeverance, put an end
to a very formidable War. They called to mind too their Sufferings at Aleſia,
and their ſtill greater Diſtreſſes before Avaricum, by which however they
triumphed over mighty Nations. When Barley or Pulſe was given them in-
ſtead of Corn, they took it chearfully; and thought themſelves regaled when
they got any Cattle, which Epirus furniſhed them with in great abundance.
They diſcovered in the Country a Root called Chara, which they pounded
and kneaded with Milk, ſo as to make a fort of Bread of it. This furniſhed
a plentiful Supply: and when their Adverſaries reproached them with their
want, by way of anſwer to their Inſults, they threw theſe Loaves at
them.
. XLI. BY this time the Corn began to ripen, and the hopes of a ſpeedy
Supply ſupported the Soldiers under their preſent wants. Nay they were often
heard to ſay one to another, that they would ſooner live on the Bark of Trees,
than let Pompey eſcape. For they were informed from time to time by De-
ſerters, that their Horſes were almoſt ſtarved, and the reft of their Cattle actually
dead: that the Troops themſelves were very ſickly; partly occaſioned by the
narrow ſpace in which they were incloſed, the Number and noiſom Smell of
dead Carcaſes, and the daily Fatigue to which they were unaccuſtomed ;
partly by their extreme want of Water. For Cæſar had either turned the
Courſe of all the Rivers and Brooks that ran into the Sea, or dammed u
their Currents. And as the Country was mountainous, intermixed with dee
Valleys, by driving Piles into the Earth, and covering them with Mold, he
ſtopped up the Courſe of the Waters. This obliged the Enemy to ſearch for
low and marſhy Places, and to dig Wells, which added to their daily Labour.
The Wells too, when diſcovered, lay at a conſiderable diſtance from ſome
Parts of the Army, and were ſoon dried up by the heat. Cz/ar's Army, on
the contrary, was very healthy, abounded in Water, and had plenty of all
kinds of Proviſion, Corn excepted, which they hoped to be ſoon ſupplied
with, as the Seaſon was now pretty far advanced, and Harveſt ap-
proached.
XLII. IN this new method of making War, new Stratagemis were every
Day put in practice by both Generals. Pompey's Soldiers, obſerving by the
Fires the Place where our Cohorts were upon guard, ſtole thither privately by
night, and pouring upon them a flight of Arrows, retired inſtantly to their
Camp; which obliged our Men to have Fires in one Place, and keep guard
in another.
XLIII. MEAN-WHILE P. Hylla, whom Ceſar, at his departure, had
left to command the Camp, being informed of what paſſed, came to the
aſſiſtance of the Cohort with two Legions, His arrival ſoon put the Pompeians
to flight, who could not ſtand the very Sight and Shock of his Troops; but
ſeeing their firſt Ranks broken, took to their heels, and quitted the Place.
$ylla checked the Ardour of his Men, whom he would not ſuffer to continue
the Purſuit too far; and it was the general Belief, that had he purſued the
Enemy warmly, that Day might have put an end to the War. His Conduct
however cannot be juſtly cenſured ; for the difference is great between a
Ppp Lieutenant
237.
8 238 CESAR's COMMENTARIES
1 Lieutenant and a General: the one is tied up to act according to Inſtructions;
| | | the other, free from reſtraint, is at liberty'to lay hold of all Advantages.
0 Fylla, who was left by Cæſar to take care of the Camp, was ſatisfied with
1 having diſengaged his own Men; and had no intention to hazard a general
5 Action, which might have been attended with ill Conſequences, and would
4 have looked like arrogating the part of a General. The Pompeians found it no
1 eaſy matter to make good their Retreat: for having advanced from a very
diſadvantageous Poſt to the ſummit of the Hill, they had reaſon to fear our
| Men would charge them in deſcending ; and the rather, as it was very near
Sun-ſet; for they had protracted the Affair almoſt till night, in hopes of accom-
| pPlwGuiſhing their Deſign. Thus Pompey, compelled by Neceſſity, immediately
took poſſeſſion of an Eminence, at ſuch a diſtance from our Fort, as to be ſe-
cure from Darts and military Engines. . Here he encamped, threw up an In-
trenchment, and drew his Forces together to defend the Place.
XLIV. AT the ſame time we were engaged in two other Places; for
Pompey attacked ſeveral Caftles together, to divide our Forces, and hinder the
Forts from mutually ſuccouring one another. In one of theſe, Volcatius Tullus,
1 with three Cohorts, ſuſtained the Charge of a whole Legion, and ſorced them
1 to retire. In the other, the Germans, ſallying out of their Intrench-
1 ments, flew ſeveral of the Enemy, and returned again without loſs,
=
— —
Ea Po. HET T HT: ” i: I 2 = _ —
1 XLV. THUS there happened no leſs than fix Actions in one Day; three
near Dyrrhachium, and three about the Lines. In computing the number of
the ſlain, it appeared, that Pompey loſt about two thouſand Men, with ſeveral
Volunteers and Centurions, among whom was Falerius Flaccus, the Son of
Lucius, who had formerly been. Prætor of Ha. We gained fix Standards,
with the loſs of no more than twenty Men in all the Attacks: but an the
Fort, not a Soldier eſcaped being wounded ; and four Centurions belonging to
one Cohort, loſt their Eyes. As a proof of the danger they had been expoſed
to, and the Efforts they had ſuſtained, they brought and counted to Cz/ar
about thirty thouſand Arrows that had been ſhot into the Fort ; and ſhewed
him the Centurion Scœva's Buckler, which was pierced in two hundred and
thirty places. Cz/ar, as a reward for his Services both to himſelf and the
Republick, preſented him with two hundred thouſand Aſſes, and advanced
him directly from the eighth rank of Captains to the firſt ; it appearing, that
1 the preſervation of the Fort was chiefly owing to his Valour. He alſo diſtri-
. buted military Rewards among the other Officers and Soldiers of that Cohort;
WH: and aſſigned them double Pay, and a double allowance of Corn.
XLVI. POMPEY laboured all night at his Fortifications, raiſed Redoubts
the following Days, and having carried his Works fifteen Foot high, covered
that part of his Camp with Mantelets. Five Days after, taking advantage of
a very dark Night,” he walled up the Gates of his Camp, rendered all the
if. Avenues impracticable ; and drawing out his Troops in great ſilence about mid-
8 night, returned to his former Works.
1 XLVII. ZTOLILA, Acarnania, and Amphilechis, having been reduced
[187] by Cafius Longinus, and Calviſius Sabinus, as we have related above; Ceſar
| 1 thought it expedient to purſue his Conqueſts, and attempt to gain Achaia.
Accordingly he diſpatched Fuſius Kalenus thither, ordering Sabinus and Caſſius
to join him, with the Cohorts under their command. Rrutilius Lupus, Pom-
|
WH: ,
* 1 a eEVS
. | | ©."
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book III.
fey's Lieutenant in Achaia, hearing of their approach, reſolved to fortify the
Iſthmus, and thereby hinder Fufius from entering the Province. Delphos,
Thebes, and Orchomenus, voluntarily ſubmitted to Kalenus: ſome States he ob-
tained by force ; and ſending Deputies to the reſt, endeavoured to make them
declare for Cæſar. Theſe Negotiations found ſufficient Employment for
Pufus. |
XLVIII. CA SA R, mean-while, drew up his Army every Day, offering
Pompey battle upon equal Ground ; and, to provoke him to accept it, advanced
ſo near his Camp, that his Van was within Engin--ſhot of the Rampart,
Pompey, to preſerve his Reputation, drew out his Legions too; but peſted them
in ſuch a manner, that his third Line touched the Rampart, and the whole
Army lay under cover of the Weapons diſcharged from thence.
XLIX. WHILST theſe things paſſed in Achbaia and at Dyrrbachium, and
it was now known that Scipio was arrived in Macedonia; Cæſar ſtill adhering
to his former views of Peace, diſpatched Clodins to him, an intimate Friend of
both, whom he had taken into his Service upon Scipio's Recommendation. At
his departure, he charged him with Letters and Inſtructions to this effect:
ce That he had tried all ways to bring about a Peace, but believed he had hi-
« therto miſcarried, thro' the fault of thoſe to whom his Propoſals were ad-
« dreffed, becauſe they dreaded preſenting them to Pompey at an improper
« time: That he knew Scip:0's Authority to be ſuch, as not only privileged
« him to adviſe freely, but even to inforce his Counſels, and compel the ob-
ce ſtinate to hearken to Reaſon : That he was poſſeſſed of an independent
* Command, and had an Army at his diſpoſal to give weight to his Interpoſi-
ce tion: That in employing it for ſo deſirable an end, he would gain the in-
ce diſputable Praiſe of having reſtored Quiet to Taly, Peace to the Provinces,
« and ſaved the Empire.” Clodius reported this Commiſſion to Scipio, and at
firſt met with a favourable Reception, but afterwards was denied audience :
for Favonius having ſharply reprimanded Scipio, as we learnt after the conclu-
ſion of the War, the Negotiation was diſcontinued, and Clodius returned to
Cz/ar without ſuccels.
L. CA SAR, the more effectually to ſhut up Pompey's Horſe at Dyr-
rhachium, and hinder them from foraging, blocked up the two narrow Paſles,
of which we have ſpoken, with ſtrong Works, and raiſed Forts to defend them.
Pompey finding his Cavalry rendered by this means unſerviceable, conveyed
them ſome. Days after by ſea to his Camp again. Forage was ſo ſcarce, that
they were forced to have recourſe to the Leaves of Trees, and the Roots of green
Reeds bruiſed : for the Corn ſown within their Lines was all conſumed ; nor
had they had any Supplies, but what came a long way about by ſea, from
Corcyra and Acarnania ; and even this was fo inconfiderable, that to increaſe
the Quantity, they were forced to mix it with Barley, and by theſe Con-
trivances ſupport their Horſes, At laſt, all Expedients being exhauſted, and
the Horſes dying daily, Pompey thought it time to attempt to force the Bar-
ricade, and ſet himſelf at liberty.
LI. AMONG the Cavalry in Cſar's Camp, were two Brothers, Allobro-
gians by birth, named Roſcillus and Aigus, the Sons of Adbucillus, who had
long held the chief ſway in his own State ; Men of fingular Bravery, and who
had been of ſignal ſervice to Cæſar in all his Gallick Wars, For theſe N
240
CAS AR's COMMENTARIES
he had raiſed them to the higheſt Offices in their own Country, got them
choſen into the Senate before they were of age, given them Lands in Gaul
taken from the Enemy, beſides pecuniary Rewards to a great value; inſomuch
that from very moderate beginnings they had riſen to vaſt Wealth. Theſe
Men were not only highly honoured by Cæſar on account of their Bravery,
but in great eſteem with the whole Army. But preſuming on Cz/ar's Friend-
ſhip, and fooliſhly elated with their Proſperity, they uſed the Troopers ill,
defrauded them of their Pay, and ſecreted all the Plunder to their own uſe.
The Gauliſb Cavalry, offended at theſe Proceedings, went in a body to Cz/ar,
and openly complained of the two Brothers ; adding, among other Accuſati-
ons, that by giving in falſe Muſters they received Pay for more Men than
they had. Cæſar not thinking it a proper time for Animadverſion, and re-
garding them greatly on account of their Valour, declined all publick notice
of the Affair, and contented himſelf with reprimanding them in private; ad-
moniſhing them to expect every thing from his Friendſhip, and to meaſure their
future Hopes by the experience of what he had already done for them. This
Rebuke, however, diſguſted them greatly, and very much leſſened their Credit
with the whole Army; which they eaſily perceived, as well from the Raillery
they were often forced to bear, as in conſequence of the ſecret Reproaches and
ſenſe of their own Minds. Thus prompted by Shame, and perhaps imagining
they were not cleared, but reſerved to a more favourable Opportunity; they
reſolved to deſert, try. their Fortune elſewhere, and ſearch for new F riendſhips.
Having imparted their Deſign to a few of their Clients, whom they judged fit
Inſtruments for ſo black a Treaſon ; they firſt attempted to murder C. Yoluſenus,
General of the Cavalry, (as was afterwards known, when the War was over,)
that by ſo ſignal a piece of Service they might the more effectually recom-
mend themſelves to Pompey's Favour. But finding that Deſign attended with
great hazard, and that no favourable Opportunity offered for putting it in
execution; they borrowed all the Money they could, under pretence of reim-
burſing the Troops, and making reſtitution ; and having bought up a great
number of Horſes, went over to Pompey, with thoſe whom they had made
acquainted with their Deſign. As they were Perſons of noble Birth, liberally
educated, came with a great train of Horſes and Servants, had been highly
honoured by Cæſar, and were univerſally eſteemed on account of their Va-
lour; Pompey carried them oſtentatiouſly over all the Camp, triumphing in
this new and unuſual Acquiſition : for till then, neither Horſe nor Foot-
Soldier had deſerted from Cæſar to Pompey ; whereas ſcarce a Day paſſed with-
out ſome deſertion from Pompey's Army, eſpecially among the new Levies in
Epirus, Ætolia, and thoſe Countries that had declared for Cæſar. The Bro-
thers being well acquainted with the condition of Cæſar's Camp, what was
wanting to compleat the Fortifications, where the foible of the Lines lay, the
particular times, diſtance of Places, ftrength and vigilance of the Guards,
with the temper and character of the Officers who commanded in every Poſt,
made an exact report of all to Pompey.
LIL UPON this Intelligence, having already formed the Deſign of forcing
Cz/ar's Lines, he ordered the Soldiers to make coverings of Oſier for their
Helmets, and provide themſelves with Faſcines. This done, he embarked by
night, in Boats and ſmall Barks, a great number of light-armed Troops and
Archers, with the Faſcines for filling up Cz/ar's Trenches ; and having drawn
together ſixty Cohorts from the greater Camp and Forts, led them about mid-
night towards that part of the Enemy's Lines neareſt the Sea, a good diſtance
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OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book i.
from the main Camp. Thither likewiſe he diſpatched the Barks, on board
of which were the light-armed Troops and Faſcines, together with all the
Gallies that lay at Dyrrbachium, giving each their particular Inſtructions,
Lentulus Marcellinus the Quæſtor, with the ninth Legion, had charge of this
part of the Fortifications ; and as his Health was but infirm, Ceſar had
joined Fulvius Poſthumus with him in the Command.
LIII. THIS Place was guarded by a Ditch fifteen Foot broad, with a
Rampart towards the Enemy ten Foot high, and of equal thickneſs. Behind
this, at the diſtance of fix hundred Feet, was another Rampart ſomewhat
lower than the former, and fronting the contrary way. Cæſar apprehending
an Attack from the Sea, had raiſed this double Rampart ſome Days before,
that he might be able to defend himſelf againſt the Enemy, ſhould they
charge him on both ſides at once. But the extent of the Circumvallation, and
the continued labour of ſo many Days, in incloſing a ſpace of eighteen miles,
had not allowed us time to finiſh the Work. Accordingly the Line of Com-
munication, which ran along the Sea-fide, and was to have joined theſe two
Ramparts, was not yet compleated. This Pompey was informed of by the
Allobrogian Brothers, which proved of fatal conſequence to us. For while
. ſome Cohorts of the ninth Legion were upon guard near the Sea, ſuddenly
the Pompeians arrived about Day-break, and ſurpriſed them with their unex-
pected appearance. At the ſame time the Troops that came by ſea, lanched
their Darts againſt the outward Rampart, and began to fill up the Ditch with
Faſcines; whule the legionary Soldiers, planting their Scaling-ladders againſt the
inner Works, and plying thoſe that defended them with Darts and Engines,
ſpread a general Terror over that part of the Camp, which was ſtill increaſed
by the multitude of Archers that came pouring upon them from all ſides.
The Oſiers they had bound round their Helmets, contributed greatly to defend
them from the Stones thrown down from the Rampart, which were the only
Weapons we had. At laſt, all things going againſt us, and our Reſiſtance
becoming every moment more languid, the Enemy diſcovered the Defect be
fore ſpoken of in our Lines; and landing their Men between the two Ram-
parts, where the Line of Communication towards the Sea remained unfiniſhed,
they attacked our Soldiers in the rear, and obliged them to abandon both {ſides
of the Works.
LIV. MARCELLINUS hearing of this Diſorder, detached ſome
Cohorts to ſuſtain the flying Troops: but as the Rout was become general,
they could neither perſuade them to rally, nor were able themſelves to
withſtand the Enemy's Charge. The like happened to a ſecond Detachment ;
inſomuch that the ſeveral Supplies ſent, by catching the general Terror, ſerved
only to add to the Confuſion and Danger: for the multitude of Runaways
rendered the Retreat the more difficult. In this Action the Eagle-bearer of
the ninth Legion, finding himſelf dangerouſly wounded, and that his Strength
began to fail, called to ſome Troopers who paſſed by, and faid : © I have
« preſerved, to the laſt moment of my Life, with the greateſt care, this
« Eagle, with which I have been intruſted ; and now I am dying, I return
e it to Ceſar, with the ſame Fidelity. Carry it to him, I beſeech you;
« nor ſuffer Cz/ar's Arms to experience, in loſing it, an Ignominy with which
« they have been hitherto unacquainted.” Thus the Eagle was 1 but
all the Centurions of the firſt Cohort were ſlain, except the firſt Captain of
the Principes. |
241
1% . . -r 1 iy. _ „ -- —
_ —— — ————
SSD 88
—
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242
CASA R's COMMENTARIES
LV. AND now the Pompeians, having made great ſlaughter of our Men,
approached the Quarters of Marcellinus, to the no ſmall terror of the reſt of
the Cohorts; when Mark Antony, who commanded in the neareſt Redoubts,
upon notice of what paſſed, was ſeen deſcending from the higher Ground
at the head of twelve Cohorts. His arrival put a ſtop to the Enemy's
progreſs, and by enabling our Men to recover from their extreme Terror, re-
ſtored them to their wonted Courage. Soon after Cæſar arrived in perſon
with ſome Troops, being appriſed of the Attack by the ſmoke of the Forts,
the uſual Signal on theſe Occaſions: and perceiving the Joſs he had ſuſtained,
and that Pompey had forced the Lines, being able to forage, and having an
eaſy communication with the Sea; he quitted his former Project, which had
proved unſucceſsful, and encamped as near Pompey as he could.
LVI WHEN the Intrenchments were finiſhed, Cæſar had notice from
his Scouts, that a certain number of the Enemy's Cohorts, which to them
appeared a compleat Legion, were retired behind a Wood, and ſeemed to be
on their march to the old Camp. The ſituation of the two Armies was this :
Some Days before, when Cz/ar's ninth Legion was ſent to oppoſe a Body of
Pompey's Troops, they thought proper to intrench themſelves upon an oppo- -
ſite Hill, and form a Camp there. This Camp bordered upon a Wood, and
was not above four hundred Paces from the Sea. But afterwards, for certain
Reaſons, Cze/ar removed a little beyond that Poſt; and Pompey, a few Days
after, took poſſeſſion of it. But as his deſign was to place ſeveral Legions
there ; leaving the inner Rampart ſtanding, he ſurrounded it with greater
Works. Thus the ſmaller Camp, incloſed within one of larger circumference,
ſerved by way of a Caſtle or Citadel, He likewiſe carried an Intrenchment
from the left Angle of the Camp to the River, thro' a ſpace of about four
hundred Paces, which enabled him to water freely and without danger.
But he too, ſoon after, changed his Mind, for Reaſons which it is not needful
to repeat here; and abandoned the Place, which thereby was left ſeveral
Days without Troops, tho the Fortifications remained entire. Hither the
Scouts reported they ſaw the Standard of a Legion carried ; which was
likewiſe confirmed by thoſe who were ſtationed in the higher Forts.
The Place was about five hundred Paces diſtant from Pompey's new
Camp. Cz/ar deſirous to repair the loſs he had ſuſtained, and hoping he
might be able to ſurpriſe this Legion, left two Cohorts in his Intrench-
ments, to prevent any ſuſpicion of his Deſign ; and with thirty-three more,
amongſt which number was the ninth Legion, which had loſt many Centu-
rions and Soldiers, marched by a different Rout, as privately as he could,
againſt the Legion which Pompey had lodged in the leſſer Camp. Neither
was he deceived in his firſt Conjecture: for he arrived before Pompey could
have notice of his Deſign ; and tho' the Intrenchments were ſtrong, yet
charging the Enemy briskly with his left Wing, where he himſelf com-
manded in perſon, he quickly drove them from the Rampart. But as the
Gates were ſecured by a Barricade, they ſtill maintained the Fight here for
ſome time, our Men endeavouring to break in, and the Enemy to defend the
Camp. T., Pulcio, who betrayed the Army of C. Antony, as we have related
above, gave ſignal proofs of his Valour on this Occaſion. But our Men at
laſt prevailed ; and having cut down the Barricade, broke firſt into the greater
Camp, and afterwards into the Fort within it, whither the Legion had retired,
ſome of whom were ſlain endeavouring to defend themſelves.
LVII.
Ce. OO . ee »
AJ
.
IF
2
*
.
OF THE CIFVIZ WAR: .Book iii.
LVII. BUT Fortune, whoſe Influence is very great, as in other things, ſo
particularly in War; often effects mighty Changes from the moſt trifling
Cauſes; as happened upon this occaſion. For the Cohorts of Ceſar's right
Wing being unacquainted with the Situation of the Camp, and miſtaking the
Rampart which led to the River for one of its ſides, marched on that way in
queſt of a Gate: but perceiving at length their Error, and that no-body de-
fended the Intrenchment, they immediately mounted the Rampart, and were
followed by the whole Cavalry. This delay ſaved the Enemy: for Pompey
having notice of what paſſed, brought up the fifth Legion to ſuſtain his Party ;
ſo that at one and the ſame inſtant, his Cavalry approached ours, and his
Troops were ſeen advancing in order of Battle, by thoſe who had taken
poſſeſſion of the Camp: which quickly changed the face of Affairs. For
Pompey's Legion, encouraged by the hope of ſpeedy Succours, ſallied by the
Decuman Port, and briskly charged our Cohorts. On the other hand, Cæſar“s
Cavairy, who had entered by a narrow Breach in the Rampart, foreſeeing that
a Retreat would be extremely difficult, began betimes to think of flying. The
right Wing, which had no communication with the left, obſerving the Con-
ſternation of the Cavalry, and fearing they ſhould be overpowered within the
Camp, retired the ſame way they had entered. Many, to avoid being engaged
in the narrow Paſſes, threw themſelves from the Rampart, which was ten foot
high, into the Ditch; where the firſt Ranks being troden to death, their
Bodies afforded a ſafe Paſſage to thoſe that followed. The left Wing, who
from the Rampart whence they had driven the Enemy, ſaw Pompey advancing
againſt them, and their own Men flying; fearing to be intangled in the De-
files, as they had the Enemy upon them both within and without the Camp,
retreated the ſame way they came. Nothing was to be ſeen but Conſterna-
tion, Flying, and Diſorder; inſomuch that all Cæſar's Efforts to rally his
Troops were fruitleſs. If he ſeized any by the Arm, they ſtruggled till they
got away. If he laid hold of the Colours, they left them in his Hands. Not
a Man could be prevailed on to face about.
LVIII. IN this Calamity, what ſaved the Army from entire Deſtruction
was, that Pompey apprehending an Ambuſcade (probably becauſe the Succeſs
was beyond his hopes, as a little before he. had ſeen his Men worſted and put
to flight) durſt not for fome time approach the Intrenchments; and his
Cavalry were retarded in the purſuit by Cz/ar's Troops, who were poſſeſſed
of all the Gates and Defiles. Be that as it will, a ſmall matter proved of
very great conſequence to both Parties: for the Intrenchment between the
Camp and the River, ſtopped the courſe of Cæſar's Victory, when he had
already forced Pompey's Lines: and the ſame, by retarding the purſuit of the
Enemy, ſaved his Army from Deſtruction,
LIX. IN theſe two Actions, Cz/ar loſt nine hundred and fixty private
Men, thirty Officers, and ſeveral Roman Knights of note, as Flavius Tuticanus
Gallus, a Senator's Son ; C. 3 of Placentia; A. Gravius of Puteoli; and
M. Sacrativir of Capua. But the greateſt part of thoſe died without Wounds,
being troden to death in the Ditch, about the Works, and on the Banks of
the River, occaſioned by the Flight and Terrer of their own Men. He loſt
alſo thirty-two Colours. Pompey was ſaluted Emperor on this occaſion ; a
Title which he bore ever after, and ſuffered himſelf to be accoſted by : but
neither in the Letters which he wrote, nor in his Conſular Enfigns did he think
proper to aſſume the Laurel. The Priſoners were delivered up to Labienus at
his
243
244
CS ARS COMMENTARIES
his own Requeſt; and this Deſerter, brutal and cruel as uſual, diverted himſelf
with inſulting them in their Calamity; and asked them ſarcaſtically, if it was
uſual for Veterans to run away; after which he cauſed them all to be put
to death.
LX. THIS Succeſs gave ſuch Confidence and Spirit to the Pompeian Party,
that they now no longer took any Concern about the Conduct of the War,
but began to conſider themſelves as already victorious. They never reflected
on the inconſiderable Number of our Troops, the diſadvantage of the Ground,
the narrow Paſſes we were engaged in by their having firſt poſſeſſion of the
Camp, the double danger both within and without the Fortifications, and
the ſeparation of the two Wings of the Army, which hindered them from
mutually ſuccouring one another. They forgot that the Advantage they had
gained, was not the effect of a brisk and vigorous Attack; and that our Men
had ſuffered more by crouding upon one another in the narrow Paſſes, than
by the Sword of the Enemy. In fine, they never called to mind the uncertain
Chance of War, and upon what minute Cauſes good or bad Succeſs often
depend; how a groundleſs Suſpicion, a panick Terror, or a religious Scruple,
have frequently been productive of the moſt fatal Events; when either by the
miſconduct of a General, or the Error of a Tribune, ſome falſe Perſuaſion has
been ſuffered to take root in an Army. But as if the Victory had been
purely the Effect of their Valour, and no Change of Fortune was to be ap-
prehended, they every where proclaimed and made publick the Succeſs of
this Day.
LXI. CASA R ſeeing all his former Projects diſconcerted, reſolved to
ſubmit to Fortune, and entirely change the manner of the War. He there-
fore called in all his Forces from the Forts, gave up the Deſign of incloſing
Pompey, and having aſſembled his Army, addreſſed them as follows:“ That
« they ought not to be diſcouraged, or give way to Conſternation upon what
4 had lately happened, but oppoſe their many ſucceſsful Engagements to one
&« {light and inconſiderable Check. That Fortune had already befriended them
« greatly, in the Reduction of Italy without Bloodſhed ; in the Conqueſt of
« the two Spazns, though defended by warlike Troops, under the Conduct of
« $kiltul and experienced Leaders; and in the Subjection of the neighbouring
“ Provinces, whence they could be plentifully ſupplied with Corn. In fine,
« they ought to call to mind, how happily they had paſſed into Greece,
« through the midſt of the Enemy's Fleets, though poſſeſſed of all the Coaſts
and Havens. If they were not ſucceſsful in every thing, they muſt endea-
« your by Prudence to overcome the diſappointments of Fortune; and attribute
« their late Diſaſter to the Caprice of that Goddeſs, rather than to any Fault
on their ſide. That he had led them to an advantageous Ground, and put
them in poſſeſſion of the Enemy's Camp, after driving them from all their
Works. If either ſome ſudden Conſternation, the miſtaking their way, or
« any other Miſhap, had ſnatched an apparent and almoſt certain Victory out
of their hands, they ought to exert their utmoſt Endeavours to repair that
* Dilgrace; which would turn their Misfortune to a Benefit, as happened at
«© Gergovia; where thoſe who at firſt dreaded to encounter the Enemy, de-
« manded earneſtly in the end to be led to Battle.” Having made this Speech,
he contented himſelf with ſtigmatiſing, and reducing to private Men, ſome of the
cc
Standard- bearers: for the whole Army were ſo grieved at their loſs, and fo deſirous
of expunging the Stain their Glory had received, that there was no occaſion
either
OF THE'CIFVIL Wi. Boo ni.
for the Tribunes or Centurions to remind them of their Duty: nay they even
undertook to puniſh themſelves by the ſevereſt Impoſitions, and demanded
with great Outcries to be led againſt the Enemy; being ſeconded by ſome
Centurions of the firſt Rank, who touched with their Remonſtrances, were
for continuing in the Poſt they then poſſeſſed, and putting all to the hazard
of a Battle. But Cæſar did not think it prudent to expoſe to an Action Troops
that had been juſt worſted, and in whom might remain too deep Impreſſions -
of their late Fright. He was for allowing them time to recover themſelves ;
and having quitted his Works, thought it needful to provide for the ſecurity
of his Convoys.
LXII. ACCORDINGLY, after proper care taken of the ſick and
wounded, as ſoon as Night approached, he ſent all the Baggage privately to-
wards Apollonia, under a Guard of one Legion, with Orders not to halt *till
they had reached the Place. This Affair diſpatched, he made two Legions
remain in the Camp, and marching out all the reſt about three in the Morning
at ſeveral Gates, ordered them to follow the ſame Rout the Baggage had taken.
Soon after, that his departure might not have the appearance of a Flight, and
yet be known to the Enemy as late as poſſible, he ordered the uſual Signal
to be given; and ſetting out with the reſt of his Forces, loſt fight of the
Camp in a moment. Pompey hearing of his Retreat, prepared to follow him
without delay, and hoping to ſurpriſe the Army in its march, whilſt incum-
bered with Baggage, and not yet recovered from its Conſternation, drew out
all his Troops, and ſent his Cavalry before to retard our Rear: which how-
ever he could not overtake, becauſe Cæſar marching without Baggage, had
ot a great way before him. But when we came to the River Genuſus, we
found the Banks ſo ſteep and difficult, that before all the Men could get over,
Pompey's Cavalry came up, and fell upon our hindmoſt Battalions. Cæſar ſent
his Horſe to oppoſe them, intermixed with ſome light-armed Troops ; who
charged with that Vigour and Succeſs, as to put them all to rout, leave a con-
ſiderable number dead upon the Field, and return without loſs to the main
Body of their Army.
LXIII. HAVING compleated the intended march of that Day, and
brought his Army over the Genuſus, he took up his Quarters in his old Camp
at Aſparagium, ſuffering none of the Soldiers to ſtroll without the Rampart,
and charging the Cavalry, who had been ſent out under pretence of foraging,
to return immediately by the Decuman Port. Pompey likewiſe, having com-
pleated that Day's march, encamped in his old Poſt at Aſparagium; where the
Troops having nothing to do, becauſe the Works were {till entire; ſome made
long Excurſions in queſt of Wood and Forage ; others, who had come almoſt
without any Baggage, by reaſon the march was undertaken on a ſudden, en-
ticed by the nearneſs of their former Camp, laid down their Arms in their
Tents, quitted the Intrenchments, and went to fetch what they had left be-
hind them. This rendering them unable to purſue, as Cz/ar had foreſeen ;
about noon, he gave the Signal for decamping, led forth his Troops,
and doubling that Day's. march, gained <p miles upon Pompey, who could
not follow him by reaſon his Troops were diſperſed.
LXIV. NEXT Day Cz/ar decamped again at three in the Morning,
having ſent away his Baggage over night, that if he ſhould find himſelf un-
der a neceſlity of fighting, he might have his Army clear of all Incumbrance.
| Rr r The
245
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PP r * 4 —
CRS AR's COMMENTARIES
The ſame he did the following Days: by which means, tho' he had very
difficult ways to paſs, and ſome great Rivers to croſs, he ſuffered no loſs during
the whole march. For Pompey, after the firſt Day's hindrance, endeavouring
in vain by long and forced marches to overtake Cęſar, gave over the
Purſuit on the fourth, and began to think of taking other Meaſures.
LXV. CAESAR was under a neceſſity of going to Apollonia, to leave his
wounded there, to pay his Army, confirm his Friends in their Duty, and gar-
riſon the Towns that had ſubmitted. But he took no longer time to theſe
Affairs, than the importance of his other Engagements would allow. For
fearing that Pompey might ſurpriſe Domitius Calvinus, he put himſelf in full
march to join him. The Scheme he proceeded on was this : that it Pompey
took the ſame Rout, he muſt leave the Seca, the Forces he had at Dyrrhachiumn,
with all his Ammunition and Proviſion, which would bring them upon equal
terms: if he paſſed into 1zaly, Ceſar purpoſed to join Domitius, and march
to its defence by the Coaſt of Thricum : in fine, ſhould he fall upon Apollo-
nia and Oricum, and endeavour to exclude him from the Sea-Coaſt ; in that
caſe he reckoned to oblige him, by attacking Mere/lus Scipio, to leave every
thing to ſuccour him. Cz/ar therefore diſpatched Couriers to Domitins, to
acquaint him with his Deſign; and leaving four Cohorts at Apollonia, one at
Liſſus, and three at Oricum, with the ſick and wounded, began his march
thro Epirus and Acarnania. Pompey, on his fide, gueſſing Cz/ar's deſign,
made what haſte he could to join Scipio; that if Cæſar ſhould march that
way, he might prevent his being overpower'd : but ſhould he ſtill keep near
Corcyra, and the Sea, becauſe of the Legions and Cavalry he expected
from ITraly; in that caſe, he purpoſed to fall upon Domitius with all his
Forces.
LXVI. FOR theſe Reaſons both Generals ſtudied diſpatch, as well to
afford timely ſuccour to their Friends, as not to miſs an Opportunity of
diſtreſſing their Enemies. But Cz/ar had turned off to Apollonia; whereas
Pompey took the neareſt way thro' Candavia for Macedonia. It happened too
very unfortunately, that Domitius, who for ſeveral Days had been encamped
near Scipio, quitted that Station for the convenience of Proviſions, and was
upon his march to Heraclea Sextica, a City of the Candavians; ſo that Chance
ſeemed to throw him directly in Pompey's way, which Cz/ar had not then
the leaſt knowledge of. Pompey too having ſent Letters thro all the States
and Provinces, relating to the Action at Dyrrhachium, with repreſentations
that far exceeded the truth; a rumour began to prevail, that Ceſar had been
defeated with the loſs of almoſt all his Forces, and was forced to fly before
Pompey. Theſe Reports raiſed him many Enemies on his march, and induced
ſome States to throw off their Allegiance ; whence it happened, that the
Couriers mutually ſent by Cz/ar and Dqmitius, were all intercepted. But the
Allobrogians in the train of Ægus and Roſcillus, who, as we have ſeen before,
had deſerted from Cz/ar to Pompey, meeting ſome of Domitiuss Scouts; either
out of ancient Cuſtom, becauſe they had ſerved together in the Gallick Wars ;
or from a motive of Vain-glory ; informed them of all that had paſſed ;
of Pompey's Victory, and Cæſar's Retreat, Advice being given of this to
Calvinus, who was not above four Hours march from the Enemy, he avoided
the Danger by a timely Retreat, and joined Caſar near /Zginium, a Town on
' the Borders of Theſſaly.
LXVII,
OF THE CIVIL VAR. Book m:
LXVII AFTER the junction of the two Armies, Cz/ar arrived at
Gompbhi, the firſt Town of Theſſaly, as you come from Epirus. A few Months
before, the Inhabitants had of their own accord ſent Ambaſſadors to Ce/ar, td
make an offer of what their Country afforded, and petition for a Gatriſon.
But the report of the Action at Dyr-hachium, with many groundleſs Additions,
had by this time reached their Ears. And therefore 4Andro/thenes Prætor of
Theſſaly, chooſing rather to be the Companion of Pompey's good Fortune, than
aſſociate with Cæſar in his Adverſity; ordered all the People, whether Slaves
or free, to aſſemble in the Town; and having ſhut the Gates againſt Cæſar,
ſent Letters to Scipio and Pompey to come to his Aſſiſtance, intimating :
That the Town was ſtrong enough to hold out if they uſed diſpatch, but
«* by no means in condition to ſuſtain a long Siege.” Scipio, on advice of
the departure of the Armies from Dyrrhachium, was come to Lariſſa
with his Legions; and Pompey was yet far enough diſtant from Theſſaly. Czſar
having fortified his Camp, ordered Mantelets, Hurdles, and Scaling-Ladders to
be prepared for a ſudden Attack; and then exhorting his Men, repreſented ;
« Of how great conſequence it was to render themſelves Maſters of an opu-
e lent City, abounding in all things needful for the ſupply of their Wants,
« and by the terror of whoſe Puniſhment other States would be awed into
ce Submiſſion: and this, he told them, muſt be done quickly, before any Succours
« could arrive.” Accordingly, ſeizing the Opportunity offered by the uncommon
Ardor of the Troops, he attacked the Town the ſame Day about three in the
Afternoon; and having made himſelf maſter of it before Sun-ſet, gave it
up to be plundered. From Gomphi Cz/ar marched directly to Metropolis,
and arrived before they were acquainted with the Misfortune of their
Neighbours.
LXVIII. THE Metropolitans at firſt following the example of Gomphi, to
which they were moved by the ſame Reports, ſhut their Gates, and manned
the Walls. But no ſooner came they to underſtand the fate of their neigh-
bour City, by ſome Priſoners whom Cæſar produced for that end, than imme-
diately they admitted him into the Town. He ſuffered no Hoſtilities to be
committed, nor any harm to be done them; and ſo powerful was the Example,
from the different treatment of theſe two Cities, that not a ſingle State in
Theſſaly refuſed to ſubmit to Ceſar, and receive his Orders, except Lariſſa,
which was awed by the numerous Army of Metellus Scipio. As the Country
was good, and covered with Corn, which was near ripe, Cz/ar took up his
Quarters there, judging it a proper Place to wait for Pompey in, and render
the Theatre of the War. |
LXIX. A Few Days after Pompey artived in Theſſaly; and joining Metellus
Scipio, harangued both Armies. He firſt thanked his own for their late Ser-
vices; and then turning to Scipios Troops, exhorted them to put in for their
ſhare of the Booty, which the Victory already obtained gave them the faireſt
proſpect of. Both Armies being received into one Camp, he ſhared all the
Honours of Command with Scipio, ordered a Pavilion to be erected for him,
and the Trumpets to ſound before it. This increaſe of Pompey's Forces, by
the conjunction of two mighty Armies, raiſed the Confidence of his Followers,
and their aſſurance of Victory to ſuch a degree, that all delays were conſidered
as a hindrance of their return to 1zaly ; inſomuch that if Pompey on any Oc-
caſion acted with ſlowneſs. and circumſpection, they failed not to cry out:
« That he induſtriouſly protracted an Affair, for the diſpatch of which one
Day
247
CAS A R's COMMENTARIES
« Day was ſufficient, in the view of gratifying his Ambition for Command,
« and having conſular and prætorian Senators amongſt the number of his
« Servants.” Already they began to diſpute about Rewards and Dignities,
and fixed upon the Perſons who were annually to ſucceed to the Conſulſhip.
Others ſued for the Houſes and Eſtates of thoſe who had followed Cz/ar's
Party. A warm Debate aroſe in Council in relation to L. Hirrus, whom
Pompey had ſent againſt the Parthians, whether in the next Election of Prætors,
he ſhould be allowed to Rand Candidate for that Office in his abſence; his
Friends imploring Pompey to make good the Promiſe he had made him at his
departure, and not ſuffer him to be deceived by depending on the General's
Honour; while ſuch as aſpired at this Office complained publickly, that a
Promiſe ſhould be made to any one Candidate, when all were embarked in
the ſame Cauſe, and ſhared the like Dangers. Already Domitius, Scipio, and
Lentulus Spinther, were openly quarrelling about the High-prieſthood, which
Ceſar was in poſſeſſion of. They even deſcended to perſonal Abuſe, and
pleaded their ſeveral Pretenſions; Lentulus urging the Reſpect due to his Age;
Domitius, his Dignity, and the Intereſt he had in the City; and Scipio his
Alliance with Pompey. Attius Rufus impeached L. Afranius before Pompey,
charging him with having occaſioned the loſs of the Army in Spain. And
L. Domitius moved in Council, that after the Victory, all the Senators in
Pompeys Army and Camps, ſhould be appointed Judges, and impowered to
proceed againſt thoſe who had ſtay d in Italy, or who had appeared cool, or
ſhewn any indifference to the Cauſe; and that three Billets ſhould be given to
theſe Judges, one for Acquittance, another for Condemnation, and a third for
a pecuniary Fine. In a word, nothing was thought on but Honours, or Profit,
or Vengeance; nor did they conſider by what methods they were to conquer,
but what Advantage they ſhould make of Victory.
LXX, CASA R having provided for the Subſiſtence of his Troops, who
were now no longer fatigued, and had ſufficiently recovered from the Con-
ſternation the different Actions at Dyrrhachium had thrown them into; thought
it high time to make trial how Pompey ſtood affected to an Engagement. Ac-
cordingly he drew out his Men, and {ormed them in order of Battle ; at firſt
near his own Camp, and ſomewhat diftant from the Enemy : but perceiving
this had no effect on Pompey, who ſtill maintained his Poſt on the Eminences,
he each Day drew nearer, and by that Conduct animated and gave freſh
Courage to his Soldiers. His Cavalry being much inferior to the Enemy's in
number, he followed the method already mentioned; of ſingling out the
ſtrongeſt and nimbleſt of his Foot-Soldiers, and accuſtoming them to fight
intermixed with the Horſe; in which way of Combat they were become very
expert by daily practice. This Diſpoſition, joined to conſtant Exerciſe, ſo em-
boldened his Cavalry, that though but a thouſand in Number, they would
upon occaſion ſuſtain the Charge of Pompey's ſeven thouſand, even in an open
Plain, and appear not greatly diſmayed at their Multitude: nay they actually
got the better in a skirmiſh that happened between them, and killed A
the Alobrogian, one of the two Brothers who deſerted to Pompey, with ſeveral
others of his Party.
LXXI. POMPEY, whoſe Camp was on an Eminence, drew up his Army
at the foot of the Mountain, expecting, as may be preſumed, that Caſar
would attack him in that advantageous Situation. But Czſar deſpairing to
draw Pompey to a Battle on equal terms, thought it would be his beſt courſe
| to
OF THE CIVIL WAR: Boon iii.
to decamp, and be always upon the march; in hopes, that by frequently
ſhifting his ground, he might the better be ſupplied with Proviſions ; and that
as the Enemy would not fail following him, in the frequent marches he ſhould
make, he might perhaps find an Opportunity of attacking them, and forcing
them to fight: at leaſt he was ſure of harraſſing Pompey's Army, little ac-
cuſtomed to theſe continued Fatigues. Accordingly the Order for marching
was given, and the Tents ſtruck, when Cz/ar perceived that Pompey's Army,
which had quitted their Intrenchments, had advanced further towards the
Plain than uſual, ſo that he might engage them at a leſs diſadvantage: where-
upon addreſſing himſelf to his Soldiers, who were juſt ready to march out of
their Trenches; © Let us no longer think, ſays he, of marching; now is the
e time for fighting, ſo long wiſh'd for; let us therefore arm ourſelves with
“ Courage, and not miſs ſo favourable an Opportunity.” This ſaid, he im-
mediately drew out his Forces.
LXXII POMPEY likewiſe, as was afterwards known, had reſolved to
offer Battle, in compliance with the repeated Importunities of his Friends. He
even ſaid in a Council of War, held ſome Days before, that Cæſar's Army
would be defeated before the Infantry came to engage. And when ſome ex-
preſs'd their ſurpriſe at this Speech; © I know, ſays he, that what I promiſe
« appears almoſt incredible: but hear the reaſons on which I ground my Con-
ce fidence, that you may advance to Battle with the greater aſſurance. I have
ce perſuaded the Cavalry, and obtained their promiſe for the performance, that
« as ſoon as the Armies are formed, they ſhall fall upon Cz/ar's right Wing,
« which they will eaſily be able to out-flank and ſurround. This muſt in-
“e fallibly occaſion the immediate Rout of that Wing, and conſequently of the
« reſt of Cz/ar's Troops, without danger or loſs on our fide. Nor will the
Execution be attended with any difficulty, as we are ſo much ſuperior to
« them in Horſe. Be ready therefore for Battle; and ſince the ſo much de-
« fired Opportunity of fighting is come, take care not to fall ſhort of the good
«© Opinion the World entertains of your Valour and Experience.” Labienus
ſpoke next; highly applauding this Scheme of Pompey, and expreſſing the
cc
greateſt Contempt of Cæſar's Army: „Think not, fays he, addreſſing himſelf
« to Pompey, that theſe are the Legions which conquered Gaul and Germany.
<« J was preſent in all thoſe Battles, and can of my own knowledge affirm,
that but a very ſmall Part of that Army now remains: great Numbers have
ce been killed, as muſt of neceſſity happen, in ſuch a Variety of Conflicts:
« many periſhed during the autumnal Peſtilence in Apulia: many are returned
« to their own Habitations: and not a few were left behind to guard 1zaly.
« Have you not heard, that the Cohorts in Garriſon at Brunduſium are made
« up of Invalids? The Forces which you now behold, are compoſed of new
cc Levies raiſed in Lombardy, and the Colonies beyond the Po : for the Vete-
« rans, in whom conſiſted the main ſtrength of the Army, periſhed all in the
« two Defeats at Dyrrhachinm.” Having finiſhed this Speech, he took an
Oath, which he profered to all that were preſent, never to return to Camp
otherwiſe than victorious. Pompey commended his Zeal, took the Oath him-
ſelf, and the reſt followed his Example without heſitation. After theſe En-
gagements taken publickly in Council, they all departed full of Joy and Ex-
ectation; conſidering themſelves as already victorious, and relying entirely on
the Ability of their General; who, in an Affair of that Importance, they were
confident would promiſe nothing without aſſurance of Succels. |
cc
I LXXIII.
249
250
CAS AR's COMMENTARIES
LXXIIHI. WHEN Ceſar approached Pompey's Camp, he found his Army
drawn up in this manner. In the left Wing were the two Legions delivered
by Cz/ar at the beginning of the Quarrel, in conſequence of a Decree of the
Senate; one of which was called the firſt, the other the third Legion: and
here Pompey commanded in perſon. Scipio was in the Center, with the Le-
gions he had brought out of Syria. The Cilician Legion, joined to the Spaniſh
Cohorts brought over by Afranius, formed the right Wing. Theſe Pompey
eſteemed his beſt Troops, diſtributing the leſs expert between the Wings and
the main Body. He had in all an hundred and ten Cohorts, amounting to
five and forty thouſand ; beſides two Cohorts of Volunteers, who had ſerved
under him in former Wars; and who, out of Affection to their old General,
though their legal time was expired, flocked to his Standard on this occaſion,
and were diſperſed amongſt the whole Army. His other ſeven Cohorts were
left to guard the Camp and the adjoining Forts. As the Enipeus, a River
with very ſteep Banks, covered his right Wing, he placed all his Horſe, Slingers,
and Archers in the left. |
LXXIV. CASAR obſerving his ancient Cuſtom, placed the tenth Legion
in the right, and the ninth in the left Wing. As this laſt had been confide-
rably weakened by the ſeveral Actions at Dyrrhachium, he joined the eighth
to it in ſuch manner, that they formed as it were but one Legion, and had
Orders mutually to relieve each other. His whole Army amounted to fourſcore
Cohorts, making in all twenty-two thouſand Men; beſides two Cohorts left to
guard the Camp. Domitius Calvinus was in the Center, Mark Antony on the
left, and P. Sy/la on the right. Cæſar took his poſt oppoſite to Pompey, at
the head of the tenth Legion. And as he had obſerv'd the diſpoſition of the
Enemy contrived to out-flank his right Wing: to obviate that inconvenience,
he made a draught of fix Cohorts from his Rear-line, formed them into a
ſeparate Body, and oppoſed them to Pompeys Horſe; inſtructing them in the
Part they were to act; and admoniſhing them, that the Succeſs of that Day
would depend chiefly on their Courage. At the fame time he charged the
whole Army, and in particular the third Line, not to advance to Battle with-
out Orders; which, when he ſaw it proper, he would give by making the
uſual Signal.
LXXV. WHEN he was exhorting them to Battle, as military Cuſtom
required, and reminding them of the many Favours they had on all occa-
ſions received at his hands, he chiefly took care to obſerve; © That they had
« themſelves been Witneſſes of his earneſt Endeavours after Peace; that he
« had employed Vatinius to ſolicit a Conference with Labienus, and ſent
« A. Clodius to treat with Scipio; that he had preſſed Libo in the warmeſt
«© manner at Oricum, to grant him a ſafe Conduct for his Ambaſſadors: in a
« word, that he had left nothing unattempted to avoid waſting the Blood of
« his Soldiers, and to ſpare the Commonwealth the loſs of one of her Armies.”
After this Speech, obſerving his Soldiers ardent for the Fight, he ordered the
Trumpets to ſound a Charge. Among the Volunteers in Cæſar's Army was
one Craſtinus, a Man of diſtinguiſhed Courage, who the Year before had
been firſt Centurion of the tenth Legion. This brave Officer, as ſoon as the
Signal was given, calling to thoſe next him: « Follow me, ſaid he, you that
e were formerly under my Command, and acquit yourſelves of the Duty you
owe to your General. This one Battle more will crown the Work, by re-
&« ſtoring him to his proper Dignity, and us to the Enjoyment of our Freedom.
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OF THE CFVTL WAR. Book 1m.
At the ſame time turning to Ceſar, “ General, ſays he, this Day you ſhall be
* ſatisfied with my Behaviour, and whether I live or die, I will take care to
« deſerve your Commendations.” So ſaying, he marched u
and began the Attack at the head of a hundred and twenty Volunteers.
p to the Enemy,
LXXVI. BETWEEN the two Armies there was an interval ſufficient for
the Onſet: but Pompey had given his Troops orders to keep their Ground, that
Ge/ar's Army might have all that way to come. This he is ſaid to have done
by the Advice of C. Triarins, that the Enemy's Ranks might be broken, and
themſelves put out of Breath, by having fo far to run; of which Diſorder he
hoped to make an Advantage. He was beſides of Opinion, that our Javelins
would have leſs effect, by the Troops continuing in their Poſt, than if they
ſprung forward at the very time they were lanched; and as the Soldiers would
have twice as far to run as uſual, they muſt be weary and breathleſs by that
time they came up with the firſt Line. But herein Pompey ſeems to have acted
without ſufficient reaſon ; becauſe there is a certain Alacrity and Ardor of Mind,
naturally planted in every Man, which is inflamed by the defire of fighting ;
and which an able General, far from endeavouring to repreſs, will by all the
methods he can deviſe, foment and cheriſh. Nor was it a vain Inſtitution of
our Anceſtors, that the Trumpets ſhould ſound on every fide, and the whole
Army raiſe a Shout, in order to animate the Courage of their own Men, and
ſtrike terror into the Enemy. Cæſar's Soldiers entirely defeated Pompey's hopes
by their good Diſcipline and Experience. For perceiving the Enemy did not
ſtir, they halted of their own accord in the midſt of their Career; and having
taken a moment's Breath, put themſelves a ſecond time in motion, marched
up in good Order, flung their Javelins, and then betook themſelves to their
Swords. Nor did Pompeys Men act with leſs preſence of Mind: for they
ſuſtained our Attack, kept their Ranks, bore the diſcharge of our Darts;
and having lanched their own, immediately had recourſe to their Swords. At
this inſtant Pompey's Horſe, accompanied by the Archers and Slingers, attacked
Cæſar's; and having compelled them to give ground, began to extend them-
ſelves to the left, in order to flank the Infantry. Whereupon Cz/ar gave the
appointed Signal to the ſix Cohorts, who fell on the Enemy's Horſe with ſuch
fury, that they not only drove them from the Field of Battle, but even com-
pelled them to ſeek refuge in the higheſt Mountains. The Archers and Sling-
ers, deprived of their Protection, were ſoon after cut to pieces. Mean-while
the fix Cohorts, not content with this Succeſs, wheeled round upon the Ene-
my's left Wing, and began to charge it in the rear: whereupon Cz/ar, per-
ceiving the Victory ſo far advanced, to compleat it, brought up his third Line,
which till then had not engaged. Pompeys Infantry being thus doubly attacked,
in front by freſh Troops, and in rear by the victorious Cohorts, could no longer
reſiſt, but fled to their Camp. Nor was Ce/ar miſtaken in his Conjecture,
when in exhorting his Men, he declared that Victory would depend chiefly on
the ſix Cohorts, which formed the Body of Reſerve, and were ſtationed to op-
poſe the Enemy's Horſe : for by them were their Cavalry defeated, their
Archers and Slingers cut to pieces, and their left Wing ſurrounded and forced
to fly.
LXXVII. POMPEY ſeeing his Cavalry routed, and that part of the
Army on which he chiefly depended put into diſorder, deſpaired of being able
to reſtore the Battle, and quitted the Field. Repairing immediately to his
Camp, he faid aloud to the Centurions who guarded the Prætorian Gate, fo as
all
251
252
CESAR'sS COMMENTARIES
all the Soldiers might hear him: © Take care of the Camp, and defend it
« vigorouſly in caſe of an Attack. I go to viſit the other Gates, and give
ce orders for their defence.” This faid, he retired to his Tent, deſpairing of
Succeſs, yet waiting the Event. Cæſar having forced the Pompeians to ſeek
refuge in their Camp, and not willing to allow them time to recover from
their Conſternation, exhorted his'Troops to make the beſt of their preſent Vic-
tory, and vigorouſly attack the Enemy's Intrenchments. Tho? the Battle had
laſted 'till noon, the Weather being extremely hot; yet prepared to encounter
all Difficulties, they chearfully complied with his Orders. The Camp was
bravely defended for ſome time by the Cohorts left to guard it; and particu-
larly by a great number of Thracians, and other Barbarians, who made a very
ſtout Reſiſtance : for as to ſuch Troops as had there ſought refuge from the
Field of Battle, they were in too great a Conſternation to think of any thing
more than a ſafe Retreat. It was not however poſſible for the Troops poſted
on the Rampart, long to ſtand the multitude of Darts continually poured upon
them ; which in the end obliged them to retire covered with Wounds, and
under the conduct of their Tribunes and Centurions, ſeek ſhelter in the Moun-
tains adjoining to the Camp.
LXXVIII. ON entring Pompey's Camp, we found Tables ready covered,
Side-boards loaded with Plate, and Tents adorned with Branches of Myrtle ;
that of L. Lentulus, with ſome others, was ſhaded with Ivy. Every thing
gave Proofs of the higheſt Luxury, and an aſſured expectation of Victory;
whence it was eaſy to ſee, that they little dreamt of the iſſue of that Day,
ſince intent only on voluptuous Refinements, they pretended, with Troops
immerſed in Luxury, to oppoſe Cz/ar's Army, accuſtomed to Fatigue, and
inured to the want of Neceſſaries. |
LXXIX. POMPEY finding our Men had forced his Intrenchments,
mounted his Horſe, quitted his Armour for a Habit more ſuitable to his ill
Fortune, and withdrawing by the Decuman Port, rode full ſpeed to Lariſſa.
Nor did he ſtop there ; but continuing his Flight Day and Night without inter-
miſſion, he arrived at the Sea- ſide with thirty Horſe, and went on board a little
Bark; often complaining, « That he had been fo far deceived in his Opinion
« of his Followers, as to ſee thoſe very Men from whom he expected
« Victory, the firſt to fly, and in a manner betray him into the hands of
« his Enemies.“
LXXX. CASA R having maſtered the Enemy's Camp, requeſted his
Soldiers not to leave the Victory imperfect, by buſying themſelves about the
Plunder. Finding them ready to obey, he began a Line of Circumvallation
round the Mountain. The Pompeians quickly abandoned a Poſt, which, for
want of Water, was not tenable, and endeavoured to reach the City of La-
riſſa : whereupon Cæſar, dividing his Army, left one part in Pompeys Camp,
ſent back another to his own Camp, and having with four Legions taken a
nearer Road than that by which the Enemy paſſed, he found means to inter-
cept them, and after {1x miles march drew up in order of Battle. But the
Pompeians once more found Protection from a Mountain, at the foot of which
ran a Rivulet. Tho Cz/ar's Troops were greatly fatigued by fighting the
whole: Day, before Night he had flung up fome Works, ſufficient to prevent
the Enemy from having any communication with the Rivulet. As by this
ſtep they were cut oft from all hopes of relief, or of eſcaping, they ſent De-
puties
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book m. 253
puties to treat about a Surrender. Affairs continued in this Situation all that
night, of which ſome few Senators, who had accompanied them, took the
advantage to make their eſcape. At break of Day they all, by Cz/ar's Order,
came down into the Plain, and delivered up their Arms; humbly imploring 118
his Goodneſs, and ſuing for Mercy. Cæſar ſpoke to them with great mild- 8
nels, and to alleviate their Apprehenſions, cited various inſtances of his Cle- [|
mency, which he had on ſo many Occaſions made evident. In fact, he gave
them their Lives, and forbid his 'Soldiers to offer them any Violence, or to
take any thing from them, He then ſent for the Legions which had paſſed
the night in Camp, to relieve thoſe that had accompanied him in the
Purſuit ; and being determined to follow Pompey, began his march, and
arrived the ſame Day at Lar:ſa.
LXXXI. THIS Battle coſt Cæſar no more than two hundred Soldiers:
but he loſt thirty Centurions, Men of ſingular Courage. Among theſe latter
was Craſtinus, whoſe Gallantry and Intrepidity, in marching up to Battle, has
been taken notice of. This brave Officer, fighting regardleſs of danger, re-
ceived a Wound in the Mouth from a Sword. Nor was he deceived in pro-
miſing himſelf Cz/ar's Approbation, who was thoroughly ſenſible of his Merit,
and greatly applauded his Behaviour in this Action. On Pompey's fide there
fell about fifteen thouſand : but upwards of four and twenty thouſand were
taken Priſoners: for the Cohorts that guarded the Forts ſurrendered to Sylla;
tho' many eſcaped into the adjacent Countries. One hundred and eighty
Colours were taken, and nine Eagles. L. Domitius flying towards the Moun-
| tains, and growing faint thro the Fatigue, was overtaken and killed by ſome
Horlemen.
LXXXII ABOUT this time D. Lælius arrived with his Fleet at Brundu-
um, and poſſeſſed himſelf of the Iſland over-againſt the Harbour, as Libo
had done before. Vatinius, who commanded in the Place, having equipped
ſeveral Boats, endeavoured to entice ſome of Læliuss Ships within the
Haven, and took a five-benched Galley, with two ſmaller Veſſels, that had
ventured too far into the Port: then diſpoſing his Cavalry along the Shore,
he prevented the Enemy from getting freſh Water. But Lælius having choſen a
bs convenient Seaſon of the Year for failing, brought Water in Tranſports
from Corcyra and Dyrrhachium ; ftill keeping to his purpoſe ; from which
zxeither the diſgrace of loſing his Ships, nor the want of Neceſſaries could
divert him, *till he received intelligence of the Battle of Phar/alia,
LXXXIII. MUCH about the ſame time Caſſius arrived in Sicily, with the
Syrian, Phenician, and Cilician Fleets. And as Cz/ar's Fleet was divided
into two parts, in one of which P. Sulpicius the Prætor commanded at Y7bo
in the Straits; in the other M. Pomponius at Meſſana : Caſſius was arrived at
Meſſana with his Fleet before Pomponius had notice of his coming. And
finding him unprepared, without Guards, Order, or Diſcipline, he took the
Opportunity of a favourable Wind, and ſent ſeveral Fire-Ships againſt him,
which conſumed his whole Fleet, thirty-five in number, twenty of which were
decked. The terror occaſioned by this Blow was ſo great, that tho there was
an entire Legion in Garriſon at Meſſana, they durſt ſcarce look the Enemy in
the Face; and would doubtleſs have delivered up the Town, had not the
news of Cæſar's Victory reached them, by means of the Cavalry ſtationed along
the Coaſt, Caſſius then failed for Sulpicius s Fleet at Vibo; which finding at
E Anchor,
1 254
CESAR's COMMENTARIES
Anchor, near the Shore, by reaſon the Conſternation was become general over
the whole Iſland; he put the ſame Stratagem in practice as before. For taking the
advantage of a favourable Wind, he made forty Fire-thips advance againſt them,
and the Flame catching hold on both ſides, quickly reduced five Gallies to
Aſhes. The Conflagration continuing to ſpread, rouſed the Indignation of
ſome veteran Soldiers, who had been left to guard the Ships. Accordingly
they went on board, weighed Anchor, and attacking the Enemy, took two Quin-
ueremes, in one of which was Caſſius himſelf; but he eſcaped in a Boat.
Two three-benched Gallies were ſunk : and ſoon after he was informed of the
Defeat at Phar/alia, by ſome of Pompey's own Followers; for hitherto he had
regarded it as a falſe Report, ſpread abroad by Cz/ar's Lieutenants and
Friends. Upon this Intelligence he quitted Sicily, and retired with his
Fleet.
LXXXIV. CASAR laying all other thoughts afide; determined to pur-
ſue Pompey, whitherſoever he ſhould retire, to prevent his drawing together freſh
Forces, and renewing the War. He marched every Day as far as the Body of
Cavalry he had with him could hold out, and was followed by ſhorter marches
by a ſingle Legion. Pompey had iſſued a Proclamation at Amphipotis, enjoin-
ing all the Youth of the Province, whether Greeks or Romans, to join him in
Arms. But whether this was with intent to conceal his real deſign of retreat-
ing much farther, or to try to maintain his Ground in Macedonia, if no
body purſued him, is hard to determine. Here he lay one Night at Anchor,
ſending to what Friends he had in the Town, and raiſing all the Money he
poſſibly could. But being informed of Cz/ar's approach, he departed with all
expedition, and came in a few Days to Mitylene. Here he was detained two
Days by the badneſs of the Weather; and having increaſed his Fleet with a
few Gallies, ſailed to Cilicia, and thence to Cyprus. There he was informed,
that the Antiochians, and Roman Citizens trading thither, had with joint con-
ſent ſeized the Caſtle, and ſent Deputies to ſuch of his Followers as had taken
refuge in the neighbouring States, not to come near Antioch at their Peril.
The fame had happened at Rhodes to L. Lentulus the Conſul of the foregoing
Year, to P. Lentulus a conſular Senator, and to ſome other Perſons of diſtinc-
tion ; who following Pompey in his flight, and arriving at that Iſland, were
refuſed admittance into the Town and Harbour, and received an Order to with-
draw immediately, which they were neceſſitated to comply with; for the fame
of Cz/ar's approach had now reached the neighbouring States.
LXXXV. UPON this Intelligence Pompey laid aſide his deſign of going
into Syria, ſeized all the Money he found in the publick Bank, borrowed as
much more as he could of his Friends, ſent great Quantities of Braſs on board
for military Uſes: and having raifed two thouſand Soldiers, amongſt the pub-
lick Officers, Merchants, and his own Servants, failed for Peluſium. Here, by
accident, was King Ptolemy, a Minor, warring with a great Army againſt his
Siſter Cleopatra; whom, ſome Months before, by the Aſſiſtance of his Friends,
he had expelled the Kingdom, and was then encamped not far diſtant from
her. Pompey ſent to demand his Frotection, and a ſafe retreat in Alexandria,
in conſideration of the Friendſhip that had ſubſiſted between him and his
Father. The Meſſengers, after diſcharging their Commiſſion, began to con-
verſe freely with the King's Troops, exhorting them to aſſiſt Pompey, and not
deſpife him in his adverſe Fortune. Among theſe Troops were many of Po-
þey's old Soldiers, whom Gabinius having draughted out of the Syrian Army,
3 : had
a>
OF THE CFIYTD WAR: Zoo in.
had carried to Alexandria, and, upon the concluſion of the War, left there
with the young King's Father. The King's Miniſters, who had the care of
the Government during his minority, being informed of this; either out of
Fear, as they afterwards pretended, left Pompey ſhould debauch the Army,
and thereby render himſelf maſter of Alexandria and Egypt; or deſpiſing his
low Condition, (as Friends in bad Fortune, often turn Enemies,) ſpoke favour-
ably to the Deputies in publick, and invited Pompey to Court : but privately
diſpatched Achillas, Captain of the King's Guards, a Man of ſingular Bold-
neſs, and L. Septimius, a military Tribune, with Orders to murder him.
They accoſted him with an Air of Frankneſs, eſpecially Septimius, who had
| ſerved under him as a Centurion in the War with the Pirates; and inviting
him into the Boat, treacherouſly ſlew him. L. Lentulus was likewiſe ſeized
by the King's Command, and put to death in Priſon.
LXXXVI. WHEN C#/ar arrived in Af, he found that T. Ampius, having
formed the deſign of ſeizing the Treaſures of the Ephefian Diana, and ſum-
moned all the Senators in the Province to bear witneſs to the Sum taken, had
quitted that Project upon Cz/ar's approach, and betaken himſelf to flight.
Thus was the Temple of Epheſus a ſecond time ſaved from Plunder by Cæſar.
It was remarked in the Temple of Minerva at Elis, that the very Day Cæſar
gained the Battle of Phar/alia, the Image of Victory, which before ſtood front-
ing the Statue of the Goddeſs, turned towards the Portal of the Temple.
The ſame Day, at Antioch in Syria, ſuch a noiſe of fighting and Trumpets
was heard two ſeveral times, that the Inhabitants ran to Arms, and manned
their Walls. The like happened at Prolemais. At Pergamus, in the inner
receſſes of the Temple, called by the Greeks Adyta, where none but Prieſts are
allowed to enter, the found of Cymbals was heard. And in the Temple of
Victory at Trallis, where a Statue was conſecrated to Cz/ar, a Palm ſprouted
between the joining of the Stones that arched the Roof.
LXXXVII CSA R, after a ſhort ſtay in Afa, hearing that Pompey had
been ſeen at Cyprus, and thence conjecturing he was gone for Egypt, becauſe
of the Intereſt he had in that Kingdom, and the Advantages it would afford
him ; left Rhodes, with a Convoy of ten Rhodian Gallies, and a few others
from Afia, having on board 'two Legions, one which he had ordered to follow
him from Theſſaly, the other detached from Fuſfiuss Army in Achaia, and
eight hundred Horſe. In theſe Legions were no more than three thouſand
two hundred Men: the reſt, fatigued with the length of the march, or weak-
ened with Wounds, had not been able to follow him. But Cz/ar depending
on the Reputation of his former Exploits, ſcrupled not to truſt the ſafety of his
Perſon to a feeble Eſcort, believing no Place would dare to attempt any thing
againſt him. At Alexandria he was informed of Pompey's death: and upon
landing, was accoſted in a clamorous manner by the Soldiers, whom Pzo/e
had left to garriſon the City: and he obſerved that the Mob appeared diſſa-
tisfied to ſee the Faſces carried before him, which they interpreted a degrada-
tion of the ſovereign Authority. Tho' this Tumult was appealed, yet each
Day produced ſome freſh Diſturbance, and many of the Roman Soldiers were
murdered in all parts of the City.
LXXXVIII FOR theſe Reaſons he ſent into Aja for ſome of the Legions
which he had raiſed out of the remains of Pempey's Army; being himſelf ne-
ceflarily detained by the Ezefarn Winds, which are directly contrary to any
Paſſage
—
256
Cx SARS COMMENTARIES
Paſſage by Sea from Alexandria. Mean: time conſidering the difference be-
tween Prolemy and his Siſter, as ſubject to the Cogniſance of the Roman People,
and of him as Conſul; and the rather, becauſe the Alliance with Prolemy the
Father had been contracted during his former Conſulſhip; he gave the King
and Cleopatra to underſtand, that it was his Pleaſure they ſhould diſmiſs their
Troops, and inſtead of having recourſe to Arms, come and plead their Cauſe
before him.
LXXXIX. POTHIMNUS the Eunuch, Governor to the young King,
had the chief management of Affairs during his minority. This Miniſter
complained bitterly to his Friends, that the King ſhould be ſummoned to plead
his Cauſe before Cz/ar : afterwards finding among thoſe that ſided with the
King, ſome who were diſpoſed to enter into his Views, he privately ſent for the
Army from Peluſium to Alexandria, and conferred the chief command upon
Achillas, the fame we have ſpoken of before; inciting him by Letters and
Promiſes, both in the King's Name and his own, to execute ſuch Orders as
he ſhould receive from him. Pzolemy the Father, by his Will, had appointed
the eldeſt of his two Sons, and his elder Daughter, joint Heirs of the King-
dom. For the more certain accompliſhment of this Deſign, he in the ſame
Will implored the Protection of the Roman People; adjuring them by all the
Gods, and the Treaties he had made at Rome, to ſee it put in execution. A
Copy of this Will was ſent by Ambaſſadors to Nome, to be depoſited in the
publick Treaſury ; but the domeſtick Troubles preventing it, it was left in
the hands of Pompey. The Original, ſigned and ſealed, was kept at
Alexandria.
XC. WHILE this Affair was debated before Cæſar, who paſſionately de-
fired to terminate the Matter amicably, and to the ſatisfaction of both Parties;
he was informed that the King's Army, with all the Cavalry, were arrived at
Alexandria. Cæſar's Forces were by no means ſufficient to give battle with-
out the Town; and therefore the only Courſe left was, to ſecure the moſt con-
venient Poſts within the City, till he ſhould get acquainted with Achi/las's
Deſigns. Mean-time he ordered all the Soldiers to their Arms, and admo-
niſhed the King, to ſend ſome Perſons of the greateſt Authority to Achillas,
to forbid his approach. Digſcorides and Serapion, who had both been Am-
baſſadors at Rome, and in great credit with Pzolemy the Father, were deputed
to this Office, But no ſooner did they come before Achillas, than without
giving them a hearing, or enquiring after the Meſſage they brought, he ordered
them to be ſeized and put to death. One was killed upon the ſpot ; and the
other having received a dangerous Wound, was carried off for dead by his
Attendants. Upon hearing this, Cæſar took care to ſecure the King's Per-
ſon, the Authority of whoſe Name would authorize his Proceedings, and
occaſion Achillas and his Aſſociates, to be eſteemed ſeditious and re-
bellious.
XCI. ACHILLAS's Army was far from being contemptible, whether
we regard their Number, Courage, or Experience in War. It amounted to
twenty thouſand effective Men, many of whom were originally Romans,
brought into the Country by Gabinius, when he came to ſettle Auletes on the
Throne; and who having afterwards married and ſettled in Alexandria, were
devoted to the Pto/emean Intereſt, There were alſo ſome Brigades raiſed in
Syria and Cilicia, together with a conſiderable number of renegade Slaves, who
had
F *
— 1 ha * *
* 2 4
OF THE CIVIL WAR. Book I.
had deſerted their Maſters, and found Protection in Egypt, by entering into
the Service. If any of theſe was ſeized by his Maſter, their Companions
flocked to his reſcue, regarding his ſaſety as a common Cauſe, becauſe they
were all embarked in the like Guilt. Theſe would often take upon them to
put to death the King's Miniſters, to plunder the rich, for the ſake of in-
creaſing their Pay, to inveſt the royal Palace, to baniſh ſome, and ſend for
others home, with other liberties of the like nature, which the Alexandria
Army claims by a kind of Preſcription. Beſides theſe, he had likewiſe two
thouſand Horſe, who, during the late Troubles, and the Wars that enſued, had
had Opportunities of inuring themſelves to Arms. Theſe had reſtored Ptolemy
the Father to his Kingdom, killed Biblus's two Sons, warred againſt the
Eg yptians with ſucceſs, and acquired a thorough Experience in military
Affairs.
XCII. AC HIL LA truſting to the Valour of his Troops, and deſpiſing
the handful of Men that followed Cz/ar, quickly made himſelf maſter of
Alexandria, the Palace only excepted, where Cz/ar thought proper to make his
ſtand, and which he attacked briskly, tho' without effect. But it was on
the fide of the Harbour that the greateſt Efforts were made. On that, in effect,
the Victory depended. Beſides two and twenty conſtant Guard-Ships, there were
in the Port fifty Gallies, from three to five Banks of Oars, which the Year
before had been ſent to Pompeys Aſſiſtance, and were returned ſince the Battle
of Pharſalia, Had Achillas been once maſter of theſe Veſſels, he might have
cut Cæſar off from all communication with the Ocean, and conſequently from
all hopes of receiving ſupplies of Victuals or Forces. Thus the Egyptians in
hopes of a compleat Victory, and the Romans to avoid a certain Ruin, ex-
erted themſelves with incredible Vigour. At length Cz/ar carried his
Point, and not only ſet fire to the Veſſels above-mentioned, but to all that
were in the Arſenals; after which he paſſed ſome Troops into the Iſle of
Pharos. |
XCIII. T H E Pharos is a Tower of prodigious height, and wonderful
workmanſhip, built in an Iſland from whence it takes its Name. This Iſland
lying over-againſt Alexandria, makes a Haven; and is joined to the Continent
by a Cauſeway of nine hundred Paces, and by a Bridge. Here dwell ſeveral
Eg yptians, who have built a Town, and live by pillaging the Ships that are
thrown upon their Coaſt, either by Miſtake or Tempeſt. As it is fituate at the
entrance of the Port, which is but narrow, it abſolutely commands it. Ceſar
knowing the importance of this Poſt, whilſt the Enemy were engaged in the
Aſſault, landed ſome Troops there, ſeized the Tower, and put a Garriſon
into it; thereby ſecuring a ſafe Reception for the Supplies he had ſent for on
all ſides. In the other Quarters of the Town, the Fight was maintained with
equal Advantage, neither Party loſing Ground, becauſe of the narrowneſs of
the Paſſes, which enabled them eaſily to ſupport themſelves. After a few Men
killed on both ſides, Cæſar having ſecured the moſt neceſſary. Places, fortified
them in the night. In this Quarter was a ſmall part of the King's Palace,
where Cæſar was lodged upon his firſt arrival; and adjoining thereto a
Theatre, that ſerved inſtead of a Citadel, and had a communication with the
Port and other Arſenals. Theſe Works he increaſed afterwards, that they
might ſerve inſtead of a Rampart, to prevent his being obliged to fight againſt
his will. Mean-time Pzolemy's youngeſt Daughter, hoping the Throne would
| | Uuu | be
257
25
CESAR's COMMENTARIES.
be vacant, fled from the Palace to Achi/las, and joined with him in the pro-
ſecution of the War. But they ſoon diſagreed about the Command, which
increaſed the Largeſles to the Soldiers, each Party endeavouring to gain them
by large Preſents. During theſe Tranſactions, Pothinus, Prolemy's Governor,
and Regent of the Kingdom, being diſcovered in a clandeſtine Correſpondence
with Achillas, whom he encouraged to the vigorous proſecution of his Enter-
priſe, Cz/ar ordered him to be put to death, Such was the commencement
of the Alexandrian War.
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I. Cæſar prepares for War. II. As likewiſe the Alexandrians. III. Arſinoe,
Ptolemy's Daughter, poſſeſſes herſelf of the ſupreme Authority. IV. Scheme
of the Alexandrians 7 deprive the Romans of Water. V. Czſar's Speech
to his Soldiers. They fall to digging of Wells, and thereby find Mater.
VI. Cæſar having brought his Tranſports to Alexandria, has the advantage
in ſeveral naval Encounters. XIII. And afterwards makes himſelf maſter of
ſome Ports that commanded the Port. XIV. But attempting ſome others is repulſed,
and narrowly eſcapes by ſwimming. XV. Which loſs ſerves only the more to ani-
mate his Soldiers. XVI. Cæſar, at the requeſt of the Alexandrians, ſends them
their King Ptolemy, who immediately becomes his Enemy. XVII. Cæſar's Fleet
has the diſadvantage in an Engagement. XVIII. Mithridates, Czfar's Friend,
having made himſelf maſter of Peluſium, advances towards Alexandria at the
head of a great Body of Troops. XIX. The King's Forces, endeavouring to oppoſe
him, are repulſed with loſs. XX. Cæſar marching to the aſſiſtance of Mithridates,
and Ptolemy at the ſame time to reinforce his Troops, they come to a Battle, with
all their Forces, in which the King is entirely defeated. XXII. Cæſar forms the
Enemys Camp; and the King himſelf endeavouring to make his eſcape,
is drowned. XXIII. Cæſar admitting the Alexandrians 70 a ſurrender, reftores
Tranguillity to Egypt. XXIV. And ſettles the Kingdom upon Cleopatra and
her Brother. XXV. Mean-time Domitius Calvinus, one of Czfar's Generals,
loſes a Battle againſt Pharnaces in Armenia the leſſer. XXXII. At the ſame
time Gabinius receives a confiderable Check in Illyricum, which had been gal-
lantly defended by Q. Cornificius. XXXIV. But this loſs is afterwards re-
aired by the Bravery of Vatinius, who recovers Illyricum 10 the Obedience of
Cæſar. XXXVIII. About the ſame time Commotions ariſe in Spain, occaſioned
by the Extortions of Caſſius Longinus. XLII. Caſſius is wounded by the
Conſpirators. XLIII. After which he behaves ftill more tyrannically.
XLIV. Whence new Diſturbances ariſe. L. Which are, appeaſed at laſt, by
the arrival of Lepidus, and the death of Caſſius. LII. Cæſar reftores his
Afairs in Syria. LIII. As likewiſe in Cilicia and Cappadocia, LIV. And in
Gallogræcia. LV. He afterwards treats of Peace with Pharnaces in Pontus.
LVI. And finding him not faithful to his Engagements, reſolves to make War
upon him. LIX. Pharnaces raſbly hazarding a Battle, is totally routed, and
his Army cut to pieces, LXII. Pontus being thus ſpeedily recovered, and
Tranquillity reſtored to all the Aſiatick Provinces, Cæſar returns to Italy.
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OF THE
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Syria, and Cilicia, for his Fleet; to Crete, for Archers; and to Mal-
chus, King of the Mabatheans, for Cavalry. He likewiſe ordered
military Engines to be provided, Corn to be brought, and Forces diſpatched
to him with all diligence. Mean-while he was daily employed in augmenting
his Works; and ſuch Parts of the Town as appeared leſs tenable, were
ſtrengthucd with Tortoiſes and Mantelets. Openings were made in the Walls,
through which the batterluy Dams might play; and whatever Houſes were
thrown down, or taken by Force, were Longht within the Intrenchments.
For Alexandria is in a manner ſecure from Fire, becauſe tlic Inhahitants uſe no
Wood in their Buildings, the Houſes being all vaulted, and roofed with Tile
or Pavement. Czſar's principal aim was, to incloſe with Works the ſmalleſt
Part of the Town, ſeparated from the reſt by a Moraſs towards the South.
For thus the Army would lie cloſer together, be ſubject to one Command, and
could rcadily diſpatch Relief where it was moſt wanted. Above all, he by
this means made ſure of Water and Forage; which was of ſo much the more
conſequence, as he was but ill provided of the one, and wholly 'deftitute of
the other. The Moraſs, on the contrary, ſerved abundantly to ſupply him
with both.
I. T HE War thus commencing at Alexandria, Ce/ar ſent to Rhodes,
—
II. NOR were the Alexardrians remiſs on their fide, or leſs active in the
Conduct of their Affairs. They had ſent Deputies and Commiſſioners into all
Parts, where the Power and Territories of Egypt extend, with Orders to levy
Troops. They had carried vaſt Quantities of Darts and Engines into the
Town, and drawn together an innumerable Multitude of Soldiers. Yet not
contented with all theſe Preparations, they eſtabliſhed Work-ſhops in every
Part of the City, for the making of Arms; and inliſted all the Slaves that were
of Age, the richer Citizens paying and maintaining them. With theſe they
uarded the remoter Parts of the Town; while the veteran Cohorts, exempt
from all other Service, were quartered in the Squares and open Places; that
on whatever ſide an Attack ſhould be made, they might be at hand to give
FN k 4H, © « Relief,
33 — |
262 PANS AS COMMENTARIES.
Relief, and march freſh and entire to the Charge. All the Avenues and
Paſſes were ſhut up by a triple Wall, built of ſquare Stones, and carried to
the height of forty Feet. The lower Parts of the Town were defended by very
high Towers of ten Stories: befides which, they had likewiſe contrived a kind
of moving Towers, which conſiſting of the ſame Number of Stories, and being
fitted with Ropes and Wheels, could, by means of Horſes, as the Streets of
Alexandria were quite even and level, be conveyed wherever their Service was
neceſſary. The City abounding 1n every thing, and being very rich, furniſhed
ample Materials for theſe ſeveral Works; and as the People were extreme
ingenious, and quick of Apprehenſion, they ſo well copied what they ſaw,
done by us, that our Men ſeemed rather to imitate them. They even invented”
many things themſelves, and at once infeſted our Works, and defended their
own. Their Chiefs every where repreſented : * That the People of Rome were
cc endeavouring by degrees to ſteal into the poſſeſſion of Egypt: that a few
ce Years before Gabinius had come thither with an Army: that Pompey had
« choſen it for the Place of his Retreat: that Cz/ar was now among them
« with a conſiderable Body of Troops, and notwithſtanding his Rival's death,
« made no offers to return: that if they did not therefore find means to expel
« him, they would ſoon from a. Kingdom be reduced to a Roman Province:
« that no time was to be loſt in this Attempt; becauſe the Seaſon of the Year
« having put a ſtop to Navigation, he could receive no Supplies from be-
« yond Sea.“
III. MEAN-WHILE a Diviſion ariſing between Achill/as, who com-
manded the veteran Army, and Arſinoe, the youngeſt Daughter of King
Ptolemy, as has been demonſtrated above: while they mutually endeavoured to
ſupplant one another, each ſtriving to ingroſs the ſupreme Authority; Ar/rnoe,
by the Aſſiſtance of the Eunuch Ganymed, her Governor, at length prevailed,
and cauſed Achillas to be ſlain. After hi» death, being poſſeſſed of the whole
Power without a Rival, ſhe arled Ganymed to the Command of the Army;
who, an his entrance into that high Office, augmented the Allowance of the
Troops, and with equal diligence diſcharged all other Parts of his Duty.
IV. ALEXANDRIA is almoſt quite hollow underneath, occa-
ſioned by the many Aqueducts to the Mile, that furniſh private Houſes with
Water; where being received in Ciſterns, it ſettles by degrees, and becomes
perfectly clear. This is preſerved for the uſe of the Maſter and his Family:
for the Water of the Wile being extremely thick and muddy, is apt to breed
many Diſtempers. The common People, however, are forced to be contented
with it, becauſe there is not a ſingle Spring in the whole City. The River was
in that Part of the Town where the Alexandrians were Maſters. Hence Ga-
nymed conceived, that a way might be found to deprive the Romans of Water;
becauſe being diſtributed into ſeveral Streets, for the more eaſy defence of the
Works, they made uſe of that which was preſerved in the Cifterns of private
Houſes. With this view he began a great and difficult Work: for having ſtopt
up all the Canals by which his own Cifterns were ſupplied, he drew vaſt
Quantities of Water out of the Sea, by the help of Wheels and other Engines,
pouring it continually into the Canals of Cz/ar's Quarter. The Ciſterns in the
neareſt Houſes ſoon began to taſte ſalter than ordinary, and occaſioned great
wonder among the Men, who could not think from what Cauſe it proceeded.
They were even ready to disbelieve their Senſes, when thoſe who were quartered
a little lower in the Town aſſured them, that they found the Water the ſame
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OF THE ALEXANDRIAN VAR.
as before. This put them upon comparing the Ciſterns one with another, and
by trial they eaſily perceived the difference. But in a little time the Water in
the neareſt Houſes became quite unfit for uſe, and that lower down grew daily
more tainted and brackiſh; upon which ſuch a Terror enſued among the
Troops, that they fancied themſelves reduced to the laſt Extremity: Some
complained of Cz/ar's delay, and that he did not order them immediately to
repair to their Ships. Others dreaded a yet greater Misfortune, as it would be
impoſſible to conceal their Deſign of retreating from the Alexandrians, who
were ſo near them; and no leſs ſo to embark in the face of a vigorous and
purſuing Enemy. There were beſides a great Number of the Townſmen in Cz/ar's
Quarter, whom he had not thought proper to force from their Houſes, becauſe
they openly pretended to be in his Intereſt, and to have quitted the Party of
their Fellow-Citizens. But to offer here at a defence either of the Sincerity or
Conduct of theſe Alexandrians, would be only Labour in vain; fince all who
know the Genius and Temper of the People muſt be fatisfied, that they are
the fitteſt Inſtruments in the World for Treaſon.
V. CASAR laboured to remove his Soldiers Fears, by encouraging and
reaſoning the caſe with them. © They might eaſily, he told them, find Water,
« by digging Wells, as all Sea-coaſts naturally abounded with freſh Springs:
ce that if Eg ypt was ſingular in this reſpe&, and differed from every other
« Soil; yet ſtill as the Sea was open, and the Enemy without a Fleet, there
& was nothing to hinder their fetching it at pleaſure in their Ships, either
te from Parætonium on the left, or Pharos on the right; which two Places
« lying different ways, the Wind could never exclude them from both at the
« ſame time: that a Retreat was on no account to be thought of, not only by
ce 'thoſe who had a concern for their Honour, but even by ſuch as regarded
« nothing but Life: that it was with the utmoſt difficulty they could defend
« themſelves behind their Works; but if they once quitted that Advantage,
« neither in Number nor Situation would they be a match for the Enemy :
« that to embark would require much time, and be attended with great dan-
« ger, eſpecially where it muſt be managed by little Boats: that the Alexan-
« drians on the contrary were nimble and active, and thoroughly acquainted
ce with the Streets and Buildings: that fluſhed with ſo manifeſt an Advantage,
« they would not fail to run before, ſeize all the advantageous Poſts, poſſeſs
« themſelves of the tops of the Houſes, and by annoying them in their Retreat,
cc effectually prevent their getting on board: that they muſt therefore think no
« more of retiring, but place all their hopes of ſafety in Victory.” Having
by this Speech re- aſſured his Men, he ordered the Centurions to lay aſide all
other Cares, and apply themſelves day and night to the digging of Wells. The
Work once begun, they puſhed it on ſo vigorouſly, that the very firſt Night
abundance of freſh Water was found. Thus with little Labour on our fide,
the mighty Projects and painful Attempts of the Alexandrians were entirely
fruſtrated.
VI DURING theſe Tranſactions, the thirty-ſeventh Legion, compoſed
of Pompey's Veterans that had ſurrendred to Cz/ar, embarking by Order of
Domitius Calvinus, with Arms, Darts, Provifions, and military Engines, arrived
upon the Coaſt of Africa, a little above Alexandria. An eaſterly Wind, which
continued to blow for ſeveral Days together, hindered their being able to gain
the Port; but all along that Coaſt, tis very ſafe riding at Anchor. Being de-
tained, however, longer than they expected, and preſſed with want of Water,
they
. TT —
-
rr meet rr ome
— —— nee:
— ——
— — ——
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
they gave notice of it to Ceſar by a diſpatch Sloop. Cæſar, that he might
himſelf be able to determine what was beſt to be done, went on board one of
the Ships in the Harbour, and ordered the whole Fleet to follow. He took
none of the land Forces with him, becauſe he was unwilling to leave the
Works unguarded during his abſence. Being arrived at that part of the Coaſt
known by the name of Cherroneſus, he ſent ſome Mariners on ſhore to fetch
Water. Part of theſe venturing too far into the Country for the ſake of
Plunder, were intercepted by the Enemy's Horſe. From them the Egyptians
learnt, that Cæſar himſelf was on board, without any Soldiers. Upon this In-
formation, they thought Fortune had thrown a fair Occaſion in their way, of
attempting ſomething with ſucceſs. They therefore manned all the Ships that
were in condition to fail, and met Cz/ar on his return, He declined fighting
that Day for two Reaſons ; becauſe he had no Soldiers on board; and it was
paſt four in the Afternoon. The Night, he was ſenſible, muſt be highly ad-
vantageous to his Enemies, who were perfectly well acquainted with the Coaſt :
and he would himſelf be deprived of the benefit of encouraging his Men;
which could not be done with any effect in the dark, where Courage and
Cowardiſe muſt remain equally unknown. He therefore drew all his Ships
towards the Shore, where he imagined the Enemy would not venture to fol-
low him.
VII. THERE was one Rhodian Galley in Cz/ar's right Wing, conſi-
derably diſtant from the reſt. This being obſerved by the Enemy, they came
forward with four decked Ships, and ſeveral open Barks, to attack her. Cæſar
was obliged to advance to her Relief, that he might not ſuffer the diſgrace of
ſeeing one of his Gallies ſunk before his Eyes ; tho', had he left her to periſh,
ſhe ſeemed to deſerve it for her raſhneſs. The Attack was ſuſtained with great
Courage by the Rhodians ; who, tho at all times diſtinguiſhed by their Valour
and Experience in Engagements at Sea, yet exerted themſelves in a particular
manner on this Occaſion, that they might not draw upon themſelves the
charge of having occaſioned a Misfortune to the Fleet. Accordingly they ob-
tained a compleat Victory; took one four-benched Galley ; ſunk another;
diſabled a third, and flew all that were on board, beſides a great number be-
longing to the other Ships. Nay, had not Night interpoſed, Cz/ar would
have made himſelf maſter of their whole Fleet. During the Conſternation
that followed upon this Defeat, Cz/ar finding the contrary Winds to abate,
took the Tranſports in tow, and advanced with the victorious Fleet to
Alexandria. |
VIII. THE Aexandrians diſheartened at this loſs, as finding themſelves
now worſted, not by the ſuperior Valour of the Soldiers, but by the Skill and
Ability of the Mariners, retired to the tops of their Houſes, and blocked up the
entrance of their Streets, as fearing our Fleet might attack them even by land.
But ſoon after, Ganymed aſſuring them in Council, that he would not only
reſtore the Veſſels they had loſt, but even increaſe their number; they began
to repair their old Ships with great Expectation and Confidence, and reſolved
to apply more than ever to the putting their Fleet in a good condition. And
altho' they had loſt above an hundred and ten Ships in the Port and Arſenal,
yet did not all this diſcourage them ; becauſe by making themſelves maſters at
Sea, they ſaw they would have it in their power to hinder Cæſar's receiving any
Reinforcements or Supplies. Beſides, being naturally Mariners, born upon the
Sca-Coaft, and exerciſed from their Infancy in naval Affairs, they were de-
ſirous
OF THE ALEXANDRIAN R.
ſirous fo return to that wherein their true and proper Strength lay, remembring
the Advantages they had formerly gained, even with their little Ships. They
therefore applied themſelves with all diligence to the equipping a Fleet.
IX. VESSELS were ſtationed at all the mouths of the Vile, for receiving
and gathering in the Cuſtoms. Several old Ships were likewiſe lodged in the
King's private Arſenals, where they had remained unrigged for many Years.
Theſe laſt they refitted, and recalled the former to Alexandria. To ſupply
themſelves with Oars, they uncovered, the Porticos, Academies, and publick
Buildings, and made uſe of the Planks they, furniſhed. Their natutal Inge-
nuity, and the abundance of all things to be met with in the City, ſupplied
every Want. In fine, they had no long Navigation to provide for, and were
only ſolicitous about preſent Exigences, foreſeeing they would have no occa-
fion to fight but in the Port. In a few Days therefore, contrary to all expec-
tation, they had fitted out twenty-two Quadriremes, and five Quinqueremes.
To theſe they added a great number of ſmall open Barks ; and employing the
Rowers in the Harbour, to practiſe and exerciſe themſelves, put a ſufficient
number of Soldiers on board, and prepared every thing neceſſary for an En-
gagement. Cæſar had nine Rhodian Gallies, (for of the ten which were ſent,
one was ſhipwrecked on the Coaſt of Egypt ;) eight from Pontus, five from
Lycia, and twelve out of Aa. Of thele ten were Quadriremes, and five
Quinqueremes. The reſt were of an inferior bulk, and for the moſt part with-
out Decks. Yet truſting to the Valour of his Soldiers, and knowing the
ſtrength of the Enemy, he prepared for an Engagement.
X. WHEN both ſides were come to have ſufficient Confidence in their own
ſtrength, Cæſar failed round Pharos, and formed in line of Battle over-againſt
the Enemy. The Rhodian Gallies were in his right Wing, and thoſe of Pon-
tus in his left. Between theſe he left a ſpace of four hundred Paces, to ſerve
for the extending and working the Veſſels. This Diſpoſition being made, he
drew up the reſt of the Fleet as a reſerve, giving them the neceſſary Orders, and
diſtributing them in ſuch manner, that every Ship followed that to which ſhe
was appointed to give ſuccour. The Alexandrians came forth with great Con-
fidence, and drew up their Fleet; placing their twenty-two Quadriremes in front,
and diſpoſing the reſt behind them in a ſecond Line, by way of reſerve. They
had beſides a great number of Boats and ſmaller Veſſels, that carried Fire and
combuſtible Weapons, with deſign to fright us by their Number, Cries, and
flaming Darts. Between the two Fleets were certain Flats, ſeparated by very
narrow Channels, and which are faid to be on the African Coaſt, as being in
that diviſion of Alexandria which belongs to Africa. Both ſides waited which
ſhould firſt paſs theſe Shallows, becauſe whoever entered the narrow Channels
between them, in cafe of any Misfortune, would find it very difficult either
to retreat, or work the Ships to advantage.
XI EUPHRAMNOR commianded the Rhodian Fleet, who for Valour
and greatneſs of Mind deſerved rather to be ranked among the Romans than
the Grecians. The Rhodians had raiſed him to the Poſt of Admiral, on ac-
count of his known Courage and Experience. He perceiving Cz/ar's Deſign,
addreſſed him to this effect: You ſeem afraid of paſſing the Shallows firſt,
« leſt you ſhould be thereby forced to come to an Engagement, before the reſt
« of the Fleet can be brought up. Leave that Matter to us; we will ſuſtain
« the Fight, and I hope too without diſappointing your Expectations, till the
| | Yyy | whole
265
266
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
cc whole Fleet gets clear of the Shallows. It is both diſhonourable and
« afflicting, that they ſhould ſo long continue in our fight with an air of
« Triumph.” Cæſar encouraging him in his Deſign, and beſtowing many
Praiſes upon him, gave the Signal for engaging. Four Rhodian Ships having
paſſed the Shallows, the Mexandrians gathered round and attacked them.
They maintained the Fight with great Bravery, diſengaging themſelves by their
Art and Addreſs, and working their Ships with ſo much skill, that notwith-
ſtanding the inequality of Number, none of the Enemy were ſuffered to run
along fide, or break their Oars. Mean-time the reſt of the Fleet came up;
when on account of the narrowneſs of the Place, Art becoming uſeleſs, the ſucceſs
depended wholly upon Valour. The Alexandrians and Romans who were in
the Town, laying afide all thoughts of Attack and Defence, mounted the tops
of the Houſes, and all the Eminences that would give a view of the Fight,
addreſſing the Gods by Vows and Prayers for Victory.
XII. THE event of the Battle was by no means equal. A Defeat would
have deprived us of all reſource either by Land or Sea; and even Victory it-
ſelf would not much better our Condition. The Alexandrians, on the con-
trary, by a Victory, gained every thing; and if defeated, might yet again
have recourſe to Fortune. It was likewiſe a matter of the higheſt Concern, to
ſee the Safety of all depend upon the Bravery of a few, whoſe want of
Courage would expoſe their whole Party to Deſtruction. This Cz/ar had
often repreſented to his Troops during the preceding Days, that they might be
thereby induced to fight with the more Reſolution, when they knew. the com-
mon Safety to depend upon their Bravery. Every Man faid the ſame to his
Comrade, Companion, and Friend, requeſting him not to diſappoint the Ex-
pectation of thoſe who had choſen him preferably to others for the defence of
the common Intereſt. Accordingly they fought with ſo much Reſolution,
that neither the Art nor Addreſs of the Egyptians, a maritime and ſeafaring
People, could ſtand them in any ſtead ; nor the multitude of their Ships be of
ſervice to them; nor the Valour of thoſe ſelected for this Engagement, ſtand
in competition with the determined Courage of the Romans. In this Action a
uinquereme was taken, and a Bireme with all the Soldiers and Mariners on
board, beſides three ſunk, without any loſs on our fide. The reſt fled towards
the Town, ſheltering themſelves under the Mole and Forts, whither we durft
not purſue them,
XIII. TO deprive the Enemy of this reſource for the future, Cz/ar thought
it by all means neceſſary, to render himſelf maſter of the Mole and Iſland:
for having already in great meaſure compleated his Works within the Town,
he was in hopes of being able to defend himſelf both in the Iſland and City.
This Reſolution being taken, he put into Boats and ſmall Veſſels ten Cohorts,
a ſelect Body of light-armed Infantry, and ſuch of the Gallick Cavalry as he
thought moſt for his purpoſe, and ſent them againſt the Iſland ; whilſt at
the ſame time, to occaſion a Diverſion, he attacked it on the other with his
Fleet, promiſing great Rewards to thoſe who ſhould firſt render themſelves
maſters of it. At firſt, the Attack was brisk, and the Defence vigorous : for
they both annoyed our Men from the tops of the Houſes, and gallantly main-
tained; their Ground along the Shore ; which being ſteep and craggy, our Men
could find no way of approach ; all the more acceſlible Avenues being skil-
fully defended by ſmall Boats, and five Gallies, properly ſtationed for that
But when after examining the Approaches, and founding the Shal-
purpoſe,
lows
OF THE ALEXANDRIAN /A R.
| lows, a few of our Men got upon the Shore, and were followed by others, who
puſhed the Iſlanders without intermiſſion ; the Pharians at laſt betook them-
ſelves to flight.. Upon this, abandoning the defence of the Port, they quitted
their Ships, and retired into the Town, to provide for the ſecurity of their
Houſes. But they could not long maintain their Ground there : tho', to com-
pare ſmall things with great, their Buildings reſembled thoſe of Alexandria, and
their Towers were high, and joined together ſo as to form a kind of Wall; and
our Men had neither Ladders, Faſcines, nor any Weapons for Aſſault. But Fear
often deprives Men of Counſel and Strength, as happened upon this Occaſion.
Thoſe who had ventured to oppoſe us on even Ground, terrified by the loſs
of a few Men, and the general Rout; durſt not face us from a height of
thirty Foot; but throwing themſelves from the Mole into the Sea, endeavoured
to gain the Town, tho above eight hundred Paces diſtant. Many however
were flain, and about fix hundred taken.
XIV. CASAR giving up the Plunder to the Soldiers, ordered the Houſes
to be demoliſhed ; but fortified the Caſtle at the end of the Bridge next the
Iſland, and placed a Garriſon in it. This the Pharians had abandoned: but
the other, towards the Town, which was conſiderably ſtronger, was ſtill held
by the Alexandrians. Cæſar attacked it next Day; becauſe by getting poſſeſ-
fion of theſe two Forts, he would be entirely maſter of the Port, and prevent
ſudden Excurſions and Piracies. Already he had, by means of his Arrows and
Engines, forced the Garriſon to abandon the Place, and retire towards the
Town. He had alſo landed three Cohorts, which was all the Place would
contain; and diſpoſed the reſt of his Troops aboard to ſuſtain them. He
then fortified the Bridge on the fide of the Enemy, built an Arch acroſs the
entrance of the Port, and filled it up in ſuch a manner with Stones, that not
the ſmalleſt Boat could paſs. When the Work was almoſt finiſhed, the Alexar-
drians fallied in Crowds from the Town, and drew up in an open Place, over-
againſt the Intrenchment we had caft up at the head of the Bridge. At the
ſame time the Veſſels, which they had been wont to make paſs under the
Bridge, to ſet fire to our Ships of Burden, were ranged along the Mole. Our
Men fought from the Bridge and the Mole ; the Enemy from the Area
over-againſt the Bridge, and from their Ships by the ſide of the Mole. While
Caſar, attentive to what paſſed, was exhorting his Troops ; a number of Row-
ers and Mariners quitting their Ships, threw themſelves upon the Mole ; partly
out of curioſity, partly to have a ſhare in the Action. At firſt, with Stones
and Slings they forced the Enemy's Ships from the Mole; and ſeemed to do
ſill greater execution with their Darts. But when ſome time after, a few
Alexandrians found means to land, and attack them in flank ; as they had left
their Ships without Order or Diſcipline, ſo they ſoon began to fly with preci-
pitation. The Alexandrians encouraged by this Succeſs, landed in greater
numbers, and vigorouſly puſhed our Men, who were by this time in great
Confufion. Thoſe that remained in the Gallies perceiving this, drew up the
Ladders, and put off from the Shore, to prevent the Enemies boarding them,
The three Cohorts, who were at the head of the Mole, to guard the Bridge,
aſtoniſhed at this Diſorder, the Cries they heard behind them, and the gene-
ral rout of their Party; unable beſides to bear up againſt the multitude of
Darts which came pouring upon them, and fearing to be ſurrounded, and
have their Retreat cut off, by the departure of the Ships; abandoned the de-
fence of the Bridge, and ran with all the ſpeed they could towards the Gallies.
Some getting on board the neareſt Veſſels, overloaded and funk. them. Part
= making
267
.
ä — — — — ˖—FF
— —
268
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
making head againſt the Enemy, and uncertain what Courſe to take, were
cut to pieces by the Alexandrians. Others more fortunate, got to the Ships that
rode at anchor; and a few, by the help of their Bucklers, ſwam to the neareſt
Veſſels. Cz/ar endeavouring to reanimate his Men, and lead them back to the
Defence of the Works, was expoſed to the ſame danger with the reſt: when
finding them univerſally to give ground, he retreated to his own Galley ;
whither ſuch a Multitude followed, and crouded after him, that it was im-
poſſible either to work or put her off. Foreſeeing what muſt happen, he flung
himſelf into the Sea, and ſwam to a Ship that lay at ſome diſtance. Hence
diſpatching Boats to ſuccour his Men, he by that means preſerved a ſmall
Number. His own Ship, funk by the Multitude that crouded into her, periſhed
with all that were on board. We loſt in this Action about four hundred Le-
gionary Soldiers, and ſomewhat above that Number of Sailors and Rowers. The
Alcxandrians ſecured the Fort by ſtrong Works, and a great Number of En-
gines: and having cleared away the Stones, with which Cæſar had blocked up
the Port, enjoyed henceforward a free and open Navigation.
XV. OUR Men, inſtead of being diſheartned at this loſs, "ſeemed rather
rouſed and animated by it. They were making continual Sallies upon. the
Enemy, to deſtroy or check the Progreſs of their Works; fell upon them as
often as they had an Opportunity; and never failed to intercept them, when
they ventured to advance beyond their Fortifications. In ſhort, the Legions
were ſo bent upon fighting, that they even outſtripped the Orders and Exhor-
tations of Cz/ar. They were inconſolable for their late diſgrace, and im-
patient to come to Blows with the Enemy ; inſomuch that he found it rather
neceſſary to reſtrain and check their Ardor, than incite them to Action.
XVI. THE Alexandrians perceiving that Succeſs confirmed the Romans,
and that adverſe Fortune only animated them the more; as they knew of no
medium between theſe, on which to ground any farther hopes, reſolved, either
by the Advice of the Friends of their King, who were in Cz/ar's Quarter; or
of their own motion; or, perhaps, on an intimation from the King himſelf, ſug-
geſted to him by ſecret Emiſſaries; to ſend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar to demand
their King. They repreſented: That the People, weary of ſubjection to a
« Woman, of living under a precarious Government, and ſubmitting to the
« cruel Laws of the Tyrant Ganymed, inſtead of obeying their own lawful
« King, deſired nothing ſo much as to have him amongſt them: that in granting
ce their Requeſt, he would pave the way to an Alliance, and extinguiſh all the
« Fears and Objections that had hitherto obſtructed it.” Though Cz/ar knew
the Nation to be falſe and perfidious, ſeldom ſpeaking as they really thought,
he judged it beſt however to comply with their deſire. He even flattered him-
ſelf, that his Condeſcenſion in ſending back their King at their Requeſt, would
prevail upon them to be faithful: or, as was more agreeable to their Character,
if they only wanted the King to head their Army; at leaſt it would be more
for his Honour and Credit, to have to do with a Monarch, than with a Band
of Slaves and Fugitives, Accordingly he ſent Ptolemy to them, exhorting him
« to take the Government into his own hands, and conſult the Welfare of
« fo fair and illuſtrious a Kingdom, defaced by hideous Ruins and Confla-
« orations. That he would _ his Subjects ſenſible of their Duty, preſerve
« them from the Deſtruction that threatned them, and act with Fidelity to-
ce wards himſelf and the Romans, who put ſo much Confidence in him, as to
« ſend him amongſt armed Enemies.“ Then taking him by the Hand, he
told
**
OF THE ALEXAND RIAN FAR.
told him he was at liberty to depart. ' But the young Prince, thoroughly
verſed in the Art of Diſſimulation, and no way degenerating from the Character
of his Nation, intreated Cæſar with Tears not to ſend him back; for that his
Company was to him preferable to a Kingdom. Cz/ar, moved at his Concern,
dried up his Tears; and telling him if theſe were his real Sentiments the
would ſoon meet again, diſmiſſed him. The King, like a wild Beaſt, eſcaped
out of Confinement, carried on the War with ſuch Acrimony againſt Ceſar,
that the Tears he ſhed at parting, ſeemed to have been Tears of Joy. Cz/ar's
Lieutenants, Friends, Centurions, and Soldiers, were not a little pleaſed at this;
becauſe through his eaſineſs of Temper, he had ſuffered himſelf to be impoſed
upon by a Child: as if in truth Cz/ar's Behaviour on this occaſion had
been the effect of Eaſineſs of Temper, and not of the moſt conſummate
Prudence,
XVII. WHEN the Alexandrians found that the Reſtitution of their King
had neither rendered their own Party ſtronger, nor the Romans weaker ; that
the Troops deſpiſed the Youth and Weakneſs of their King; and that their
Affairs were no way bettered by his Preſence; they were greatly diſcouraged :
the rather, becauſe a Report ran, that a great Body of Troops was marching by
Land from Syria and Cilicia to Ce/ar's Aſſiſtance, of which he had not as yet
himſelf received Information. This however did not hinder their Deſign of
intercepting the Convoys that came to him by Sea. To this end having
equipped ſome Ships, they ordered them to cruiſe before the Canopic Branch of
the Mile, by which they thought it moſt likely our Supplies would arrive.
Cz/ar, who was informed of it, ſent likewiſe his Fleet to Sea, under the Com-
mand of Tiberius Mero. The Rhodian Gallies made part of this Squadron,
headed by Eupbranor their Admiral, without whom he had little hopes of Suc-
ceſs from any maritime Expedition. But Fortune, which often reſerves the
heavieſt Diſaſters for thoſe who have been loaded with her higheſt Favours, en-
countered Eupbranor upon this occaſion, with an Aſpe& very different from
what ſhe had hitherto worn. For when our Ships were arrived at Canopus, and
the Fleets drawn up on each fide had begun the Engagement, Euphranor ac-
cording to cuſtom having made the firſt Attack, and pierced and ſunk one of
the Enemy's Ships; as he purſued the next a conſiderable way, without bein
ſufficiently ſuſtained by thoſe that followed him, he was ſurrounded by the
Alexandrians. None of the Fleet advanced to his Relief, either out of fear
for their own Saſety, or becauſe they imagined he would eafily be able to ex-
tricate himſelf by his Courage and good Fortune. Accordingly he alone be-
haved well in this Action, and being abandoned by all the reſt, periſhed with
his victorious Galley, —
XVIII. ABOUT the fame time M:thridates of Pergamus, a Man of
illuſtrious Deſcent, diſtinguiſhed for his Bravery and Knowledge in the Art of
War, and who bore a very high Place in the Friendſhip and Confidence of
Ceſar ; having been ſent in the beginning of the Alexandrian War, to raiſe
Succours in Syria and Cilicia; arrived by Land at the head of a great Body of
Troops, which his Diligence, and the Affection of theſe two Provinces, had
enabled him to draw together in a very ſhort time. He conducted them firſt
to Peluſium, a City which joins Syria to Egypt. Acbillas, who was perfectly
well acquainted with its Importance, had ſeized and put a ſtrong Garriſon into
it. For Egypt is conſidered as defended on all ſides by ſtrong Barriers ; to-
wards the Sea by the Pharos, and towards Syria by Pelufium, which are
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PAN S As COMMENTARIES
accounted the two Keys of that Kingdom. He attacked it fo briskly with a
large Body of Troops, freſh Men continually ſucceeding in the place of thoſe
that were fatigued z and urged the Aſſault with ſo much Firmneſs and Per-
ſeverance, that he carried it the ſame Day, and placed a Garriſon in it.
Thence he purſued his march to Alexandria, reducing all the Provinces thro'
which he paſſed, and conciliating them to Geſar, by that Authority which
always accompanies Victory.
XIX. NOT far from Alexandria lies Delta, the moſt celebrated Province
of Egypt, which borrows its Name from the Greet Letter ſo called. For the
Mile dividing into two Channels, which gradually runs off as they approach
the Sea, into which they at laſt diſcharge themſelves at a conſiderable diſtance
from one another, leaves an intermediate ſpace in form of a triangle. The
King underſtanding that Mithridates approached this Place, and knowing he
muſt paſs the River, ſent a great Body of Troops againſt him, ſufficient, as he
thought, if not to overwhelm and cruſh him, at leaſt to flop his march.
For tho he earneſtly deſired to fee him defeated, yet he thought it a great
Point gained, to hinder his junction with Cæſur. The Troops that firſt paſſed
the River, and came up with Mithridates, attacked him immediately, that
they might alone have the Honour of the Victory. Mi:hridates at firſt con-
fined himſelf to the defence of his Camp, which he had with great Prudence
fortified according to the Cuſtom of the Romans: but obſerving that they ad-
vanced inſolently and without Caution, he fallied upon them from all parts,
and put a great number of them to the 8word z inſomuch that but for their
knowledge of the Places, and the Neighbourhood of the Veſſels in which they
had paſſed the River, they muſt have been all deſtroyed, But recovering by
degrees from their Terror, and joining the Troops that followed them, they
again prepared to attack Mithridates. |
XX. MITHRIDATES ſent to inform Czſar of what had happened.
The King was likewiſe informed on his fide. Thus much about the fame
time, Ptofemy ſet out to cruſh Mithridates, and Cz/ar to relieve him. The
King made uſe of the more expeditious Conveyance of the Vile, where he
had a large Fleet in readinefs. Cæſar declined the Navigation of the River,
that he might not be obliged to fight the Enemy's Fleet: and coaſting along
the African Shore, found means to join the victorious Troops of Mirhridates,
beſore Prolemy could attack him.
XXI. THE King had encamped in a very adyantageous Place, being an
Eminence ſurrounded on all fides by a Plain. Three of its ſides were ſecured
by various defences. One adjoined to the Mile, the other was ſteep and inac-
ceſſible, and the third was defended by a Morals. Between Pralemys Camp
and Cz/ar's Rout lay a narrow River with very high Banks, which diſcharged
itſelf into the Vile. This River was about ſeven miles from the King's Camp;
who underſtanding that Cæſar directed his march that way, ſent all his Ca-
valry, with a choice Body of light-armed Foot, to hinder C2/ar from paſſing,
and maintain an unequal Fight from the Banks, where Courage had no Op-
portunity to exert itſelf, and Cowardiſe ran no hazard. Our Men, both
Horſe and Foot, were extremely mortified, that the Alerumdriam ſhould fo
long maintain their Ground againſt them. Wherefore the German Cava
diſperſing in queſt of a Ford, ſome found means to fwim the River where the
Banks were loweſt; and the Legionaries at the fame time cutting down ſeveral |
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large Trees, that reached from one Bank to another, and throwing them into
the Water, by their help, got to the other fide. The Enemy unable to ſuſtain
their firſt Charge, betook themſelves to flight; but in vain: for very
few returned to the King, being almoſt all cut to pieces in the
Purſuit.
XXII. CSA R, upon this Succeſs, judging that his ſudden approach
muſt ſtrike a great Terror into the Alexandrians, advanced towards their
Camp with his victorious Army. But finding it well 1ntrenched, ſtrongly forti-
fied by Nature, and the Ramparts crowded with armed Soldiers, he did not think
proper to attack it at that time, as his Troops were very much fatigued, both
by their march and the late Battle; and therefore encamped at a ſmall diſtance
from the Enemy. Next Day he attacked a Fort, in' a Village not far off,
which the King had Joined to his Camp by a Line of Communication, with
4 view of keeping poſſeſſion of the Village. He employed his whole Army in
this Aſſault: not becauſe it would have been difficult to carry it with a few
Forces; but with deſign of falling immediately upon the Enemy's Camp,
during the Alarm the loſs of this Fort muſt give them. Accordingly the Romans,
in continuing the putſuit of thoſe that fled from the Fort, arrived at laſt before
the Aiexandrian Camp, where a furious Battle enſued. There were two Ap-
proaches by which it might he attached: one by the Plain, of which we have
2 before; the other by a narrow Paſs, between their Camp and the Wile.
he fitft, which was much the eaſieſt, was defended by a numerous Body of
their beſt Troops: and the acceſs on the ſide of the Mile gave the Enemy great
Advatitages in diſtreſſing and wounding our Men: for they were expoſed to a
double ſhower of Darts: in front, from the Rampart ; behind, from the
River, where the Enemy had ſtationed a great number of Ships, furniſhed with
Archers and Slingers, that kept a continual diſcharge, Cæſar obſerving that his
Troops fought with the utmoſt Ardor, and yet made no great Progreſs, on ac-
chunt of the diſadvantage of the Ground; as he faw they had left the higheſt
part of their Camp unguarded, becauſe being ſufficiently fortified by Nature,
had all crowded to the other Attacks, partly to have a ſhare in the Action,
partly to be ſpectators of the iſſue: he ordered Tome Cohorts to wheel round
the Camp, and gain that Aſcent; appointing Car/ulenus to command them, a
brave Officer, and well acquainted with the Service. When they had reached
the Place, where they found but very few to defend it, our Men attacked them
fo briskly, that the Alerandriaus tertified by the Cries they heard behind them,
and ſing themſelves attacked both in front and rear, fled in the utmoſt Con-
ſternation on all ſides. Our Men animated by the Confuſion of the Enemy,
entered the Camp in ſeveral places at the fame time; and running down from
the higher Ground, put a great number of them to the ſword, The
Aerandrians endeavouring to eſcape, threw themſelves in Crowds over the
Rampart next the River. The foremoſt tumbling into the Ditch, where they
were craſhed to death, furniſhed an eaſy paſſage for thoſe that followed.
The King made his eſcape the fame way; but by the Crowd that followed
him, the Ship to which he fled was overloaded and funk.
XXIII. AFTER this ſpeedy and ſucceſsful Action, Cæſar, in confidence
of ſo great a Victory, marched the neareſt way by Land to Alexandria with
his Cavalry, and entered triumphant into that part of the Town poſſeſſed by
the Enemy. He was not miſtaken in thinking, that the Alexandrians, upor
hearing of the iſſue of the Battle, would give over all thoughts of War. Ac-
cordingly,
271
272
PAN SA's COMMENTARIES
cordingly, as ſoon as he was arrived, he reaped the juſt fruit of his Valour
and Magnanimity. For the Alexandrians throwing down their Arms, aban-
doning their Works, and aſſuming the habit of Suppliants, came forth to ſur-
render themſelves to Cæſar, preceded by all thoſe ſacred Symbols of Religion,
wherewith they were wont to mollify their offended Kings. Cz/ar accepting
their Submiſſion, and encouraging them, advanced thro' the Enemy's Works
into his own Quarter of the Town, where he was received with the univerſal
Congratulations of his Party, who were no leſs overjoyed at his arrival and
preſence, than at the happy iſſue of the War.
XXIV. CAESAR having thus made himſelf maſter of Mexandria and
Egypt, lodged the Government in the hands of thoſe to whom Prolemy had
bequeathed it by Will, appointing the People of Rome his Executors, and re-
queſting them to confirm his Choice. For the eldeſt of his two Sons being
dead, he ſettled the Kingdom upon the youngeſt, in conjunction with his
Siſter Cleopatra, who had always continued faithful to the Romans. The
younger Arſinoe, in whoſe name Ganymed, as we have ſeen, reigned for ſome
time, he thought proper to baniſh the Kingdom, that ſhe might not raiſe
any new Diſturbance, before the King's Authority ſhould be firmly eſtabliſhed.
Things thus ſettled, he carried the ſixth Legion with him into Syria, leaving
the reſt to ſupport the Authority of the King and Queen; who neither ſtood
well in the Affections of their Subjects, on account uf thu Attachment to
Cæſar; nor could be ſuppoſed to have given any fixed Foundation to their
Power, in an Adminiſtration of only a few Days continuance. It was alſo for
the Honour and Intereſt of the Republick, that if they continued faithful,
our Forces ſhould protect them ; if otherwiſe, would be in a condition to re-
ſtrain them. Having thus ſettled the Kingdom, he marched by Land into
Syria. ö
XXV. WHILE theſe things paſſed in Egypt, King Dejotarus applied to
Domitius Calvinus, to whom Cæſar had intruſted the Government of Afa and
the neighbouring Provinces, beſeeching him, Not to ſuffer Pharnaces to ſeize
« and lay waſte the leſſer Armenia, which was his Kingdom; or Cappadecia,
« which belonged to Ariobarzanes; becauſe unleſs they were delivered from
ce theſe Inſults, it would be impoſſible for them to execute Cz/ar's Orders, or
« raiſe the Money they ſtood engaged to pay.” Domitius, who was not only
ſenſible of the neceſſity of Money to defray the Expences of the War, but
likewiſe thought it diſhonourable to the People of Nome and Cz/ar, as well
as infamous to himſelf, to ſuffer the Dominions of -Allies and Friends to be
uſurped by a foreign, Prince; ſent Ambaſſadors to Pharnaces to acquaint him,
« That he muſt withdraw immediately out of Armenia and Cappadocia, and
« no longer inſult the Majeſty and Right of the Roman People, engaged in a
« civil War.” But believing that his Deputation would have greater Weight,
if he was ready to ſecond it himſelf at the head of an Army ; he repaired to
the Legions which were then in 4//a, ordering two of them into Egypt at
Cz/ar's defire, and carrying the thirty-ſixth along with him. To this Dejo-
zarus added two more, which he had trained up for ſeveral Years according to
our Diſcipline; and an hundred Horſe. The like number of Horſe were fur-
niſhed by Ariobarxanes. At the ſame time he ſent P. Sextius to C. Pletorius
the Quæſtor, for the Legion which had been lately levied in Pontus; and
Quinctius Patiſius into Cilicia, to draw thence a Body of auxiliary Troops, All
theſe Forces had Orders to rendezvous, as ſoon as poſſible, at Comana.
| | XX VI.
OF THE ALEXAN D RIAN WAR.
XXVI MEAN-WHILE his Ambaſſadors returned with Pharnaces's
Anſwer: „That he had quitted Cappadocia; but kept poſſeſſion of the leſſer
« Armenia, as his own by right of Inheritance: however, was willing to ſub-
e mit all to the deciſion of Cze/ar, to whoſe Commands he would pay imme-
« diate Obedience.” C. Domitius, ſenſible that he had quitted Cappadocia,
not voluntarily, but out of neceſſity ; becauſe he could more eaſily defend Ar-
menia, which lay contiguous to his own Kingdom, than Cappadocia, which was
more remote; and becauſe believing at firſt that Domizius had. brought all the
three Legions along with him, upon hearing that two were gone to Cz/ar, he
ſeemed more determined to keep poſſeſſion : inſiſted “ upon his quitting Arme-
“ nia likewiſe, the Reaſon in both Caſes being the ſame; nor was it juſt to
« demand that the Matter ſhould be poſtponed till Cz/ar's return, unleſs
« things were put in the condition in which they were at firſt,” Having re-
turned this Anſwer, he advanced towards Armenia with the Forces above-
mentioned, directing his march along the Hills. For from Pontus, by the way
of Comana, runs a woody ridge of Hills, that extends as far as Armenia
the leſs, dividing it from Cappadocia. The Advantages he had in view by
ſuch a March were; that he would thereby effectually prevent all Sur-
priſes, and be plentifully furniſhed with Proviſions from Cappadocia,
XXVII. MEAN-TIME Pharnaces was perpetually ſending Ambaſſa-
dors to Namirine with Preſents, and to treat of Peace. All theſe he firmly
rejected, telling the Deputies : © That nothing was more ſacred with him, than
« the Majeſty of the Roman People, and the Rights of their Allies. After a
long march he reached Micopolis, a City of Armenia the leſs, fituated in a
Plain, having Mountains however on its two ſides, at a conſiderable diſtance.
Here he encamped about ſeven miles from the Town. Between his Camp and
Wicopolis lay a difficult and narrow Paſs, where Pharnaces placed a choſen Body of
Foot, and all his Horſe in Ambuſcade. He ordered a great number of Cattle to be
diſperſed in this Paſs, and the Townſmen and Peaſants to ſhow themſelves ;
that if Domitius entered the Defile as a Friend, he might have no ſuſpicion
of an Ambuſcade, when he ſaw the Men and Flocks diſperſed without Ap-
prehenſion in the F ields; or if he ſhould come as an Enemy, that the Sol-
diers quitting their Ranks to pillage, might fall an eaſy Prey to his
Troops:
XXVIII. WHILE this Deſign was going forward, he never ceaſed ſending
Ambaſſadors to Domitius, with Propoſals of Peace and Amity, as fancying by
this means the more eaſily to inſnare him. The expectation of Peace kept
Domitius in his Camp, ſo that Pharnaces diſappointed of his Hopes, and
fearing the Ambuſcade might be diſcovered, drew off his Troops. Next Day
Domitius approached MWicopolis, and encamped near the Town. While our
Men were working at the Trenches, Pharnaces drew up his Army in order of
Battle, forming his Front into one Line, according to the Cuſtom of the Coun-
try, and ſecuring his Wings with a triple Body of Reſerves. Domitius order-
ing part of the Troops to continue under Arms before the Rampart, compleated
the Fortifications of his Camp.
XXIX. NEXT Night Pharnaces having intercepted the Couriers, who
brought Domitius an Account of the poſture of Affairs at Alexandria; undet ;
ſtood that Ceſar was in great danger, and requeſted Domitius to ſend him
Succours ſpeedily, and come himſelf to Alexandria by the way of Syria.
| | 4 A Pparnaces,
27
3
274 PANSA's COMMENTARIES.
Pharnaces, upon this Intelligence, imagined that protracting the Time would
be equivalent to a Victory; becauſe Domitius, he ſuppoſed, muſt very ſoon
depart. He therefore dug two Ditches four Foot deep, at a moderate diſtance
from each other, on that ſide where lay the eaſieſt acceſs to the Town, and our
Forces might with moſt advantage attack him; reſolving not to advance be-
yond them. Between theſe he conſtantly drew up his Army, placing all his
Cavalry upon the Wings without them, which greatly exceeded ours in num-
ber, and would otherwiſe have been uſeleſs.
XXX. DOMITTIUS, more concerned at Cz/ar's Danger than his own,
and believing he could not retire with ſafety, ſhould he now deſire the Con-
ditions he had rejected, or march away without any apparent Cauſe ; drew his
” Forces out of the Camp, and ranged them in order of Battle. He placed the
thirty-fixth Legion on the right, that of Pontus on the left, and thoſe of De-
fotarus in the main Body; drawing them up with a very narrow front, and
poſting the reſt of the Cohorts to ſuſtain the Wings. The Armies thus drawn up
on each fide, they prepared for Battle; and the Signal being given at the ſame
time by both Parties, the Engagement began. The Conflict was ſharp and
various: for the thirty- ſixth Legion falling upon the King's Cavalry, that was
drawn up without the Ditch, charged them fo ſucceſsfully, that they drove them
to the very Walls of the Town, paſſed the Ditch, and attacked their Infantry
behind. But on the other fide, the Legion of Pons baving given way;
the ſecond Line, which advanced to ſuſtain them, fetching a compaſs
round the Ditch, in order to attack the Enemy in flank, was overwhelmed
and born down by a ſhower of Darts, in endeavouring to paſs it. The Legions
of Dejotarus ſcarce made any reſiſtance; ſo that the victorious right Wing and
main Body of the King's Army fell upon the thirty-ſixth Legion, which yet
made a brave ſtand; and tho ſurrounded by the Forces of the Enemy, with
wonderful preſence of mind caſt themſelves into an Orb, and retired to the foot
of a Mountain, whither Pharnaces did not think fit to purſue them, becauſe of
the diſadvantage of the Place. Thus the Legion of Pontus being almoſt wholly
cut off, with great part of thoſe of Deſotarus, the thirty-ſ1xth Legion retreated
to an Eminence, with the loſs of about two hundred and fifty Men. Several
Roman Knights of illuſtrious rank fell in this Battle. Domitivs, after this
Defeat, rallied the remains of his broken Army, and retreated by fafe Ways
thro' Cappadocia into Afra.
XXXI. PHARNACES elated with this Succeſs, and hoping that
Cz/ar would never be able to extricate himſelf at Alexandria, entered Pontus
with all his Forces. There acting as ng, - "age and King, and promiſing him-
ſelf a happier Deſtiny than his Father, he ravaged their Towns, ſeized the
Effects of the Roman Citizens and Natives, inflicted Puniſhments worſe than
Death upon ſuch as were diſtinguiſhed by their Age or Beauty ; and having
made himfelf maſter of all Pontus, as there was no one to oppoſe his Progreſs,
boaſted that he had recovered his Father's Kingdom.
XXXII. ABOUT the ſame time we received a conſiderable Check in y-
ricum; which Province Q. Corniſicius, Cz/ar's Quaſtor, had defended the pre-
ceding Months, not only without Inſult, but even with Honour, and a Con-
duct worthy of Praiſe. Cæſar had ſent him thither the Summer before with
two Legions ; and tho' it was of itſelf little able to ſubſiſt an Army, and at
that time in particular almoſt totally ruined by the Neighbourhood of fo
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o THE ALEX AND RIAN WAR.
many Wars; yet by his Prudence, Vigilance, and uncommon Care, he defended
and kept poſſeſſion of it. For he made himſelf maſter of ſeveral Forts built on
Eminences, whoſe advantageous Situation tempted the Inhabitants to make
Deſcents and Inroads upon the Country; and gave the Plunder of them to his
Soldiers: which tho but inconſiderable, yet as they were no ſtrangers to the
Diſtreſs and ill Condition of the Province, did not- ceaſe to be grateful ; the
rather, as it was the fruit of their own Valour. And when after the Battle
of Phar/alia, Octavius had retreated to that Coaſt with a large Fleet; Cornifi-
cius, with ſome Veſſels of the Judertini, who had always continued faithful
to the Commonwealth, made himſelf maſter of the greateſt part of his Ships,
which joined to thoſe of the Judertini, rendered him capable of ſuſtaining even
a naval Engagement. And while Cz/ar victorious was purſuing Pompey to the
remoteſt parts of the Earth; upon advice that the Enemy had for the moſt
part retired into {/lyricum, on account of its neighbourhood to Macedonia, and
were there uniting into a Body, he wrote to Gabinius, © To repair directly
« thither with the new-raiſed Legions, and join Cormificius, that in caſe of any
« danger to the Province, they might be the better able to protect it: but if
& Jeſs Forces ſufficed, to march into Macedonia, which he foreſaw would never
ce be free from Commotions, ſo long as Pompey lived.
XXXIII GABINIUS, whether he imagined the Province better provided
than it really was, or depended much upon the auſpicious Fortune o Cæſar,
or confided in his own Valour and Abilities, having often terminated with ſuc-
ceſs difficult and dangerous Wars; marched into [/lyricum in the middle of
Winter, and the moſt difficult Seaſon of the Year : where not finding ſuffici-
ent Subſiſtence in the Province, which was partly ruined, partly ill- affected;
and having no Supplies by Sea, becauſe the ſeaſon of the Vear had put a ſtop
to Navigation; he found himſelf compelled to carry on the War, not accord-
ing to his own Inclination, but as Neceſſity allowed. As he was therefore
obliged to lay ſiege to Forts and Caſtles in a very rude Seaſon, he received
many Checks, and fell under ſuch Contempt with the Barbarians, that retiring
to Salona, a maritime City, inhabited by a ſet of brave and faithful Romans,
he was attacked upon his march; and after the loſs of two thouſand Soldiers,
thirty-eight Centurions, and four Tribunes, got to Salona with the reſt ; where
his Wants continually increaſing, he died a few Months after. His misfortunes
and fudden death gave Ofavius great hopes of maſtering the Province. But
Fortune, whole Influence is fo great in matters of War, joined to the Dili-
gence of Cornificius, and the Valour of Yatinius, ſoon put an end to his
Triumphs,
XXXIV. FOR Vatinius, who was then at Brumduſium, having intelligence
of what paſſed in [/lyricum, by Letters from Cornificius, who preſſed him to
come to the aſſiſtance of the Province, and informed him, that Ofavins had
leagued' with the Barbarians, and in ſeveral Places attacked our Garriſons, partly
by Sea with his Fleet, partly by Land with the Troops of the Barbarians :
Vatinius, I ſay, upon notice of theſe Things, tho' extremely weakned by
Sickneſs, inſomuch that his ſtrength of Body no way anſwered his Reſolution
and greatneſs of Mind; yet by his Valour - ſurmounted all oppoſition, the
force of his Diſtemper, the rigour of the Seaſon, and the difficulties of a ſud-
den Preparation. For having himſelf but a very few Gallies, he wrote to Q Ka-
lenus in Achaia, to furniſh him with a Squadron of Ships. But theſe not
coming with that Diſpatch which the danger our Army was in required,
becauſe
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276
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
becauſe Ofavius preſſed hard upon them; he faſtened Beaks to all the Barks
and Veſſels that lay in the Port, whoſe number was conſiderable enough, tho
they were not ſufficiently. large for an Engagement. Joining theſe to what
Gallies he had, and putting the veteran Soldiers aboard, whereof he had a great
number, who had been left ſick at Brunduſium when the Army went over to
Greece; he ſailed for Liyricum: where having ſubjected ſeveral maritime States
that had declared for Ofavius; and neglecting ſuch as continued obſtinate in
their revolt, becauſe he would ſuffer nothing to retard his deſign of meeting
the Enemy; he came up with Ofavius before Epidaurus ; and obliging him
to raiſe the Siege, which he was carrying on with great Vigour by Sea and
Land, joined the Garriſon to his own Forces. |
XXXV. OCTAY1US underſtanding that Yatinius's Fleet conſiſted moſtly
of ſmall Barks, and confiding in the ſtrength of his own, , ſtopped at the Iſle
of Tauris. Yatinius followed him thither, not imagining he would halt at
that Place, but becauſe he was determined to purſue him wherever he went.
Jatinius, who had no ſuſpicion of an Enemy, and whoſe Ships were moreover
diſperſed by a Tempeſt, perceived, as he approached the Iſle, a Veſſel filled
with Soldiers, that advanced towards him with full Sails, Upon this he gave
Orders for furling the Sails, lowering the Sail-Yards, and arming the Soldiers :
and hoiſting a Flag as a Signal of Battle, intimated to the Ships that followed
to do the ſame. Our Men prepared themſelves in the beſt manner their ſud-
den Surpriſe would allow, while Ofavizs advanced in good order from the
Port. The two Fleets drew up. Octavius had the advantage as to Diſpoſi-
tion, and Yatinius in the Bravery of his Troops.
XXXVI. YATINIUS finding himſelf inferior to the Enemy, both in
the number and largeneſs of his Ships, reſolved to commit the Affair to For-
tune, and therefore in his own Quinquereme, attacked OFavins in his four-
benched Galley. This he did with ſuch violence, and the ſhock was fo great,
that the Beak of Octavius's Galley was broke. The Battle raged with great
fury likewiſe in other Places, but chiefly round the two Admirals : for as the
Ships on each fide advanced to ſuftain thoſe that fought, a cloſe and furious
Conflict enſued in a very narrow Sea, where the nearer the Veſſels approached,
the more had Yatinius's Soldiers the advantage. For with admirable Courage
they leaped into the Enemy's Ships, and forcing them by this means to an
ual Combat, ſoon maſtered them by their ſuperior Valour. Octaviuss Gal-
ley was ſunk. Many others were taken, or ſuffered the ſame Fate. The Sol-
diers were partly ſlain in the Ships, partly thrown overboard into the Sea.
OXavius got into a Boat, which finking under the multitude that crowded
after him, he himſelf, tho' wounded, ſwam to his Brigantine : where being
taken up, and Night having put an end to the Battle; as the Wind blew very
ſtrong, he ſpread all his Sails and fled. A few of his Ships, that had the good
Fortune to eſcape, followed him.
XXXVII. YVATINIUS, ſeeing the Enemy entirely defeated, ſounded a
Retreat, and entered victorious the Port whence Octavius had failed to fight
him, without the loſs of a ſingle Veſſel. He took in this Battle one Quinque-
reme, two Triremes, eight two-benched Gallies, and a great number of Row-
ers. The next Day Was employed in repairing his own Fleet, and the Ships
he had taken from the Enemy; after which he failed for the Iſland of 1/a,
imagining Ofavius wo tire thither after his Defeat. In this Iſland was a
| flouriſhing
OF THE ALEXAND RIAN WAR. 277
flouriſhing City well affected to Ofavins, which however ſurrendered to Vati-
nius upon the firſt Summons. Here he underſtood that Ofavins, attended by
a few ſmall Barks, had failed with a fair Wind for Greece, whence he Wil
intended ta paſs on to Sicily, and afterwards to Africa. Vatinius having in | =
ſo ſhort a ſpace ſucceſsfully terminated the Affairs of Illyricum, reſtored the Will
Province in a peaceable condition to Cornificivs, and driven the Enemy's Fleet 1 I
out of thoſe Seas, returned victorious to Brumdisſium, with his Army and Fleet | iN _
in good condition, Will
i
XXXVIII. WHILE Cz/ar beſieged Pompey at Dyrrhachium, triumphed |
at Phar/alia, and carried on the War with ſo much danger at Alexandria, ' 1
Caſſius Longinus, who had been left in Spain as Proprætor of the farther Pro- Will
vince; either through his natural diſpoſition, or out of a hatred he had contracted \
to the Province, becauſe of a Wound he had treacherouſly received there- when
Quæſtor, drew upon himſelf the general diſlike of the People. He diſcerned
this Temper among them, partly from a conſciouſneſs that he deſerved it,
partly from the manifeſt Indications they gave of their Diſcontent, To ſe-
cure himſelf againſt their Diſaffection, he endeavoured to gain the love of
the Soldiers; and having for this purpoſe aſſembled them together, promiſed
them an hundred Seſterces a Man. Soon after, having made himſelf maſter of
Medobrega, a Town in Luſitania, and of Mount Herminius, whither the Me- Will
dobregians had retired ; and being upon that occaſion faluted Imperator by the .-
Army, he gave them another hundred Seſterces each. Theſe, accompanied =
with other conſiderable Largeſſes in great number, ſeemed for the preſent to |
| Increaſe the good-will of the Army, but tended gradually and imperceptibly
to the relaxation of military Diſcipline. |
XXXIX. CASSIUS having ſent his Army into Winter-Quarters, fixed
his refidence at Cordova for the adminiſtration of Juſtice. Being greatly in
debt, he reſolved to pay it by laying heavy Impoſitions upon the Province;
and according to the cuſtom of Prodigals, made his Liberalities a Pretence to
Juſtify the moſt exorbitant Demands. He taxed the rich at diſcretion, and
compelled them to pay without the leaſt regard to their Remonſtrances ; fre-
quently improving light and trifling Offences, as an handle for all manner of
Extortions. All methods of gain were purſued, whether great and apparent,
or mean and ſordid. None that had any thing to loſe could eſcape accuſa-
tion ; inſomuch that the plunder of their private Fortunes was aggravated by
the Dangers they were expoſed to from pretended Crimes.
XL. THUS Longines, acting the fame part when Proconſul, which he had
done when Quæſtor, drew upon himſelf the like Conſpiracies againſt his Life.
Even his own Dependents concurred in the general Hatred ; who tho' the Mi-
niſters of his Rapine, yet hated the Man by whoſe Authority they committed
thoſe Crimes. The Odium ftill increaſed upon his raiſing a fifth Legion,
which added to the Expence and Burden of the Province. The Cavalry was
augmented to three thouſand, with coſtly. Ornaments and Equipage ; nor had
the People any reſpite from his Extortions.
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XLI MEAN-WHILE he received Orders from Cz/ar, to tranſport
his Army into Africa, and march thro' Mauritania towards Numidia, becauſe
King 7uba had ſent conſiderable Succours to Pompey, and was preparing to
ſend more. Theſe Letters filled him with an inſolent Joy, by the Opportu-
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| PANSAs COMMENTARIES
nity they offered him of pillaging new Provinces, and a wealthy Kingdom.
He therefore haſtened into Luſitania, to aſſemble his Legions, and draw to-
gether a Body of Auxiliaries ; appointing certain Perſons to provide Corn,
Ships, and Money, that nothing might retard him at his return; which was
much ſooner than expected: for when Intereſt called, Caſſius wanted neither
Induſtry nor Vigilance. |
XLII. HAVING got his Army together, and encamped near Cordova,
he made a Speech to the Soldiers, wherein he acquainted them. with the Or-
ders he had received from Cz/ar, and promiſed them a hundred Seſterces each,
when they ſhould arrive in Mauritania. The fifth Legion, he told them, was
to remain in Spain. Having ended his Speech, he returned to Cordova, The
ſame Day about noon, as he went to the Hall of Juſtice, one Minutius Silo,
a Client of L. Racilius, preſented him with a Paper, in a Soldier's Habit, as if
he had ſome requeſt to make. Then retiring behind Racilivs (who walked
beſide Caſſius,) as if waiting for an Anſwer, he inſenſibly drew near; and a
favourable Opportunity offering, ſeized Caſſius with his left Hand, and
wounded him twice with a Dagger in his right. The Noiſe this occaſioned
was as a Signal to the Conſpirators, who all ruſhed upon him in a Body. Mu-
natins Plancus killed the Lictor that was next Longinus, and wounded Q. Caſ-
fruas his Lieutenant. T. Vaſius, and L. Mergilio, ſeconded their Countryman
Plancus; for they were all Iralians. L. Licinius Squillus flew upon Longinus
himſelf, and gave him ſeveral flight Wounds as he lay upon the Ground. By
this time his Guards came up to his Aſſiſtance, (for he always had a Body of
Veterans armed with Darts to attend him,) and ſurrounded the reſt of the
Conſpirators who were advancing to compleat the Aſſaſſination. Of this num-
ber were Calpurnius Salvianus, and Manilius Tuſculus. Caſſius was carried
home; and Minutius Silo ſtumbling upon a Stone as he endeavoured to make
his eſcape, was taken and brought to him, FKacilius retired to the neighbour-
ing Houſe of a Friend, till he ſhould have certain Information of the Fate of
Caſſius. L. Laterenſis not doubting but he was diſpatched, ran in a tranſport
of Joy to the Camp, to congratulate the ſecond and the new-raiſed Legions |
upon it, who, he knew, bore a particular hatred to Caſſius; and who
immediately upon this Intelligence, placed him on the Tribunal, and proclaimed
him Prætor. For there was not a Native of the Province, nor a Soldier of the
new-raiſed Legion, nor a Perſon who by long reſidence was naturalized to the
Province, of which kind the ſecond Legion conſiſted, who did not join in the
general hatred of Caſſius. Mean time Laterenſis was informed that Caſſius was ſtill
alive ; at which being rather grieved than diſconcerted, he immediately fo far
recovered himſelf, as to go and wait upon him. By this time the thirtieth
Legion having notice of what had paſſed, marched to Cordova to the aſſiſtance
of their General. The twenty-firſt and fifth followed their example. As ori
two Legions remained in the Camp, the ſecond fearing they ſhould be left
alone, and thereby have their Sentiments known, did the ſame. But the new-
raiſed Legion continued farm, nor could be induced by any Motives of Fear,
to ſtir from its Place. Caſſius ordered all the Accomplices of the Conſpiracy
to be ſeized, and ſent back the fifth Legion to the Camp, retaining the other
three. By the Conteſlion of Minutius he learnt, that L. Racilius, L. Late-
renſis, and Annius Scapula, a Man of great Authority and Credit in the Pro-
vince, and equally in, his Confidence with Laterenſis and Racilius, were con-
cerned in the Plot: Nor did he long defer his Revenge, but ordered them to
be put to death. He delivered Minutius to be racked by his Freed-men ; like-
wile
0F THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR.
wiſe Calphurnius Salvianus; who turning Evidence, increaſed the Number of
the Conſpirators; juſtly, as ſome think; but others pretend he was forced.
L. Mergilio was likewiſe put to the torture. Spuillus impeached many others,
who were all condemned to die, except ſuch as redeemed their Lives by a
Fine: for he pardoned Calphurnius for ten, and Q. Sextius for fifty thouſand
Seſterces ; who, though deeply guilty, yet having in this manner eſcaped death,
ſhewed Caſſius to be no leſs covetous than cruel.
XLIII. SOME Days after, he received Letters from Cz/ar, with an Ac-
count of Pompey's Defeat and Flight: which News equally affected him with
Joy and Sorrow. Cæſar's Succeſs gave him pleaſure; but the concluſion of the
War would put an end to his Rapines: inſomuch that he was uncertain which
to wiſh for, Victory, or an unbounded Licentiouſneſs. When he was cured
of his Wounds, he ſent for all who were indebted to him in any Sums, and
inſiſted upon immediate payment. Such as were taxed too low, had Orders
to furniſh larger Sums. Such Roman Citizens as had been levied in the ſeveral
Colonies of the Province, and were alarmed at the thoughts of a foreign Ex-
pedition, obtained their Diſcharge for a certain Sum. This brought in a vaſt
Revenue, but greatly increaſed the general Hatred. He afterwards reviewed
the Army, ſent the Legions and Auxiliaries deſigned for Africa towards the
Straits of Hercules, and went himſelf to Seville, to examine the condition of
the Fleet. He ſtay'd there ſome time, in conſequence A an Edict he had pub-
liſhed, ordering all who had not pay'd the Sums in which they were amerced,
to repair to him thither ; which created an univerſal Murmuring and Diſ-
content.
XLIV. IN the mean-time L. Titius, a military Tribune of the new-raiſed
Legion, ſent him notice of a Report, that the thirtieth Legion, one of thoſe
he was carrying with him to Africa, had mutinied at Lurgis, killed ſome of
the Centurions that oppoſed them, and were gone over to the ſecond Legion,
who marched another way towards the Straits. Upon this Intelligence, he ſet
out by night with five Cohorts of the twenty-firſt Legion, and came up with
them in the Morning. He ſtay'd there that Day, to conſult what was proper
to be done, and then went to Carmona, where he found the thirtieth and
twenty-firſt Legions, with four Cohorts of the fifth, and all the Cavalry aſſembled.
Here he learnt, that the new-raiſed Legion had ſurpriſed four Cohorts near
Obucula, and forced them along with them to the ſecond Legion; where all
joining, they had choſen Z. Thorius an Italian for their General. Having in-
ſtantly called a Council, he ſent Marcellus to Cordova, to ſecure that Town,
and & Caſſius, his Lieutenant, to Seville. A tew Days aſter, news was brought
that Cordova had revolted, and that Marcellus, either voluntarily, or through
force, (for the Reports were various) had joined them; as likewiſe the two
Cohorts of the fifth Legion that were in Garriſon there. Caſſius provoked at
theſe Mutinies decamped, and the next day came to Segovia, upon the River
Xenil. There ſummoning an Aſſembly, to ſound the diſpoſition of the Troops,
he found; that it was not out of any Regard to him, but to Cæſar, though
abſent, that they continued faithful, and were ready to undergo any Danger
for the recovery of the Province.
XLV. MEAN-WHILE Yorius marched the veteran Legions to Cordova;
and that the Revolt might not appear to ſpring from a ſeditious Inclination in
him or the Soldiers; as likewiſe to oppoſe an equal Authority to that of
&. Caſſius
279
280
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
. Caſſius, who was drawing together a great Force in Cæſhar's Name; he
publickly gave out, that his Deſign was to recover the Province for Pompey.
Nay perhaps he was really influenced by a love for Pompey, whoſe Name was
dear to thoſe Legions that had ſerved under Varro. Be this as it will, Thorizs
at leaſt made it his Pretence; and the Soldiers were ſo infatuated with the
Thought, that they had Pompey's Name inſcribed upon their Bucklers. The
Citizens of Cordova, Men, Women, and Children, came out to meet the Le-
gions; © begging they would not enter Cordova as Enemies, ſeeing they joined
« with them in their Averſion to Caſſius, and only deſired they might not be
cc obliged to act againſt Cz/ar.
XLVI. THE Soldiers moved by the Prayers and Tears of fo great a Multi-
tude, and ſeeing they ſtood in no need of Pompey's Name and Memory to
ſpirit up a Revolt againſt Caſſius, as he was equally odious to the Partizans of
both Parties; neither being able to prevail with Marcellus, or the People of
Cordova, to declare againſt Cæſar; they eraſed Pompey's Name from their Buck-
lers, choſe Marcel:us their Commander, joined the Citizens of Cordova, and
encamped near the Town. Two Days aiter, Caſſius encamped on an Eminence
on this fide the Bætis, about four Miles from Cordova, and within view of the
Town; whence he ſent Letters to King Bogud in Mauritania, and M. Lepidus,
Proconſul of hither Spain, to come to his Aſſiſtance as ſoon as poſſible for
Ceſar's ſake. Mean-while he ravaged the Country, and fer fie to the Buildings
round Cordova.
XLVII. THE Legions under Marcellus, provoked at this Indignity, ran
to him, and begged to be led againft the Enemy, that they might have an
Opportunity of fighting them, before they could have time to deſtroy with Fire
and Sword, the rich and noble Poſſeſſions of the Cordovianss Marcellus, tho
averſe to a Battle, which, whoever was victorious, muſt turn to Cæſar's detri-
ment; yet unable to reſtrain the Legions, croſſed the Hætis, and drew up his
Men. Cafſus did the ſame upon a riſing ground: but as he would not quit
his advantageous Poſt, Marcellus perſuaded his Men to return to their Camp,
He had already begun to retire, when Caſſius, knowing himſelf to be ſtronger
in Cavalry, fell upon the Legionaries with his Horſe, and made a conſiderable
Slaughter in their Rear, upon the Banks of the River. This Check making
Marcellus ſenſible of the Miſtake he had committed in paſſing the River, he
removed his Camp to the other fide, where both Armies frequently drew
up, but did not engage, on account of the inequality of the Ground,
XLVIII. MARCEL LUS was ſtronger in Foot, for he commanded
veteran Legions, of great experience in War. Caſſius depended more on the
Fidelity than the Courage of his Troops. The two Camps being very near each
other, Marcellus ſeized a ſpot of ground where he built a Fort, very convenient
for depriving the Enemy of Water. Longinus apprehending he ſhould be be-
ſieged in a Country where all were againſt him, quitted his Camp in the night,
and by a quick march reached Ula, a Town on which he thought he could rely.
There he encamped ſo near the Walls, that both by the Situation of the Place,
(for Na ſtands on an Eminence) and the Defences of the Town, he was on
all fides ſecure from an Attack. Marcellus followed him, and encamped as
near the Town as poſſible. Having taken a view of the Place, he found him-
ſelf reduced by neceſſity to do what was moſt agreeable to his own Inclination;
and neither engage Caſſius, which the ardour of his Soldiers would have forced
him
, OF THE ALEX ANDRIAN R.
him to, had it been poſſible; nor ſuffer him by his Excurſions to inſeſt the
Territories of other States, as he had done thoſe of Cordova. He therefore
raiſed! Redoubts in proper places, and continued his Works quite round the
Town, incloſing both Ulla and Caſſius within his Lines. But before they were
finiſhed, Caſſius ſent out all his Cavalry; who he imagined might do him
great ſervice, by cutting off Marcellus's Proviſions and Forage; and could
only be an uſeleſs Incumbrance upon him, by conſuming his Proviſions, if he
was {hut up in his Camp.
XLIX. A few Days after, King Bogud having received Cafſins's Letters,
came and joined him with all his Forces, conſiſting of one Legion, and ſeveral
auxiliary Cohorts. For as commonly happens in civil Diſſenſions, ſome of the
States of Spain at that time favoured Caſſius, but a yet greater Number, Mar-
cellus. Bogud came up to the advanced Works of Marcellus, where many ſharp
Skirmiſhes happened with various Succeſs: however, Marcellus ſtill kept poſſeſ-
ſion of his Works. |
L. MEAN-WHILE Lepidus, from the hither Province, with thirty-five
Legionary Cohorts, and a great Body of Horſe and Auxiliaries, came to Ula,
with deſign to adjuſt the differences between Caſſius and Marcellus. Mar-
cellus ſubmitted without hefitation : but Cafpus kept within his Works, either
becauſe he thought his Cauſe the juſteſt, or from an apprehenſion that his
Adverſary's Submiſſion had prepoſſeſſed Lepidus in his favour. Lepidus en-
camped with Marcellus at Ulla, prevented a Battle, invited Caſſius into his
Camp, and engaged his Honour to act without prejudice. Caſſius heſitated
long, but at laſt defired that the Circumvallation ſhould be levelled, and free
Egreſs given him. The Truce was not only concluded, but the Works de-
moliſhed, and the Guards drawn off, when King Bogud attacked one of Mar-
cellus's Forts, that lay neareft to his Camp, unknown to any (unleſs perhaps
Longinus, who was not exempt from ſuſpicion on this occaſion) and flew a great
Number of his Men. And had not Lepidus interpoſed, much miſchief would
have been done.
LI. A free Paſſage being now made for Caſſius, Marcellus joined Camps with
Lepidus; and both together marched for Cordova, while Caſſius retired to Car-
mona. At the ſame time Trebonius, the Proconſul, came to take poſſeſſion of
the Province. Caſſius having notice of his Arrival, ſent his Legions and Cavalry
into Winter-Quarters, and haſtened with all his Effects to Melaca, where he
embarked immediately, though it was the Winter-Seaſon; that he might not,
as he pretended, come into the power of Marcellus, Lepidus and Trebonius;
as his Friends gave out, to avoid paſling through a Province, great part of
which had revolted from him ; but as was more generally believed, to ſecure
the Money he had amaſſed by his numberleſs Extortions. The Wind favour-
ing him as far as could be expected at that Seaſon of the Year, he put into
the Therus, to avoid hailing in the Night; and thence continuing his Voyage,
which he thought he might do with ſafety, though the Wind blew conſide-
rably freſher ; he was encountered by ſuch a Storm at the mouth of the River,
that being neither able to return, becauſe of the Stream, nor ſtem the fury of
the Waves, the Ship and all that were in her periſhed.
LII. CASAR arriving in Syria from Egypt, and underſtanding by thoſe
who attended him there from Rome, and the Letters he received at the ſame
4 C time;
281
PPP —
282
pAN s A's COMMENTARIES
time; that the Government there was upon a very bad footing, and all the Affairs
of the Commonwealth managed indiſcreetly; that the Conteſts of the Tribunes
were producing perpetual Seditions, and the Remiſneſs of the Officers of the
| Legions deſtroying military Diſcipline; all which required his ſpeedy preſence
to redreſs them: thought it yet firſt incumbent upon him, to ſettle the ſtate
of the Provinces through which he paſſed ; that freeing them from domeftick
Contentions, and the fear of a foreign Enemy, the' Laws might have a free
courſe. This he hoped ſoon to effect in Syria, Cilicia, and 4fia, becauſe theſe
Provinces were not involved in War. In Bithynia and Pontus indeed he ex-
peed more trouble, becauſe he underſtood Pharnaces ſill continued in Pontus,
and was not likely to quit it eaſily, being fluſhed with the Victory he had
obtained over Domitius Calvinus. He made a ſhort ſtay in moſt States of
Note, diſtributing Rewards both publickly and privately to ſuch as deſerved
them, determining old Controverſies, and receiving into his protection the
Kings, Princes, and Potentates, as well of the Provinces, as of the neighbouring
Countries. And having ſettled the neceſſary Regulations for the defence of
the Country, he diſmiſſed them fully ſatisfied with himſelf and the Re-
publick, | 7 K |
LIII. AFTER a ſtay of ſome Days in thoſe Parts, he named Sextus Cæſar,
his Friend and Relation, to the Command of Syria, and the Legions appointed
to guard it; and failed himſelf for Cilicia, with the Fleet he had brought from
Egypt. He ſummoned the States to aſſemble at Tarſus, the ſtrongeſt and fineſt
City of the Province; where having ſettled every thing that regarded either it
or the neighbouring Countries, his warlike Ardour would not ſuffer him to
tarry longer; but marching through Cappadocia with the utmoſt Expedition,
where he ſtopped two Days at Mazaca,. he arrived at Comana, renowned for
the ancient and ſacred Temple of Bellona, where ſhe is worſhipped with fo
much veneration, that her Prieſt is accounted next in Power and Dignity to
the King, He conferred this Dignity on Lycomedes of Bithynia, deſcended of
the ancient Kings of Cappadocia, who demanded it in right of Inheritance;
his Anceſtors having loſt it upon occaſion of the Scepter's being transferred to
another Line. As for Ariobarganes, and his Brother Ariarates, who had both
deſerved well of the Commonwealth, he confirmed the firſt in his Kingdom,
and put the other under his protection ; after which, he purſued his march
with the ſame diſpatch,
LIV. UPON his approaching Pontus, and the Frontiers of Gallogræcia;
Dejotarus, Tetrarch of that Province, (whole Title however was diſputed by
the neighbouring Tetrarchs) and King of the leſſer Armenia, laying aſide the
Regal Ornaments, and aſſuming the Habit not only of a private Perſon, but
even of a Criminal, came in a ſuppliant manner to Cz/ar, © to beg Forgive-
'« neſs for obeying and aſſiſting Pompey, at a time when Cæſar could afford
« him no Protection: urging, that it was his buſineſs to obey the Governors
« who were preſent, without pretending to judge of the Diſputes of the People
« of Rome. Cæſar, after putting him in mind “of the many Services he
e had done him, and the Decrees he had procured in his Favour when Conſul;
te that his Defection could claim no Excuſe from want of Information, becauſe
« one of his Induſtry and Prudence could not but know who was Maſter of
„ -Traly and Rome; where the Senate, the People, and the Majeſty of the
« Republick reſided; who in fine was Conſul after Marcellus and Lentulus :
« told him, that he would notwithſtanding forgive his preſent Fault, in con-
« fideration
N
OF THE ALEXANDRIAN VAR.
ſideration of his paſt Services, the former Friendſhip that had ſubſiſted between
« them, the reſpe& due to his Age, and the ſolicitation of thoſe who inter-
ceded in his behalf : adding, that he would refer the Controverſy relating to
« the Tetrarchate to another time. He reſtored him the royal Habit, and
commanded him to join him with all his Cavalry, and the Legion he had
trained up after the Roman manner.
*
*
LV. WHEN he was arrived in Pontus, and had drawn all his Forces toge-
ther, which were not very conſiderable either for their Number or Diſcipline ;
(for except the ſixth Legion, compoſed of veteran Soldiers, which he had
brought with him from Alexandria, and which by its many Labours and Dan-
gers, the length of its Marches and Voyages, and the frequent Wars in which
it had been engaged, was reduced to leſs than a thouſand Men ; he had only
the Legion of Dejotarus, and two more that had been in the late Battle be-
tween Domitius and Pharnaces :) Ambaſſadors arrived from Pharnaces, © To
« intreat that Cæſar would not look upon him as an Enemy, he being ready
e to ſubmit to all his Commands.” Particularly they repreſented, That
« Pharnaces had granted no Aid to Pompey, as Deſotarus had done, whom he
« had nevertheleſs pardoned.” Cz/ar replied, © That Pharnaces ſhould meet
« with the utmoſt Juſtice, if he performed his Promiſes: but at the fame time
„ admoniſhed the Ambaſſadors in gentle Terms, to forbear mentioning Deo-
« Zarus, and not to over-rate the having refuſed Aid to Pompey. He told them,
« he was always ready to forgive the Suppliant, but would never look upon
« private Services to himſelf, as an Atonement for publick Injuries done the
« Province: That Pharnaces's refuſal of aiding Pompey, had turned chiefly to
« his own Advantage, as he had thereby avoided all ſhare in the Diſaſter of
« Pharſalia: That he was however willing to forgive the Injuries done to the
« Roman Citizens in Pontus, becauſe it was now too late to think of redreſ-
« fing them; as he could neither reſtore Lite to the dead, or Manhood to
ce thoſe he had deprived of it, by a Puniſhment more intolerable to the Ro-
« ans than Death itfelf. But that he muſt quit Pontus immediately, ſend
« back the Farmers of the Revenues, and reſtore to the Romans and their Al-
« lies, what he unjuſtly detained from them. Theſe Things performed, he
« might then ſend the Preſents which ſucceſsful Generals were wont to receive
« from their Friends: (for Pharnaces had ſent him a golden Crown.) With
this Anſwer he diſmifſed the Ambaſſadors.
LVI PHARNACES promiſed every thing: but hoping that Cz/ar, who
was in haſte to be gone, would give eaſy credit to whatever he ſaid, that
he might the ſooner ſet out upon more urgent Affairs; (for every body knew
that his preſence was much wanted at Rome,) he performed but ſlowly, wanted
to protract the Day of his departure, demanded other Conditions, and in fine
endeavoured to elude his Engagements. Gz/ar perceiving his Drift, did now
out of Neceſſity, what he was uſually wont to do thro Inclination, and reſolved
to decide the Affair as ſoon as poſſible by a Battle.
LVII. ZIELA is a Town of Pontus, well fortified, tho' fituated in a
Plain. For a natural Eminence, as if raiſed by Art, ſuſtains the Walls on all
ſides. All around are a great number of large Mountains, interſected by Val-
leys. The higheſt of theſe, famed by the Victory of Mzthridares, the Defeat
of Triarius, and the Deſtruction of our Army, is not above three miles from
Ziela, and has a Ridge that almoſt extends to the Town. . Here *
8 odged
— 1 1 n N
9 1 Ro ST =—_ WY _ 1 9 Lin = * F * —
FT l N 9 ' | —_ 330 2 A
k IL» 9 _— — C— ; OS 2 1 r
283
284
PANSA's COMMENTARIES
lodged himſelf with all his Forces, repairing the Fortifications of a Camp which
had proved fo fortunate to his Father. |
LVIII. CASAR encamped about five miles from the Enemy; and ob-
ſerving that the Valleys which defended the King's Camp, would likewiſe de-
fend his own at the ſame diſtance, if the Enemy, who were much nearer, did
not ſeize them before him; he ordered a great quantity of Faſcines to be
brought within the Intrenchments. This being quickly performed ; next Night,
at the fourth Watch, leaving all the Baggage in the Camp, he ſet out with
the Legions; and arriving at Day-break unſuſpected by the Enemy, poſſeſſed
eg
himſelf of the ſame Poſt where Mithridates had defeated Triarius. Hither he
commanded all the Faſcines to be brought, employing the Servants of the
Army for that purpoſe, that the Soldiers might not be called off from the
Works; becauſe the Valley, which divided the Eminence where he was in-
trenching himſelf, from the Enemy, was not above a mile over.
LIX. PHARNACES perceiving this next Morning, ranged all his
Troops in order of Battle before his Camp. But the approach towards us was
ſo dangerous, that Cæſar concluded it to be no more than a Review; or done
with deſign to retard his Works, by keeping a great number of his Men under
Arms; or perhaps for Oſtentation, to ſhew that he truſted no leſs to his Army,
than the advantage of his Poſt. Therefore keeping only his firſt Line in order
of Battle, he commanded the reſt of the Army to go on with the Works.
But Pharnaces, either prompted by the Place itſelf, which had been fo fortu-
nate to his Father ; or induced by favourable Omens, as we were afterwards told ;
or deſpiſing the ſmall number of our Men that were in Arms; for he took all
that were employed in carrying Materials to the Works to be Soldiers; or con-
fiding in his veteran Army, who valued themſelves upon having defeated the
twenty-ſecond Legion; and at the ſame time contemning our Troops, whom
he had worſted under Domitins : was determined upon a Battle, and to that
end began to croſs the Valley. Cæſar at firſt laughed at his Oſtentation, in
crowding his Army into ſo narrow a Place, where no Enemy in his right
Senſes would have ventured ; while in the mean time Pharnaces continued
his march, and began to aſcend the ſteep Hill on which Cæſar was
poſted. |
LX. CASAR aſtoniſhed at his incredible Raſhneſs and Confidence, and
finding himſelf ſuddenly and unexpectedly attacked, called off his Soldiers
from the Works, ordered them to Arms, oppoſed the Legions to the Enemy,
and ranged his Troops in order of Battle. The ſuddenneſs of the thing occa-
ſioned ſome terror at firſt ; and the Chariots armed with Scythes, falling in with
our Ranks before they were compleated, diſordered them conſiderably : how-
ever, the multitude of Darts diſcharged againſt them, ſoon put a ſtop to their
career, The Enemy's Army followed them cloſe, and began the Battle with a
Shout. Our advantageous fituation, but eſpecially the aſſiſtance of the Gods,
who preſide over all the Events of War, and more particularly thoſe
where human Conduct can be of no ſervice, favoured us greatly on this
Occaſion.
LXI AFTER a ſharp and obſtinate Conflict, Victory began to declare
for us on the right Wing, where the ſixth Legion was poſted. The Enemy
there was totally overthrown ; but in the center and left the Battle was long and
doubtful :
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OF THE ALEXANDRIAN R. 255
doubtful: however, with the aſſiſtance of the ſame Gods, we at laſt prevailed
there alſo, and drove them with the utmoſt Precipitation down the Hill, which
they had ſo eafily aſcended before. Great numbers being ſlain, and many
cruſhed by the flight of their own Troops, ſuch as had the good Fortune to
-- eſcape were nevertheleſs obliged to throw away their Arms; ſo that having
croſſed the Valley, and got upon the oppoſite Aſcent, they could yet, becauſe
unarmed, derive no Benefit from the advantage of the Ground. Our Men
fluſhed with Victory made no ſcruple to follow them, and even attack their
Camp; which they ſoon forced, notwithſtanding the Reſiſtance made by the
Cohorts left by Pharnaces to guard it. Almoſt the whole Army was cut to
pieces or made Priſoners. Pharnaces himſelf eſcaped with a few Horſe ; and
had not our Soldiers been detained ſome time by the Aſſault of the Camp, he
muſt certainly have fallen alive into Cz/ar's hands.
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LXII. TH O' Cæſar was accuſtomed to Victory, yet the preſent Sueceſs gave
him no ſmall Joy ; becauſe he had ſo ſpeedily put an end to a very great War.
The remembrance too of the Danger to which he had been expoſed, enhanced the
Pleaſure, as he had obtained an eaſy Victory in a very difficult Conjuncture.
Having thus recovered Pontus, and abandoned the Plunder of the Enemy's
Camp to the Soldiers, he ſet out next Day with a Guard of light Horſe. The
ſixth Legion had Orders to return to Italy, to receive the Honours and Rewards
they had merited : the auxiliary Troops of Dejotarus were ſent home : and
Cælius Vincianus was left with two Legions to protect the Kingdom of
Pontus.
LXIII. THRO' Gallogræcia and Bithynia he went into Afa, ſettling all «+
the Controverſies of the Provinces as he paſſed, and eſtabliſhing the Limits
and Juriſdictions of the ſeveral Kings, States, and Tetrarchs. Mithridates of
Pergamus, who had ſo ſpeedily and ſucceſsfully ſerved him in Egypt, as we
have related above, a Man of royal Deſcent and Education, (for Mithridates
King of all Aſia, out of regard to his Birth, had carried him along with him
when very young, and kept him in his Camp ſeveral Years,) was appointed
King of Boſpborus, which had belonged to Pharnaces. And thus were the
Provinces of the Roman People ſcreened from the Attempts of barbarous and
hoſtile Kings, by the Interpoſition of a Prince ſteddily attached to the Intereſts
of the Republick. To this was added the Tetrarchate of Gallogrecia, which be-
longed to him of right, tho' it had been poſſeſſed for ſome Years by Dejotarus.
Thus Cæſar, ſtaying no where longer than the neceſſity of Affairs required,
and having ſettled all things relating to the Provinces with the utmoſt ſucceſs
and diſpatch, returned to Italy much ſooner than was expected.
4 D A HIRTIUS
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THE ARGUMENT.
I. Cæſar ſets out for Africa. III. And lands at Adrumetum. IV. He treats with Conſidius
about the ſurrender of that Town : but in vain. V. Thence he removes his Camp to Ruſpina.
VI. And again td Leptis, «which he immediately takes poſſeſſion of. VII. Here he draws toge-
ther his auxiliary Troops. VIII. And afterwards returns to Ruſpina, to provide himſelf with
Corn. IX. I beute preparing to ſail in queſt of his Tranſports, they unexpettealy appear before
the Port. XI. Shirmiſhes between Cæſar and Labienus near Ruſpina. XVII. Petreius and
Piſo advance 1: gp Labienus, but they are nevertheleſs all repulſed. XVIII. The number
of Labienus's Troops, and his Preſumption. XIX. Scipio joins Labienus, Cæſar fortifies his
Camp. XXI. Young Pompey, by Cato's Advice, prepares for War, but without ſucceſs.
XXII. C#far ſuffers greatly for want of Corn. XXIII. King Juba marching to the affiſtance
of Scipio, is forced to return to defend his own Kingdom againſt Bogud. XXIV. Cæſar
reſolving to fight the Enemy, draws Troops together from all parts. XXV. The manner of
training Scipio's Elephants. XXVI. One of Cæſar's Ships taken by the Enemy, XX VII. La-
bienus attacks Leptis in vain. XXVIII. Scipio draws out his Troops. Cæſar keeps within bis
Camp. XXIX. A great number of Numidians and Getulians 40 to Cæſar. XXX. The
Town of Acilla demands a Garriſon from Cæſar, and is immediately inveſted by the Enemy.
XXXI. Czfar receives a Supply of Troops and Corn by Sea, XXXII. A Body of Getulians,
ſent out as Scouts by Scipio, deſert to Cæſar. XXXIII. Cato ſends Supplies to Scipio.
City of Tiſdra demands a Garriſon of Cæſar. XXXIV. Cæſar makes choice of a new Camp,
. and ſtrengtbens it with Works ; which the Enemy advancing to retard, are repulſed with great
Slaughter, XXXVIII. Upon which Cæſar draws out his Army; but the Enemy keep within
their Camp, XL. The Siege of Acilla raiſed. XLI. The furprifing Fortitude of one of Czſar's
Centurions, taken Priſoner by Scipio; and the Cruelty of that General, XLII. The great Mij-
chief done by 6 florm of Rain. XLIII. King Juba arrives in Scipio's Camp at the head
4 a great Body of Troops. XLIV. Cæſar having di/lodged Labienus, jerzes the Hill on which
e was poſted. XLV. Caſar's Works for the ſecurity of his Camp. XLVI. Juba and Labienus
attacking a Party of Czfar's Men, as they returned from the Works, are repulſed with great
Slaughter. XLVII. Tuo Legions arrive to Cæſar's Aid. XLVIII. Cæſar's feddineſs in
maintaining military Diſcipline. XLIX. The Getulians revolting from Juba, oblige him to
divide his Forces. L. Cæſar feigns a defign upon Uzita, whence a great many Perſons of illuf>
tricus Rank join him. LI. Juba's Pride. LII. Both Armies drawn up. LIII. The order of
Battle on each fide. LIV. After a few Skirmiſhes between the Horſe, both retire to their Camps.
LV. Some of Cæſar's Ships burnt by the Enemy, and others taken. LVI. Cæſar embarking in
Fer ſen, fellows the Enemy, defeats them, and returns to his Camp. LVII. Cæſar in want of
Corn, LVL. Which compels him to leave his Camp. Scipio purſues him. LIX. He poſſeſſes
himſelf of Zeta, a Town beyond the Enemy's Camp. LX. The Enemy attacking him as he re-
turns laden with Plunder, are repulſed. LXI. Difficulty of fighting with the Numidians :
Cæſar's Contrivance for that purpoſe. LXII. The Town of Vacca, demanding a Garriſon of
Ceſar, is plundered by King Juba. LXIII. The Enemy declining a Battle, Cæſar decamps,
end repulſes the Troops ſent to ſet upon him in his march. LXIV. But not caring to befiege Sar-
ſura, be returns to his old Camp. LXV. The Thabenenſes demand Czſar's Protection.
LXVI. Cæſar receives freſh Succours. LXVII. A Battle of the Cavalry, in which Cæſar bas
the advantage. LXVIII. The Enemy ſtill declining an Engagement, Cæſar befieges Thapſus.
LXIX. Scipio attempts to relieve it. LXX. Cæſar encouraging his Men, and finding them
tull of Alacrity, attacks the Enemy, LXXII. The ſurpriſing Bravery of a private Soldier.
LXXIII. Scipio's Army defeated, and almoſt totally cut off, LXXIV. Cæſar marches for
Utica. LXXV. Whither Scipio's Cavalry had retired. LXXVI. Cato kills himſelf.
Utica furrenders. EXXVII. Cæſar in his march to Utica poſſeſſes himſelf of Uſceta and Adru-
metum. LXXVIII. He pardons the Uticans. LXXIX. Juba flying to Zama, is refuſed ad-
mittance. LXXX. Zama, and ſeveral of the King's Generals ſurrender to Cæſar.
LXXXI. Conſidius ſurrenders Tiſdra, and Vergilius Thapſus. LXXXII. The death of Juba
and Petreius. LXXXIII. Alſo of Fauſtus and Afraniuss LXXXIV. And of Scipio.
33 V. Cæſar converts Juba's Kingdom into a Province. LXXXVI. And returns
to Rome.
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[ 289 |]
A HIRTIUS PANSA's
COMMENTARIES
OF THE
Gn 000
PF . A:
L SAR ſetting ont from Home, advanced by moderate Journeys
{ towards Sicily; and continuing his march without RE ar-
rived on the nineteenth of December at Lilybeum. Deſigning to
embark immediately, though he had only one Legion of new Levies, and not
quite fix hundred Horſe, he ordered his Tent to be pitched fo near the Sea-
fide, that the Waves flowed up to the very foot of it. This he did with a
view to take away all hopes of Delay, and keep his Men in readineſs at a Day or
an Hour's Warning. The Wind at that time proving contrary, he nevertheleſs
ſuffered none of the Soldiers or Mariners to come on Shore, that he might
loſe no Opportunity of failing ; the rather, becauſe the Inhabitants of the Pro-
vince were perpetually talking of the mighty Forces of the Enemy; a Cavalry
not to be numbred; four Legions headed by Juba, together with a great
Body of light- armed Troops; ten Legions under the Command of Scipio; an
hundred and twenty Elephants, and Fleets in abundance. Yet all theſe Re-
ports alarmed him not, nor ought abated his Reſolution and Confidence. Mean-
time the Number of Gallies and Tranſports increaſed daily ; the new levied
Legions flocked in to him from all Parts; among the reſt the fifth, a veteran
Legion, and about two thouſand Horſe.
—
II. HAVING got together ſix Legions, and about two thouſand Horſe;
he embarked the Legions as faſt as they arrived, in the Gallies; and the Ca-
valry in the Tranſports. Then ſending the greateſt part of the Fleet before,
with Orders to fail for the Iſland of Aponiana, not far from Lilybeum; he
himſelf continued a little longer in Sicily, to expoſe to publick Sale ſome con-
fiſcated Eſtates. Leaving all other Affairs to the care of Allienus the Prætor,
who then commanded in the Iſland; and ſtrictly charging him to uſe the
utmoſt Expedition in embarking the remainder of the Troops; he ſet ſail the
twenty-ſeventh of December, and ſoon came up with the reſt of the Fleet. As
the Wind was favourable, and afforded a quick Paſſage, he arrived the fourth
Day within fight of Africa, attended by a few Gallies: for the Tranſports,
being moſtly diſperſed and ſcattered by the Winds, were driven different ways.
4 E Paſſing
290
PANSA COMMENTARIES
Paſſing Clupea and Veapolis with the Fleet, he continued for ſome time to coaſt
along the Shore, leaving many Towns and Caſtles behind him.
III. WHEN he came before Adrumetum, where the Enemy had a Gar-
riſon commanded by C. Confidius ; and where Cu. Piſo appeared upon the
Shore towards Clupea, with the Cavalry of Adrumetum, and about two thou-
ſand. Moors; having ſtopt a while facing the Port, till the reſt of the Fleet
ſhould come up, he landed his Men, tho their number at that time did not
exceed three thouſand Foot, and an hundred and fifty Horſe. There encamp-
ing before the Town, he continued quiet in his Intrenchments, without offer-
ing any act of Hoſtility, or ſuffering his Men to plunder the Country. Mean-
time the Inhabitants manned the Walls, and aſſembled in great numbers be-
fore the Gates, to defend the Town, whoſe Garriſon amounted to two Legions.
Cæſar having taken a view of the Place, and thoroughly examined its ſitua-
tion on all ſides, returned to his Camp. Some blamed his Conduct on this
Occaſion, and charged him with a conſiderable Overſight, in not appointing
a place of rendezvous to the Pilots and Captains of the Fleet, or at leaſt not
delivering them ſealed Inſtructions, according to his uſual Cuſtom, which be-
ing opened at a certain time, might have directed them where to aſſemble.
But in this Cæſar acted not without deſign: for as he knew of no Port in
Africa that was clear of the Enemy's Forces, and where the Fleet might ren-
dezvous in ſecurity, he choſe to icly entircly upon Fortune, and land where
Occaſion offered.
|
IV. IN the mean time L. Plancus, one of Cæſar's Lieutenants, deſired
leave to treat with Conſidius, and try, if poſſible, to bring him to reaſon.
Leave being granted accordingly, he wrote him a Letter, and ſent it into the
Town by a Meſſenger. When the Meſſenger arrived, and preſented the Let-
ter; Corſdius demanding whence it came, and being told from Cæſar the
Roman General, anſwered : that he knew no General of the Roman Forces but
Scipio. Then commanding the Meſſenger to be immediately ſlain in his pre-
ſence, he delivered the Letter unopened to a truſty Partizan, with Orders to
carry it directly to Scipio.
V. CASA R had now continued a Day and a Night before the Town,
without receiving any Anſwer from Comſidius; the reſt of the Forces were not
yet arrived; his Cavalry was very inconſiderable; the Troops he had with
him were moſtly new Levies, and not ſufficiently numerous to inveſt the
Place; neither did he think it adviſeable, upon his firſt Janding, to expoſe the
Army to Wounds and Fatigue; more eſpecially, as the Town was ſtrongly
fortified, extremely difficult of acceſs, and the Garriſon full of ſpirits, in ex-
pectation of a great Body of Horſe, who were ſaid to be upon their march to
join them. For all theſe Reaſons he determined not to attempt a Siege; leſt,
while he purſued that Deſign, the Enemy's Cavalry ſhould come behind and
ſurround him. But as he was drawing off his Men, the Garriſon made a ſud-
den Sally; and Juba's Horſe, whom he had ſent to receive their Pay, happen-
ing juſt then to come up, they jointly took poſſeſſion of the Camp Cz/ar had
left, and began to harraſs his Rear. This being perceived, the Legionaries im-
mediately halted ; and the Cavalry, tho few in number, boldly charged the
vaſt multitude of the Enemy. On this Occaſion it was, that leſs than thirty
Gallick Horſe, by an incredible and aſtoniſhing effort of Valour, repulſed two
thouſand Moors, and drove them quite within the Town, Having thus com-
pelled
OF THE AFRICAN WAR.
pelled the Enemy to retire, and ſhelter themſelves behind their Walls, Cz/ar
reſumed his intended march : but obſerving that they often repeated their
Sallies, renewing the Purſuit from time to time, and again flying when
attacked by the Horſe ; he poſted ſome veteran Cohorts, with part of the.Ca-
valry in the rear, to cover his Retreat, and fo proceeded ſlowly on his march.
The farther he advanced from Aarumetum, the leſs eager were the Vumidians
to purſue. Mean time Deputies arrived from the ſeveral Towns and Caſtles on
the Road, offering to furniſh him with Corn, and receive his Commands. To-
wards the Evening of that Day, which was the firſt of January, he reached
Ruſpina, and there fixed his Camp. ate
VI THENCE he removed, and came before Leptis, a free City, and
governed by its own Laws. Here he was alſo met by Deputies from the
Town, who came in the name of the Inhabitants, to make an offer of their
Submiſſion and Services. Whereupon placing Centurions and a Guard before
the Gates, to prevent the Soldiers from entring, or offering violence to any of
the Inhabitants; he himſelf encamped towards the Shore, not far diſtant from
the Town. Hither by accident arrived ſome of the Gallies and Tranſports, by
whom he was informed, that the reſt of the Fleet, uncertain what courſe to
purſue, had been ſeen ſteering for Uzica, This obliged him to keep with the
Army near the Sea, and avoid marching into the inland Provinces, that he
might be at hand to join his Troops upon their arrival. He likewiſe ſent the
Cavalry back to cheir Ships, piobably to hinder the Country from being plun-
dered, and ordered freſh Water to be carried to them on board. Mean-
while the Rowers, who were employed in this ſervice, were ſuddenly and
unexpectedly attacked by the Mooriſh Horſe, who killed ſome, and wounded
many with their Darts. For the manner of theſe Barbarians is, to lie in
ambuſh with their Horſes among the Valleys, and ſuddenly lanch upon an
Enemy; they ſeldom chooſing to engage hand to hand in a Plain.
VII. IN the mean time Cz/ar diſpatched Letters and Meſſengers into Sar-
dinia, and the neighbouring Provinces, with Orders, as ſoon as the Letters
came to hand, to ſend Supplies of Men, Corn, and warlike Stores; and having
unloaded part of the Fleet, detached it with Rabirius Poſthumus into Sicily,
to bring over the ſecond Embarkation. At the ſame time he ordered out ten
Gallies, to get intelligence of the Tranſports that had miſſed their way, and
maintain the freedom of the Sea. C. Salluſtius Criſpus, the Prætor, was like-
wiſe ſent out at the head of a Squadron, to ſeize Cercina, then in the hands
of the Enemy, becauſe he heard there was great ſtore of Corn in that Iſland :
In giving theſe Orders and Inſtructions, he uſed all poſſible Endeavours to
leave no room for Excuſe or Delay. Mean-while having informed himſelf,
from the Deſerters and Natives, of the condition of Scipio and his Followers;
and underſtanding that they were at the whole Charge of*maintaining Fu4's
Cavalry ; he could not but pity the infatuation of Men, who thus rather choſe
to be Tributaries to the King of Mumidia, than ſecurely enjoy their Fortunes
at home with their Fellow-Citizens.
VIII. THE third of January he decamped ; and leaving fix Cohorts at
Leptis, under the command of Sa/erna, returned with the reſt of the Forces
to Ryſpina, whence he had come the Day before. Here he depoſited the Bag-
gage of the Army; and marching out with a light Body of Troops to forage,
ordered the Inhabitants to ſollow with their Horſes and Carriages. Having by
| this
v..
291
—
2 . - - g p =
—
292 P ANS A's co MMENTARIES
this means got together a great quantity of Corn, he came back to Ruſpina.
His deſign was, as far as I can judge, that by keeping poſſeſſion of the ma-
ritime Cities, and providing them with Garriſons, he might ſecure a Retreat for
his Fleet. |
IX. LEAVING therefore P. Saſerna, the Brother of him who com-
manded at Leptis, to take charge of the Town with one Legion, and ordering
all the Wood that could be found to be carried into the Place ; he ſet out from
Rufſhina with ſeven Cohorts, part of the veteran Legions, who had behaved fo
well in the Fleet under Sulpicius and Vatinius; and marching directly for the
Port, which lies at about two miles diſtance, embarked with them in the
Evening, without imparting his Intentions to the Army, who were extremel
inquiſitive concerning the General's Deſign. His departure occaſioned the ut-
moſt Sadneſs and Conſternation among the Troops: for being few in number,
moſtly new Levies, and thoſe not all ſuffered to land; they ſaw themſelves ex-
poſed upon a foreign Coaſt, to the mighty Forces of a crafty Nation, ſup-
ported by an innumerable Cavalry. Nor had they any Reſource in their pre-
| ſent Circumſtances, or expectation of ſafety in their own Conduct; but de-
rived all their Hope from the Alacrity, Vigour, and wonderful Chearfulneſs,
that appeared in the General's Countenance : for he was of an intrepid Spirit,
and behaved with undaunted Reſolution and Confidence. On his Conduct
therefore they entirely relied, and promiſed themſelves to a Man, that under
ſo able and experienced a Leader, all Nifficultics would vauiſh before
them.
—
X. CA SAR having continued the whole night on board, about Day-
break prepared to ſet fail; when all on a ſudden, the part of the Fleet
that had given ſo much Concern, appeared unexpectedly in view. Where-
fore ordering his Men to quit their Ships immediately, and receive the reſt of
the Troops in Arms upon the Shore ; he made the new Fleet enter the Port
with the utmoſt Diligence ; and landing all the Forces, Horſe and Foot, re-
turned again to Ryſpina. Here he eſtabliſhed his Camp; and taking with him
thirty Cohorts without Baggage, advanced into the Country to orage. Thus
was Czſar's Purpoſe at length diſcovered: that he meant, unknown to the
Enemy, to have failed to the aſſiſtance of the Tranſports, that had miſſed their
way, leſt they ſhould unexpectedly fall in with the African Fleet. Nor would
he even impart his Deſign to his own Soldiers left behind in Garriſon ; from
an Apprehenſion, that when they came to reflect upon their own weakneſs,
and the ſtrength of the Enemy, they might too much give way to Fear.
XI. CESAR had not marched above three miles from his Camp, when
he was informed by his Scouts, and ſome advanced Parties of Horſe, that
the Enemy 's Forces were in view. At the ſame time a great Cloud of Duſt
began to appear. Upon this Intelligence, Cz/ar ordered all his Horſe,
of which he had at that time but a very ſmall number, to advance ; as like-
wiſe his Archers, only a few of whom had followed him from the Camp ;
and the Legions to march after him in order of Battle: while he-went for-
ward at the head of a ſmall Party. Soon after, having diſcovered the Enemy
at ſome- diſtance, he commanded the Soldiers to repair to their Arms, and
prepare for Battle. Their number in all did not exceed thirty Cohorts, with
about four hundred Horſe, and the Archers.
XII.
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{ L. un Archers. K. Corrary | er. Ll .Labrenuss Ami mAosmng larsary Orb | l
| | | : Rs Page 293
enusr Oude, of Battle. F A. /
N
OF THE AFRICAN WAR.
XII. MEAN-WHILE the Enemy, under the command of Labients,
and the two Pacidii, drew up with a very large Front, conſiſting moſtly of
Horſe, whom they intermixed with light- armed Mumidians and Archers;
forming themſelves in ſuch cloſe order, that Ceſar's Army at a diſtance miſtook |
them all for Infantry; and ſtrengthening their right and left with many Squa-
drons of Horſe. Cz/ar drew up his Army in one Line, obliged to it by the
ſmallneſs of his numbers; covering his front with the Archers, and placing
his Cavalry in the two Wings, with particular Inſtructions not to ſuffer them-
ſelves to be ſurrounded by the Enemy's numerous Horſe ; for he imagined that
he was to have to do only with Infantry, :
XIII. AS both fides ſtood in expectation of the Signal, and Cæſar choſe
to continue without ſtirring from his Poſt, as being ſenſible, that with ſuch
few Troops, againſt ſo great a Force, he muſt depend more on Conduct and
Contrivance than Strength; on a ſudden the Enemy began to extend them-
ſelves, ſpread out upon the Hills on every fide, and prepare to ſurround our
Horſe, who were hardly able to maintain their Ground againſt them. Mean-
while both the main Bodies advancing to engage, the Enemy's Cavalry, in-
termixed with ſome light-armed Vumidians, ſuddenly ſprung forward, and at-
tacked the Legions with a ſhower of Darts. Our Men preparing to return
the Charge, their Horſe retreated a little, while the Foot continued to maintain
their Ground, 'till the others having rallied, came on again with freſh Vigour
to ſuſtain them.
XIV. CASA R perceiving- that his Ranks were in danger of being
broken by this new way of fighting, (for our Foot, in purſuing the Enemy's
Horſe as they retreated, being forced to advance a conſiderable way beyond
their Colours, were flanked by the light-armed Mumidians; while at the fame
time they could do bur little execution againſt the Cavalry, by reaſon of the
quickneſs wherewith they retired,) gave expreſs Orders, that no Soldier ſhould
advance above four Foot beyond the Enſigns. Mean-while Labienuss Ca-
valry confiding in their numbers, endeavoured to ſurround thoſe of Cz/ar;
who being few in number, and overpowered by the multitude of the Enemy,
were forced to give ground a little, their Horſes being almoſt all wounded.
The Enemy encouraged by this, preſſed on more and more ; fo that in an
inſtant the Legions being ſurrounded on all ſides, were obliged to caſt them-
ſelves into an Orb, and fight as if incloſed with Barriers.
XV. LABIENUS with his Head uncovered, advanced on horſeback
to the front of the Battle to encourage his Men. Sometimes addreſſing Cæſar's
Legions : © Soho you raw Soldiers there, ſays he, why ſo fierce ? Has he in-
« fatuated you too with his Words ? Truly he has brought you into a fine
« Condition: I pity you ſincerely,” Upon this one of the Soldiers: I am
« none of your raw Warriors, but a Veteran of the tenth Legion, Where's
« your Standard? replied Labienus. I'll ſoon make you ſenſible who I am,
cc anſwered the Soldier.” Then pulling off his Helmet to diſcover himſelf, he
threw a Javelin with all his ſtrength at Labienus, which wounding his Horſe
ſeverely in the Breaſt: © Know, Labienus, ſays he, that this Dart was thrown
c by a Soldier of the tenth Legion.” However, the whole Army was not a
little daunted, eſpecially the new Levies; and began to caſt their Eyes upon
Ceſar, minding nothing for the preſent but to defend themſelves from the
Enemy's Darts.
4 F | . XVI.
293
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294
PANSAs COMMENTARIES
XVI. CAESAR mean-while perceiving the Enemy's Deſign, endeavoured
to extend his order of Battle as much as poſhble, dire&ing the Cohorts to face
about alternately to the right and left. By this means he broke the Enemy's
Circle with his right and left Wings; and attacking one part of them thus ſe-
parated from tlie other, with his Horſe and Foot, at laſt put them to flight.
He purſued them but a little way, fearing an Ambuſcade, and returned again
to his own Men. The ſame was done by the other Diviſion of Cæſar's Horſe
and Foot; ſo that the Enemy being driven back on all fides, he retreated to-
wards his Camp in order of Battle.
XVII MEAN- TIME M. Petreius, and Cn. Piſo, with eleven hundred
ſelect Vumidian Horſe, and a conſiderable Body of Foot, arrived to the aſſiſ-
tance of the Enemy: who recovering from their Terror upon this Reinforce-
ment, and again reſuming Courage, fell upon the r&r of the Legions as they
retreated, and endeavoured to hinder them from reaching their Camp. Cæſar
perceiving this, ordered his Men to wheel about and renew the Battle. As
the Enemy till purſued their former Plan, and avoided a cloſe Engagement;
Ceſar conſidering that the Horſes had not yet recovered the fatigue of their
late Voyage; that they were beſides weakened with Thirſt, Wearineſs, and
Wounds, and of courſe unfit for a vigorous and long Purſuit, which 'even the
time of the Day would not allow, ordered both Horſe and Foot to fall at once
briskly upon the Enemy, and not ſlacken the Purſuit till they had driven them
quite beyond the fartheſt Hills, and taken poſſeſſion of them themſelves. Accord-
ingly upon a Signal given, the Enemy fighting in a faint and careleſs manner,
he ſuddenly charged them with his Horſe and Foot; who in a moment driving
them from the Field, and over the adjoining Hill, kept poſſeſſion of that
Poft for ſome time, and then retired ſlowly in order of Battle to their Camp.
The Enemy, who in this laſt Attack had been very rudely handled, thought
proper likewiſe to do the ſame.
XVIII. THE Action being over, a great number of Deſerters of all kinds
flocked to Cæſars Camp, beſides multitudes of Horſe and Foot that were made
Priſoners. By them we learnt, that it was the deſign of the Enemy to have
aſtoniſhed our raw Troops with their new and uncommon manner of fight-
ing, and after ſurrounding them with their Cavalry, to have cut them to
pieces, as they had done Curio; and that they had marched againſt us ex-
preſly with that Intention. Labienus had even ſaid in the Council of War,
that he would lead ſuch a numerous Body of Troops againſt us, as ſhould fa-
tigue us with the very Slaughter, and defeat us even in the boſom of Vic-
tory; for he relied more on the Number than the Valour of his Troops. He
had heard of the Mutiny of the veteran Legions at Rome, and their refuſal to
go into Africa; and was likewiſe well aſſured of the Fidelity of his Troops,
who had ſerved three Vears under him in Africa. He had a great number of Mu-
midian Cavalry and light- armed Troops, beſides the Gallick and German Horſe,
whom he had drawn together out of the remains of Pompey's Army, and carried
over with him from Brunduſium; he had likewiſe the Freed-men raiſed in the
Country, and trained to fight on horſeback ; and the multitude of Juba's Forces,
his hundred and twenty Elephants, his innumerable Cavalry and Legionaries,
amounting to above twelve thouſand. Emboldened by the hope ſuch mighty
Forces raiſed in him; on the fourth of January, fix Days after Cz/ar's arrival,
he came againſt him with fixteen hundred Ga/lick and German Horſe, nine
hundred under Petreius, eight thouſand Numidians, four times that number of
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light-armed Foot, with a multicude of Archers and Slingers. The Battle laſted
from eleven till Sun-ſet, during which Petreius receiving a dangerous Wound,
was obliged to quit the Field. |
XIX. MEAN- TIME Cezfar fortified his Camp with much greater care,
reinforced the Guards, and threw up two Intrenchments; one from Rufpina, quite
to the Sea; the other from his Camp to the Sea likewiſe ; to ſecure the Communica-
tion, and receive Supplies without danger. He landed a great number of Darts
and military Engines, armed part of the Mariners, Gauls, Rhodians, and others,
that after the example of the Enemy, he might have a number of light-armed
Troops to intermix with his Cavalry. He likewiſe ſtrengthened his Army with
a great number of Syrian and Iturean Archers, whom he drew from the Fleet
into his Camp: for he underſtood, that within three Days Scipio was expected
with all his Forces, conſiſting of eight Legions, and four thouſand Horſe. At the
ſame time he eſtabliſhed Work-ſhops, made a great number of Darts and Arrows,
provided himſelf with leaden Bullets and Paliſades, wrote to Sicily for Hurdles
and Wood to make Rams, becauſe he had none in Africa, and likewiſe gave
Orders for ſending Corn ; for the Harveſt in that Country was like to be incon-
ſiderable, the Enemy having taken all the Labourers into their Service the Year
before, and ſtored up the Grain in a few fortified Towns, after demoliſhing the
reſt, forcing the Inhabitants into their garriſoned Places, and laying waſte the
whole Count: Yo
XX. IN this Neceſſity, by foothing the People, he obtained a ſmall Supply,
and husbanded it with care. Mean-time he was very exact in viſiting the
Works, and relieving the Guards. Labienus ſent his fick and wounded, of
which the number was very conſiderable, in Waggons to Adrumerum. Mean-
while Cz/ar's Tranſports, unacquainted with the Coaſt, or where their General
had landed, wandered up and down in great uncertainty ; and being attacked
one after another by the Enemy's Coafters, were for the moſt part either taken
or burnt. Cæſar being informed-of this, ſtationed his Fleet along the Coaſt
and Iſlands, for the ſecurity of his Convoys.
XXI. MEAN-WHILE M. Cato, who commanded in Urica, never
ceaſed urging and exhorting young Pompey, in Words to this effect: © Your
« Father, when he was at your age, and obſerved the Commonwealth op- |
« preſſed by wicked and daring Men, and the honeſt Party either ſlain, or
« driven by Baniſhment from their Country and Relations ; incited by the
« greatneſs of his Mind, and the love of Glory; tho' then very young, and
„ only a private Man, had yet the Courage to rally the remains of his Fa-
« ther's Army, and deliver Rome from the Yoke of Slavery and Tyranny
ce under which it groaned. He alſo recovered Sicily, Africa, Numidia, Mau-
« -jtania, with amazing Diſpatch; and by that means gained an illuſtrious
« and extenſive Reputation among all Nations, and triumphed at three and
« twenty while but a Roman Knight. Nor did he enter upon the admini-
ce ſtration of publick Affairs, diſtinguiſhed by the ſhining Exploits of his Fa-
& ther, or the Fame and, Reputation of his Anceſtors, or the Honours and
« Dignities of the State. You, on the contrary, poſſeſſed of theſe Honours,
tc and the Reputation acquired by your Father; ſufficiently diſtinguiſhed by
* your own Induſtry and greatneſs of Mind; will you not beſtir yourſelf,
ce join your Father's Friends, and vindicate your own Liberty, that of the
« Commonwealth, and of every good and honeſt Man.” The Youth, roufed
by
— ũ oT — = A. — 2
296
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
by the Remonſtrances of that grave and worthy Senator, got together about
thirty ſail of all forts, of which ſome few were Ships of War, and failing from
Utica to Mauritania, invaded the Kingdom of Bogud. And leaving his Baggage
behind him, with an Army of two thouſand Men, partly Freemen, partly Slaves,
ſome armed, fome not, approached the Town of Aſcurum, in which the King
had a Garriſon, The Inhabitants ſuffered him to advance to the very Walls
and Gates; when fallying out all on a ſudden, they drove him quite back to
his Ships. This ill Succeſs determined him to leave that Coaſt, nor did he
afterwards land in any Place, but ſteered directly for the Balearean Iſles.
XXII. MEAN-TIME Scipio, leaving a ſtrong Garriſon at Urice, began
his march with the Forces we have deſcribed above, and encamped firſt at
Adrumetum; when after a ſtay of a few Days, ſetting out in the night, he
joined Petreius and Labienus, lodging all the Forces in one Camp, about
three miles diſtant from Cz/ar'ss Their Cavalry were making continual
Excurſions to our very Works, intercepted thoſe who ventured too far in queſt
of Wood or Water, and obliged us to keep within our Intrenchments. This ſoon
occaſioned a great ſcarcity of Proviſions among Cæſar's Men, becauſe no Sup-
plies had yet arrived from Sicily or Sardinia. The Seaſon too was dangerous
for Navigation, and he did not poſſeſs above fix miles every way in Africa,
which alſo greatly ſtraitned him for want of Forage. The veteran Soldiers
and Cavalry, who had been cugaged 1 many Wars both by Sea and Land,
and often ſtruggled with Wants and Misfortunes of this kind, gathering Sea-
weed, and waſhing it in freſh Water, by that means ſubſiſted their Horſes and
Cattle,
XXIII. WHILE things were in this ſituation, King Juba being informed
of Cz/ar's Difficulties, and the few Troops he had with him, reſolved not to
allow him time to remedy his Wants, or increaſe his Army. Accordingly he
left his Kingdom at the head of a great Body of Horſe and Foot, and marched
to join his Allies, Mean-time P. Sitius, and King Bogud, having intelligence
of Jubas march; joined their Forces, entered Mumidia, and laying ſiege to
| Cirta, the moſt opulent City in the Country, carried it in a few Days, with
two others belonging to the Gezulians. They had offered the Inhabitants leave
to depart in ſafety, if they would peaceably deliver up the Towns: but theſe
Conditions being rejected, they were taken by ſtorm, and the Citizens all put
to the Sword. They then fell to ravaging the Country, and laying all the
Cities under Contribution: of which Juba having intelligence; tho he was
upon the point of joining Scipio and the other: Chiefs, he determined to re-
turn to the relief of his own Kingdom, rather than run the hazard of being
driven from it while he was aſliſting others, and perhaps after all miſcarry too
in his Deſigns againſt Cz/ar. He therefore retired with his Troops, leaving
only thirty Elephants behind him, and marched to the relief of his own
Cities and Territories. 4
XXIV. MEAN-W HILE Cz/ar, knowing that the Province ſtill
doubted of his arrival, and imagined that not himſelf in perſon, but ſome of
his Lieutenants had come over with the Forces lately ſent ; diſpatched Letters
to all -the ſeveral States, to inform them of his preſence. Upon this many
Perſons of rank fled to his Camp, complaining of the Barbarity and Cruelty
of the Enemy. Hitherto he had continued quiet in his Poſt; but touched
with their Fears, and a ſenſe of their Sufferings, he reſolved to take the Field
| as
OF THE AFRICAN WAR.
as ſoon as the Weather would permit, and he could draw his Troops together.
He immediately diſpatched Letters into Sicily, to Allienus and Rabirius Poſtu-
mus the Prætors, that without Delay or Excuſe, either of the Winter or the
Winds, they muſt ſend over the reſt of the Troops, to ſave Africa from utter
Ruin; becauſe without ſome ſpeedy Remedy, not a ſingle Houſe would be left
ſtanding, nor any thing eſcape the Fury and Ravages of the Enemy. But ſuch
was his impatience, and fo long did the time appear, that from the Day the
Letters were ſent, he complained without ceaſing of the Delay of the Fleet,
and had his Eyes Night and Day turned towards the 8ea. Nor ought we to
wonder at his Behaviour on this occaſion: for he ſaw the Villages burnt, the
Country laid waſte, the Cattle deſtroyed, the Towns plundered, the principal
Citizens either {lain or put in Chains, and their Children dragged into Ser-
vitude under the Name of Hoſtages; nor could he, amidſt all this Scene of
Miſery, afford any Relief to thoſe who implored his Protection, becauſe of the
ſmall Number of his Forces. He kept the Soldiers however at work upon the
Intrenchments, built Forts and Redoubts, and carried on his Lines quite to
the Sea. |
XXV. MEAN- WHILE Scipio made uſe of the following Contrivance
for training and diſciplining his Elephants. He drew up two Parties in order
of Battle; one of Slingers, who were to act as Enemies, and diſcharge ſmall
Stones againſt the Flephants, and fronting them, the Elephante themſelves, in
one Line, with his whole Army behind them in Battle-Array ; that when the
Enemy, by their Diſcharge of Stones, had frightned the Elephants, and forced
them to turn upon their own Men, they might again be made to face the
Enemy, by the Vollies of Stones from the Army behind them. The Work
however went on but ſlowly, becauſe theſe Animals, after many Years teaching,
are often no leſs prejudicial to thoſe who bring them into the Field, than to the
Enemy againſt whom they were intended,
XXVI. WHILST the two Generals were thus employed near Ruſpina,
C. Virgilius Pretorius, who commanded in Thapſus, a maritime City, ob-
ſerving ſome of Cz/ar's Tranfports that had miſſed their way, uncertain where
he had landed or held his Camp; and thinking that a fair Opportunity of-
fered of deſtroying them, manned a Galley that was in the Port with Soldiers
and Archers, and joining with it a few armed Barks, began to purſue Cæſar's
Ships. Though he was repulſed on ſeveral Occaſions he ſtill purſued his De-
ſign, and at laſt fell in with one, on board of which were two young Spaniards,
of the name of Titus, who were Tribunes of the fifth Legion, and whoſe Father had
been made a Senator by Cz/ar. There was with them a Centurion of the ſame
Legion, Z. Salienus by name, who had inveſted the Houſe of M. Meſſala, Cz/ar's
Lieutenant, at Meſſana, and expreſſed himſelf in very ſeditious Language, nay
even ſeized the Money and Ornaments deſtined for Cz/ar's Triumph, and for
that reaſon dreaded his Reſentment. He, conſcious of his Demerits, perſuaded
the young Men to ſurrender themſelves to F7rgilivs, by whom they were
ſent under a ſtrong Guard to Scipio, and three Days after put to death. It
is ſaid that the elder Titus begged of the Centurions who were charged with
the Execution, that he might be firſt put to death; which being eaſily granted,
they both ſuffered according to their Sentence.
XXVII. THE Cavalry that mounted Guard in the two Camps were con-
tinually skirmiſhing with one another. Sometimes too the German and Gallick
4 G Cavalry
3
297
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JT rr arr <
PANSA's COMMENTARIES
Cavalry of Labienus entered into Diſcourſe: with thoſe of Cæſar. Mean-time
Labienus, with a Party of Horſe, endeavoured to ſurpriſe the Town of Lepris;
which Saſerna guarded with three Cohorts; but was eaſily repulſed; becauſe
the Town was ſtrongly fortified, and well provided with warlike Engines. But
as ſeveral times he renewed the Attempt; one Day, as a ſtrong Squadron of
the Enemy had poſted themſelves before the Gate, their Officer being ſlain by
an Arrow diſcharged from a Scorpion, the reſt were terrified and took to flight;
by which means the Town was delivered from any further Attempts.
XXVIII. AT the fame time Scipio daily drew up his Troops in order of
Battle, about three hundred Paces from his Camp; and after continuing in
Arms the greateſt part of the Day, retreated again to his Camp in the Evening.
This he did ſeveral times, no one mean- while offering to ſtir out of Cæſars
Camp, or approach his Forces; which Forbearance and Tranquillity gave him
ſuch a Contempt of Ceſar and his Army, that drawing out all his Forces,
and his thirty Elephants with Towers on their Backs, and extending his Horſe
and Foot as wide as poſſible, he approached quite up to Cz/ar's Intrench-
ments. Upon this Cz/ar quietly, and without Noiſe or Confuſion, recalled to
his Camp all that were gone out either in queſt of Forage, Wood, or to
work upon the Fortifications: he likewiſe ordered the Cavalry that were upon
Guard, not to quit their Poſt till the Enemy were within reach of Dart; and
if they then perſiſted to advance. to retire in Order within the Intrench-
ments. The reſt of the Cavalry were enjoined. to hold themſelves in readineſs
upon the firſt notice. Theſe Orders were not given by himſelf in perſon, or
aſter. viewing the Diſpoſition. of the Enemy from the Rampart: but fitting in
his Tent, and informing himſelf of their Motions by his Scouts, ſuch was his
conſummate Knowledge in the Art of War, that he gave all the
Directions by his Officers. He very well knew, that, whatever Confidence the
Enemy might have in their Numbers, they would yet never dare to attack the
Camp of a General, who had ſo often repulſed, terrified, and put them to
flight; who had frequently pardoned and granted them their Lives; and whoſe
very Name had Weight and Authority enough to intimidate their Army. He
was beſides well intrenched with a high Rampart and deep Ditch, the Ap-
| proaches to which were rendered fo difficult, by the ſharp Spikes which he
had diſpoſed in a very artful manner, that they were even ſufficient of them-
ſelves to keep off the Enemy. He was likewiſe well provided with military
Engines, and all forts of Weapons neceſſary for a vigorous Defence, which com-
penſated in ſome meaſure for the fewneſs of his Troops, and the inexperience
of his new Levies. His forbearance therefore did not proceed from Fear, or
any diftruſt of the Valour of his Troops; but becauſe he was unwilling to
purchaſe a bloody Victory over the ſhattered Remains of his diſperſed Enemies,
after ſuch a ſeries of great Actions, Conqueſts, and Triumphs; and therefore
reſolved to bear their Inſults and Bravadoes, till the Arrival of his veteran
Legions by the ſecond Embarkation.
XXIX. SCIPTIO, after a ſhort ſtay before the Intrenchments, as if in
contempt of Cæſar, withdrew {lowly to his Camp; and having called the Soldiers
| together, enlarged upon the Terror and Deſpair of the Enemy: when encouraging
his Men, he aſſured them of a compleat Victory in a ſhort time. Cæſar made
his Soldiers again return to the Works, and under pretence of fortifying his
Camp, inured the new Levies to Labour and Fatigue. Mean-tume the Mumi-
dians and Getulians deſerted daily from Scipio's Camp. Part returned home;
part
OF THE AE RICAN WAR.
part came over to Cz/ar, becauſe they underſtood he was related to C. Marius,
from whom their Anceſtors had received conſiderable Favours. Of theſe he
ſelected ſome of diſtinguiſhed Rank, and ſent them home with Letters to their
| Countrymen, exhorting them to levy Troops for their own defence, and not
liſten to the. Suggeſtions of his Enemies.
XXX. WHILE theſe things paſs near Ryſpina, Deputies from Aci/la, and:
all the neighbouring Towns, arrive in Cz/ar's Camp, with offers of Submiſſion,
and to ſupply him with Corn and: other Neceſſaries, if he would ſend Garriſons
to protect them from the Enemy. Czſar readily complied with their Demands;
and having aſſigned a Garriſon, ſent C. Maſſius, who had been Adile, to com-
mand in Acilla, Upon Intelligence of this, Conſidius Longus, who was at
HAdrumetum with two Legions and ſeven hundred Horſe, leaving a Garriſon in
that City, poſted: to Acilla at the head of eight Cohorts : but Meſſius having
accompliſhed his march with- great expedition, arrived firſt at' the Place.
When Confidius therefore approached, and found Cæſar's Garriſon in poſſeſſion
of the Town, not daring to make any Attempt, he returned again to Adru-
metum. But ſome Days after, Labienus having ſent him a Reinforcement of
Horſe, he found himſelf in a condition to renew the Siege.
XXXI. MUCH about the ſame time C. Salluſtius Criſpus, who, as we
have ſeen, had been ſent a few Days before ta Cercina with a Fleet, arrived in
that Iſland. Upon which C. Decimus the Quæſtor, who with a ſtrong Party of
his own Domeſticks, had charge of the Magazines erected there, went on board
2 {mall Veſſel and fled. Falluſtius mean-while was well received by the Cer-
cinates, and finding great ſtore of Corn in the Iſland, loaded all the Ships
then in the Port, whoſe number was very conſiderable, and diſpatched them
to Ce/ar's At the fame time Alienus the Proconſul, put on board the
Tranſports at Lilybæum, the thirteenth and fourteenth Legions, with eight
hundred Gallick Horſe, and a thouſand Archers and Slingers, and ſent them
over into. Africa. This Fleet meeting with a favourable Wind, arrived in
four Days at Nigſpina, where Czſar had his Camp. Thus he experienced a
double Pleaſure on this Occafion, receiving at one and the ſame time, both a
ſupply of Proviſions, and a reinforcement of Troops; which animated the Sol-
diers, and delivered them from the apprehenſions of Want. Having landed
the Legions and Cavalry, he allowed them ſome time to recover from the Fa-
tigue and Sickneſs of their Voyage, and then diſtributed them into the Forts,
and along the Works.
XXXII. SCIPIO and the other Generals were greatly ſurpriſed at Cæſar's
Conduct, and could not conceive how one, who had always been forward and
active in War, ſhould all of a ſudden change his Meaſures, which they therefore
ſuſpected muſt proceed from ſome very powerful Reaſons. Uneaſy and diſturbed
to ſee him ſo patient, they made choice of two Getulians, on whoſe Fidelity
they thought they could rely; and promiſing them great Rewards, ſent them
under the name of Deſerters, to get intelligence of Ce/ar's Deſigns. When
they were brought before him, they begged they might have leave to ſpeak
without offence ; which being granted ; © It is now a long time, great Gene-
ral, ſaid they, ſince many of us Getulians, Clients of C. Marius, and al-
« moſt all Roman Citizens of the fourth and fixth Legions, have wiſhed for
“ an Opportunity to come over to you; but have hitherto been prevented by
« the Guards of Mumidian Horſe, Now we gladly embrace the Occaſion,
being
299
300
of a ſecond Line, ſomewhat leſs than half a mile from their Camp.
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
c being ſent by Scipio under the name of Deſerters, to diſcover what Ditches
« and Traps you have prepared for his Elephants, how you intend. to oppoſe
« theſe Animals, and what Diſpoſitions you are making for Battle.” Czar
commended them, rewarded them liberally, and ſent them to the other De-
ſerters. We had ſoon a Proof of the truth of what they had advanced; for
next Day a great many Soldiers of thoſe Legions mentioned by the Getulians,
deſerted to Cz/ar's Camp. | 5
XXXIII. WHILST Affairs were in this poſture at Ruſpina, M. Cato,
who commanded in Utica, was daily enliſting Freed-men, Africans, Slaves,
and all that were of age to bear Arms, and ſending them without inter-
miſſion to Scipio's Camp. Mean-while Deputies from the Town of TZiſdra
came to Cz/ar, to inform him, that ſome Italian Merchants had brought three
hundred thouſand Buſhels of Corn into that City; and to demand a Garriſon,
as well for their own Defence, as to ſecure the Corn. Cz/ar thanked the De-
puties, promiſed to ſend the Garriſon they defired ; and having encouraged
them, ſent them back to their Fellow-Citizens. Mean-time P. Sitius entered
Numidia with his Troops, and made himſelf maſter of a Caſtle ſituated on a
Mountain, where Juba had laid up a great quantity of Proviſions, and other
things neceflary for carrying on the War.
XXXIV. CA SAR having increaſed his Forces with two veteran Legions,
and all the Cavalry and light-armed Troops that had arrived in the ſecond:
Embarkation, - detached fix Tranſports to Lilybeum, to bring over the reſt of
the Army. On the twenty-ſeventh of January, ordering the Scouts and Lictors
to attend him at fix in the Evening, he drey out all the Legions at midnight,
and directed his march towards Ru/pina, where he had a Garriſon, and which
had firſt declared in his favour, no one knowing or having the leaſt ſuſpicion
of his Deſign. Thence he continued his rout by the left of the Camp along
the Sea, and paſſed a little dechvity, which opened into a fine Plain, extendin
fifteen miles, and bordered by a chain of Mountains of moderate height, that
formed a kind of Theatre. In this Ridge were ſome Hills that roſe higher
than the reſt, where Forts and Watch-Towers had formerly been erected, and
at the fartheſt of which Scipios Out-guards were poſted.
| *
XXXV. CAESAR having gained the Ridge, began to raiſe Redoubts
upon the ſeveral Eminences, which he executed in leſs than half an Hour,
When he was near the laſt; which bordered on the Enemy's Camp, and
where, as we have ſaid, Scipio had his Out-guard of Mumidians; he ſtopped a
moment: and having taken a view of the Ground, and poſted his Cavalry in
the moſt commodious fituation, he ordered the Legions to throw up an In-
trenchment along the middle of the Ridge, from the Place at which he was ar-
rived, to that whence he ſet out. This being obſerved by Scipio and Labi-
enus, they drew all their Cavalry out of the Camp, formed them in order of
Battle ; and advancing about a thouſand Paces, poſted their Infantry by way
XXXVI. CA SAR unmoved by the appearance of the Enemy's Forces,
encouraged his Men to go on with the Work. But when he perceived that
they were within fifteen hundred Paces 'of the Intrenchment, and that their
deſign was to interrupt and diſturb the Soldiers, and oblige him to draw them
off from the Works; he ordered a Squadron of Spaniſb Cavalry, ſuſtained by
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OFTHE AFRICAN AR.
ſome light-armed Infantry, to attack the Mumidian Guard upon the neareſt
Eminence, and drive them from that Poſt. They eafily poſſeſſed themſelves
of the Place, the Mumidians being partly killed, and partly made Priſoners.
This being perceived by Labienus, that he might the more effectually ſuccour
the Fugitives, he wheeled off almoſt the whole right Wing of the Horſe.
Ceſar waited till he was at a conſiderable diftance from his own Men, and
then detached his left Wing to intercept his return.
XXXVIL IN the Plain where this happened was a large Villa with four
Turrets, which prevented Labienus from ſeeing that he was ſurrounded. He
had therefore no apprehenſion of the approach of Cæſar's Horſe, till he found
himſelf charged in the rear; which ſtruck ſuch a ſudden terror into the Ma-
midian Cavalry, that they immediately betook themſelves to light. The Gauls
and Germans who ſtood their Ground, being ſurrounded on all ſides, were en-
tirely cut off. This being perceived by Scipio's Legions, who were drawn up
in order of Battle before the Camp, they fled in the utmoſt Terror and Con-
fuſion. Scipio and his Forces being driven from the Plain and the Hills,
Cæſar ſounded a Retreat, and ordered all the Cavalry to retire behind the
Works. When the Field was cleared, he could not forbear admiring the huge
Bodies of the Gault and Germans, who partly induced by the Authority of
Labienus, had followed him out of Gaul; partly had been drawn over by Pro-
miſes and Rewards. Some being made Priſoners in the Battle with Curio, and
having their Lives granted them,' continued faithful out of Gratitude. Their
Bodies of ſurpriſing ſhape and largeneſs, lay ſcattered all over the Plain.
XXXVIII. NEXT Day Cz/ar drew all his Forces together, and formed
them in order of Battle upon the Plain. Scipio diſcouraged by ſo unexpected
a Check, and the numbers of his wounded and ſlain, kept within his Lines.
Cz/ar with his Army in Battalia, marched along the roots of the Hills, and
gradually approached his 'Lrenches. The Legions were by this time got within
a mile of Nita, a Town poſſeſſed by Scipio, whence he had his Water, and
other Conveniences for his Army. Reſolving therefore to preſerve it at all ha-
zards, he brought forth his whole Army, and drew. them up in four Lines,
forming the firſt of Cavalry, ſupported by Elephants with Caſtles on their
Backs. Ceſar believing that Scipio approached with deſign to give Battle, con-
tinued where he was poſted not far from the Town. Scipio mean-while having
the Town in the center of his front, extended his two Wings where were his
Elephants, in full view of our Army. |
XXXIX. WHEN Cæſar had waited till Sun-ſet, without finding that
Scipio ſtirred from his Poſt ; who ſeemed rather diſpoſed to defend himſelf by
his advantageous Situation, than hazard a Battle in the open Field ; he did not
think proper to advance farther that Day, becauſe the Enemy had a ſtrong Gar-
riſon of Numidians in the Town, which beſides covered the center of their
front ; and he foreſaw great Difficulty in forming at the ſame time an Attack
upon the*Town, and oppoſing their right and left with the diſadvantage of
the Ground: eſpecially as the Soldiers had continued under Arms, and faſted
ſince Morning. Having therefore led back his Troops to their Camp, he re-
ſolved next Day to extend his Lines nearer the Town.
XL. MEAN-TIME Confidius, who beſieged eight mercenary Cohorts
of Numidians and Getulians in Acilla, where C. Meſſius commanded ; after
| | 4 H continuing
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by the Enemy
| For the Pleiades being ſet; about nine at Night a terrible" Storm arofe, -attendet
PANSA's COMMENTARIES
continuing long before the Place, and ſeeing all his Works burnt and deſtroyed
: upon the Report of the late Battle of the Cavalry; Tet fire to
his Corn, deſtroyed his Wine, Oil, and other Stores; and abandoning the
Siege of Acilla, divided his Foxces with Scipio, and retired thro the Kingdom
of Juba to Adrumetum. | | 2
XLI. MEAN-WHILFE one of the Tranſports belonging to the ſecond
Embarkation, in which were Q. Cominius and L. Ticida a Roman Knight, be-
ing ſeparated from the reſt of the Fleet in a Storm, and driven to Thapſus, was
taken by Virgilius, and all the Perſons on board ſent to Scipio. A three-
benched Galley likewiſe, 1 to the ſame Fleet, being forced by the Winds
to Zgimurum, was intercepted by the Squadron under Varus and M. Octa-
vius. In this Veſſel were ſome veteran Soldiers, with a Centurion, and a few.
new Levies; whom Varus treated reſpectfully, and ſent under a Guard to
Scipio, When they came into his preſence, and appeared before his Tribunal:
I am fatisfied, faid he, it is not by your own Inclination, but at the Inſti-
e gation of your wicked General, that you impiouſly wage War on your
« Fellow-Citizens, and on the honeſteſt part of the Republick. If therefore,
« now that Fortune has put you in our power, you will take this Opportu-
“ nity to unite with the good Citizens, in the defence of the Common-weal ;
I not only promiſe you your Life, but you may expect to be rewarded. Let
& me know what you think of the Propoſal.” Scipio having ended his Speech,
and expecting a thankful return to ſo gracious an Offer, permitted them to
reply: when the Centurion, who on this Occaſion was Spokeſman, thus ad-
dreſſed him: © Scipio, fays he, (for I cannot give you the Appellation of General)
J return you my hearty Thanks for the good Treatment you are willing to
te ſhow to Priſoners of War; and perhaps I might accept of your Kindneſs,
© were it not to be purchaſed at the expence of an horrible Crime. What!
«* ſhall I carry Arms and fight againſt Cz/ar my General, under whom I have
& ſerved as Centurion; and againſt his victorious Army, to whoſe Renown I
© have ſo many Years endeavoured to contribute by my Valour ? Tis what
« I will never do; and even adviſe you not to puſh the War any farther. You
% know not what Troops you have to deal with, nor the difference *twixt them
« and yours of which, if you pleaſe, I will give you an gndiſputable In-
* ftance. Do you pick out the beſt Cohort you have in your Army; and give
« me only ten of my Comrades, who are now your Prifoners, to engage them.
% You ſhall ſee, by the Succeſs, what you are to expect from your Soldiers.”
When the Centurion had made this Reply, Scipio incenſed at his Boldneſs, and
reſenting the Affront, made a Sign to ſome of his Officers to kill him on the
Spot, which was immediately put in execution. At the ſame time ordering the
other veteran Soldiers to be ſeparated from the new Levies : „ Cafry away,
ec faid he, theſe Villains, pampered with the Blood of their Fellow-Citizens.“
Accordingly. they were conducted without the Rampart, and cruelly maſſacred.
The new-raiſed Soldiers were diſtributed among his Legions; and Cominins
and Ticida forbid to appear in his preſence. Cæſar concerned for this Misfor-
tune, broke with Ignominy the Officers, whoſe Inſtructions being to ſecnre
the Coaſt, and advance to a certain diftance into the main Sea, to protect
and facilitate the approach of the Tranſports, had been negligent on that im-
portant Station, by e ONT TY a3" 1 JENR ITT 22 OR
XL: ABOUT this time a moſt incredible Accident befel Clears Army.
with
OF THE AFRICAN FAR.
with Hail of an uncommon fize. But what contributed to render this Mis
fortune the greater was, that Cum had not, like other Generals, put his Troops
into Winter-quarters; but was every three or four Days changing his Camp,
to gain ground on the Enemy: which keeping the Soldiers continually em-
ployed, they were utterly unprovided of any Conveniences to protect them
from the Incle of the Weather. Beſides, neither Officer nor Soldier had
been permitted to take their Equipages or Utenſils with them, nor ſo much as
a Veſſel, or a ſingle Slave, when they parted from Sicily: and ſo far had they
been from acquiring or . providing themſelves with any thing in Africa, that
by reaſon of the great ſcarcity of Proviſions, they had even conſumed all their
former Stores. Impoveriſhed by theſe Accidents, very few of them had Tents:
the reſt had made themſelves a kind of Covering, either by ſpreading their
Cloaths, or with Mats and Ruſhes. But theſe being ſoon penetrated by the
Storm and Hail, the Soldiers had no Reſource left, but wandered up and down
the Camp, covering their Heads with their Bucklers, to ſhelter them from the
Weather: In a ſhort time the whole Camp was under Water, the Fires ex-
tinguiſhed, and all their Proviſions waſhed away or ſpoil'd. The ſame Night,
the Shafts of the Javelins belonging to the fifth Legion of their own accord
took fire. | | |
XLIII. IN the mean-time King Juba, having received Advice of the Horſe-
engagement with Scipio, and being earneſtly ſolicited by Letters from that
General, to come to his Aſſiſtance; left Sabura at home with part of the Army
to carry on the War againſt Sitius: and imagining his Name and Preſence
ſufficient to free Scipio's Troops from the dread they had of Cz/ar, began his
march with three Legions, eight hundred Horſe, a Body of MNumidian Cavalry,
Numbers of light-armed Infantry, and thirty Elephants. When he ar-
rived, he lodged himſelf with all his Forces in a ſeparate Camp, at no great
diſtance from that of Scipio. Cz/ar's Army had for ſome time paſt been poſ-
ſeſſed with no ſmall Terror of Judi Forcesz and the report of his Approach
had increaſed the Inquietude, and produced a general Suſpence and Expecta-
tion among the Troops. But his Arrival, and the appearance of his Cam p-
ſoon diſpelled all theſe Apprehenſions; and they as much deſpiſed the King of
Mauritania, now he was preſent, as they had feared him, when at a diſtance.
It was eaſy to be ſeen, however, that the Reinforcement brought by the King,
greatly raiſed the Courage and Confidence of Scipio. For next Day, drawing
out all his own and the Royal Forces, with ſixty Elephants; he ranged them
in order of Battle with great Oſtentation, advanced a little beyond his Intrench-
ments, and after a ſhort ſtay retreated to his Camp. |
. CAESAR knowing that Scipio had received all the Supplies he ex-
pected, and judging he would no longer decline coming to an Engagement;
n to advance along the Ridge with his Forces, extend his Lines, ſecure them
with Redoubts, and poſſeſs himſelf of the Eminences between him and Scipio.
The Enemy confiding in their Numbers, ſeized a neighbouring Hill, and thereby
prevented the Progreſs of our Works. Labienus had formed the deſign of ſe-
curing this Poſt, and as it lay neareſt his Quarters, Joon got thither. Ceſar
had the ſame Project in view: but before he could reach the Place, was neceſ-
fitated to! paſs a broad and deep Valley, of rugged Deſcent, broken with Caves,
and beyond which was a thick Grove of Mlives. Labrenus perceiving that
Ceſar muſt march this way, and having a perſect Knowledge of the Country,
placed himſelf in ambuſh with the light-armed Foot, and part of che Cavalry.
| Ok "IT
303
304
be the Enemy's Fleet ſtationed there to intercept them, they imprudently ſtood
PANSA's COMMENTARIES
At the ſame time he diſpoſed ſome Horſe. behind the Hills, that when he
ſhould fall unexpectedly upon Cz/ar's Foot, they might ſuddenly advance from
behind the Mountain. Thus the Enemy attacked in Front and Rear, ſurrounded
with danger on all fides, and unable either to retreat -or advance, would, he
imagined, fall an eaſy Prey to his victorious Troops. Ceſar, who had no
ſuſpicion of the Ambuſcade, ſent his Cavalry before: and arriving at the Place;
Labienus's Men, either forgetting or neglecting the Orders of their General, or
fearing to be trampled to death in the Ditch by our Cavalry, began to iſſue
in ſmall Parties from the Rock, and aſcend the Hill. Cz/ar's Horſe purſuing
them, ſlew ſome, and took others Priſoners: then making towards the Hill,
drove thence Labienuss Detachment, and immediately took poſſeſſion. Labie-
mes, followed by a ſmall Party of Horſe, eſcaped with great difficulty.
XLV. THE Cavalry having thus cleared the Mountain, Cz/ar reſolved to
intrench himſelf there, and diſtributed the Work to the Legions. He then
ordered two Lines of Communication to be drawn from the greater Camp, croſs
the Plain on the fide of Nita, which ſtood between him and the Enemy,
and was garriſon d by a Detachment of Scipio's Army. Theſe Lines were fo
contrived, as to meet at the right and left Angles of the Town. His Deſign
in this Work was, that when he approached the Town with his Troops, and
began to attack it, theſe Lines might ſecure his Flanks, and hinder the Enemy's
Horſe from ſurrounding him, and compelling him to abandon the Siege. It
likewiſe gave his Men more frequent Opportunities of converſing with the
Enemy, and facilitated the means of Deſertion to ſuch as favoured his Cauſe ;
many of whom had already come over, though not without great danger to
themſelves. He wanted alſo, by drawing nearer the Enemy, to ſee how they ſtood
inclined to a Battle. Add to all theſe Reaſons, that the Place itſelf being very
low, he might there fink ſome Wells, whereas before, he had a long and
troubleſom Way to ſend for Water. While the Legions were employed in theſe
Works, part of the Army ſtood ready drawn up before the Trenches, and had
frequent Skirmiſhes with the Mumidian Horſe and light-armed Foot.
XLVI. IN the Evening, when Cz/ar was drawing off his Legions from
the Works; Juba, Scipio, and Labienus, at the head of all their Horſe and
light-armed Foot, fell furiouſly upon his Cavalry: who overwhelmed by the
ſudden and general Attack of ſo great a Multitude, were forced to give ground
a little. But the Event was very different from what the Enemy expected: for
Ceſar leading back his Legions to the aſſiſtance of his Cavalry, they immediately
rallied, turned upon the Vumidians, and charging them vigorouſly whilſt they
were diſperſed and diſordered with the Purſuit, drove them with great Slaughter
to the King's Camp. And had not Night intervened, and the Duſt raiſed by
the Wind obſtructed the Proſpect; Juba and Labienus would both have fallen
into Ce/ar's hands, and their whole Cavalry and light-armed Infantry been cut
off. Mean-while Scipios Men, of the fourth and fixth Legions, left him in
crowds, ſome deſerting to Cz/ar's Camp, others flying to ſuch Places as were
moſt convenient for them. Curio's Horſe likewiſe, diſtruſting Scipio and his
Troops, followed the ſame Counſel, 1 4
XLVII. WHILE theſe things paſſed” near Uziza, the ninth and tenth Le-
gions failing in Tranſports from Sicily; when they came before Niſpina, ob-
ſerving Cæſar's Ships that lay at Anchor about Thapſus, and fearing it might
out
OF THE AFRICAN WAR.
out to Sea; and after being long toſſed by the Winds, Proviſions and Water
failing them, at laſt arrived at Cz/ar's Camp.
XL VIII. SOON after they were landed, Cæſar calling to mind their licen-
tious Behaviour in 1zaly, and the Rapines of ſome of their Officers, ſeized the
pretence furniſhed by C. Avienus, a military Tribune of the tenth Legion, who,
when he ſet out from Sicily, filled a Ship entirely with his own Equipage and
Attendants, without taking on board one ſingle Soldier. Wherefore ſummon-
ing all the military Tribunes and Centurions to appear before his Tribunal next
Day, he addreſſed them in theſe Terms. © I could have wiſhed that thoſe,
e whoſe Infolence and former licentious Character have given me cauſe of
„ Complaint, had been capable of amendment, and of making a good uſe of
* my Mildneſs, Patience, and Moderation. But fince they know not how to
C confine themſelves within bounds, I intend to make an Example of them,
according to the Law of Arms, in order that others may be taught a better
“Conduct. You C. Avienus, when you was in Italy, inſtigated the Soldiers
« of the Roman People to revolt from the Republick; you have been guilty
c of Rapines and Plunders in the municipal Towns; and you have never been
of any real ſervice, either to the Commonwealth, or to your General: laſtly,
in lieu of Soldiers, you have crowded the Tranſports with your Slaves and
« Equipage; fo that, through your Fault, the Republick fails in Soldiers, who
eat this time are not only uſeful, but neceſſary. For all theſe Cauſes, I
* break you with Ignominy, and order you to leave Africa this very Day.
e In like manner I break you, A. Fonteius, becauſe you have behaved your-
c“ ſelf as a ſeditious Officer, and as a bad Citizen, You, T. Salienus,
« M. Tiro, C. Cluſinas, have attained the Rank of Centurions, through my In-
ce dulgence, and not through your own Merit; and fince you have been in-
« veſted with that Rank, have neither ſhewn Bravery in War, nor good
« Conduct in Peace. Inſtead of endeavouring to act according to the Rules
cc Of Modeſty and Decency, your whole ſtudy hae been to ſtir up the Soldiers
« againſt your General. I therefore think you unworthy of continuing Cen-
cc turions in my Army: I break you, and order you to quit Africa as ſoon as
« poſſible.” Having concluded this Speech, he delivered them over to ſome
Centurions, with Orders to confine them ſeparately on board a Ship, allowing
each of them a ſingle Slave to wait on them.
XLIX. MEAN-TIME the Getulian Deſerters, whom Cz/ar had fent
home with Letters and InſtruQtions, as we have related above, arrived among their
Countrymen : who partly ſwayed by their Authority, partly by the Name and
Reputation of Cæſar, revolted from Juba; and ſpeedily and unanimouſly
taking up Arms, ſcrupled not to act in oppoſition to their King. Juba having
thus three Wars to ſuſtain, was compelled to detach fix Cohorts from the
Army deſtined to act againſt Cæſar, and ſend them to defend the Frontiers of
his Kingdom againſt the Gerwlians. |
L. Ca SAR having finiſhed his Lines of Communication, and puſhed
them ſo near the Town, as to be juſt without reach of Dart, intrenched him-
ſelf there. He cauſed warlike Engines in great numbers to be placed in the
Front of his Works, wherewith he played perpetually againſt the Town ; and
to increaſe the Enemy's Apprehenſions, drew five Legions out of his other
Camp. This Opportunity gave ſeveral Perſons of Rank in both Armies, a
deſire to ſee and converſe with their Friends, which Cz/ar forsſaw would turn
41 8 to
305
Y
306
PANSA's COMMENTARIES
to his advantage. For the chief Officers of the Getulian Horſe, with other
illuſtrious Men of that Nation, whoſe Fathers had ſerved under C. Marius,
and from his Bounty obtained confiderable Eſtates in their Country, but after
Scylla's Victory had been made Tributaries to King Hiempſal; taking the op-
portunity of the Night, when the Fires were lighted, with their Horſes and
Servants, to the Number of about a thouſand, came over to Cez/ar's Camp
near Zita.
LI. AS this Accident could not but diſturb $cipio and his Followers; they
perceived, much about the ſame time, M. Aguinius in diſcourſe with C. Saſerna.
Scipio ſent him word, that he did not do well to correſpond with the Enemy.
Aquinius paid no attention to this Reprimand, but purſued his Diſcourſe. Soon
after, one of Juba's Guards came to him and told him, in the hearing of
Saſerna, The King forbids you to continue this Converſation. He no ſooner
received this Order, than immediately he retired, for fear of offending the
King. One cannot wonder enough at this ſtep in a Romam Citizen, who had
already attained to conſiderable Honours in the Commonwealth; that though
neither baniſhed his Country, nor ſtripped of his Poſſeſſions, he ſhould pay a
more ready obedience to the Orders of a foreign Prince, than thoſe of Scipio;
and chooſe rather to behold the Deſtruction of his Party, than return into the
boſom of his Country, Nor was Juba's arrogance confined to M. Aguinius,
a new Man, and an inconſiderable Senator; but reached even Scipio himſelf, a
Man of illuftrious Birth, diſtinguiſhed Honours, and high Dignity in the State.
For as Scipio, before the King's arrival, always wore a purple Coat of Mail ;
7Zuba is reported to have told him, that he ought not to wear the ſame Habit
as he did. Accordingly Scipio changed his purple Robe for a white one,
ſubmitting to the Caprice of a haughty barbarian Monarch.
LII. NEXT Day they drew out all their Forces from bath Camps; and
forming them on an Eminence not far from Ge/ar's Camp, continued thus in
order of Battle. Cz/ar likewiſe drew out his Men, and diſpoſed them in
Battle-array before his Lines; not doubting but the Enemy, who exceeded him
in number of Troops, and. had been ſo conſiderably reinforced by the arrival
of King Juba, would advance to attack him. Wherefore having rode through
the Ranks, encouraged his Men, and given them the Signal of Battle, he ſtay'd
expecting the Enemy's Charge. For he did not think it adviſeable to remove
far from his Lines; becauſe the Enemy having a ſtrong Garriſon in Uz3za,
which was oppoſite to his right Wing, he could not advance beyond that
Place, without expoſing his Flank to a Sally from the Town. Beſides, the
acceſs to Scipio's Army was rough and difficult, and would have diſordered his
Troops before they gave the Onſet. |
LIII. AND here it may not be improper to deſcribe the Order of Battle
of both Armies. Scipio's Troops were drawn up in this manner. He poſted
his own Legions, and thoſe of Juba, in the Front: behind them the Mumi-
dians, as a Body of Reſerve; but in ſo very thin Ranks, and ſo far extended
in length, that to ſee them at a diſtance, you would have taken the main
Battle for a ſimple Line of Legionaries, which was doubled only upon the
Wings. The Elephants were placed at equal diſtances on the right and left,
and ſuſtained by the light-armed Troops, and auxiliary /Vumidians. All the
bridled Cavalry were on the right; for the left was covered by the Town of
Uzita, nor had the Cavalry room to extend themſelves on that fide, Accord-
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Fl 8
OF THE AFRICAN WAR.
ingly he ſtationed the Vumidian Horſe, with an incredible multitude of light-
armed Foot, about a thouſand Paces from his right, towards the foot of a Moun-
tain, conſiderably removed from his own and the Enemy's Troops. His deſign
in this was, that during the progreſs of the Battle, the Cavalry having room to
extend themſelves, might wheel round upon Cz/ar's left, and diſorder it with
their Darts. Such was Scipio's Diſpoſition. Cz/ar's Order of Battle, to deſcribe
it from left to right, was as follows: The ninth and ſeventh Legions formed
the left Wing ; the thirteenth, fourteenth, twenty-eighth, and twenty-ſixth,
the main Body; and the thirtieth and twenty-ninth, the right. His ſecond
Line on the right, conſiſted partly of the Cohorts of thoſe Legions we have
already mentioned, partly of new Levies. His third Line was poſted to the
left, extending as far as the middle Legion of the main Body, and ſo diſpoſed,
that the leſt Wing formed a triple order of Battle. The reaſon of this Diſpoſi-
tion was; becauſe his right Wing being defended by the Works, it behoved
him to make his left the ſtronger, that they might be a match for the nume-
rous Cavalry of the Enemy; for which reaſon he had placed all his Horſe
there, intermixed with light-armed Foot; and as he could not rely much upon
them, had detached the fifth Legion to ſuſtain them. The Archers were diſ-
perſed up and down the Field, but principally in the two Wings.
LIV. THE two Armies thus facing one another in order of Battle, with a
ſpace of no more than three hundred Paces between, continued ſo poſted
from Morning 'till Night without fighting, of which perhaps there never was
an Inſtance before. But when Cz/ar began to retreat within his Lines, ſud-
denly all the Vumidian and Hotulias Horſe without Bridles, who were poſted
behind the Enemy's Army, made a Motion to the right, and began to approach
Cz/ar's Camp on the Mountain; while the regular Cavalry under Labienus,
continued in their Poſt, to keep our Legions in check, Upon this part of
Cz/ar's Cavalry, with the light-armed Foot, advancing haſtily, and without
Orders againſt the Getulians, and venturing to paſs the Moraſs, found them-
{elves unable to deal with the ſuperior multitude of the Enemy; and being
abandoned by the light-armed Troops, were forced to retreat in great Diſorder,
after the loſs of one Trooper, twenty-ſix light-armed Foot, and many of their
Horſes wounded. Scipio overjoyed at this Succeſs, returned towards Night to
his Camp. But as Fortune's Favours are ſeldom permanent to thoſe engaged in
the Trade of War; the Day after, a Party of Horſe ſent by Cz/ar to Leptis
in queſt of Proviſions, falling in unexpectedly with ſome Mumidian and Getu-
lian Stragglers, killed or made Priſoners about a hundred of them. Cz/ar,
mean-while, omitted not every Day to draw out his Men, and labour at the
Works; carrying a Ditch and Rampart quite croſs the Plain, to prevent the
Incurſions of the Enemy. Nor was Scipio leſs active in forwarding his Works,
and ſecuring his Communication with the Mountain. Thus both Generals
were buſied about their Intrenchments, yet ſeldom a Day paſſed, without ſome
Skirmiſh between the Cavalry. | |
LV. IN the mean time Varus, upon notice that the ſeventh and eighth
Legions had failed from Sicily, ſpeedily equipped the Fleet he had brought to
winter at Utica; and manning it with Getulian Rowers and Mariners, went
out a cruiſing ; and came before Adrumetum with fifty-five Ships. Cæſar, who
knew nothing of his arrival, ſent L. Ciſpius, with a Squadron of twenty-ſeven
Sail, to cruiſe about Thapſius, for the ſecurity of his Convoys ; and likewiſe diſ-
patched & Aquila to Adrumetum, with thirteen Gallies, upon the ſame =>]
LEES rand,
307
308
e
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
rand. Ciſpius ſoon reached the Station appointed him: but Aguila being
attacked by a Storm, could not double the Cape, which obliged him to put
into a Creek at ſome diſtance, that afforded convenient ſhelter. The reſt of the
Fleet anchored before Leptit, where the Mariners went on Shore, ſome to refreſh
themſelves, others to buy Proviſions in the Towns, and left their Ships quite
defenceleſs. Varus having notice of this from the Deſerters, and reſolving to
take advantage of the Enemy's Negligence, . left Aarumetum about nine at
night, and arriving early next Morning with, his whole Fleet before Leptis,
burnt all the Tranſports that were out at Sea, and took without oppoſition two
five-behched Gallies, in which were none to defend them.
LVI. CASA R had an Account brought him of this unlucky Accident,
as he was inſpecting the Works of his Camp. Whereupon he immediately took
Horſe, went full ſpeed to Leptis, which was but two League diſtant, and go+
ing on board a Brigantine, ordered all the Ships in the Port to follow him,
and in this manner put to Sea. He ſoon came up with Aquila, whom he found
diſmayed and terrified at the number of Ships he had to oppoſe ; and continu-
ing his Courſe, began to purſue the Enemy's Fleet. Mean-time Varus aſtoniſhed
at Cæſar's Boldneſs and Diſpatch, tacked about with his whole Fleet, and made
the beſt of his way for Adrumetum. But Ceſar after four miles fail came up
with him, recovered one of his Gallies, with the Crew, and an hundred and
thirty Men left to guard her; and took a three-bench'd Galley. belonging to the
Enemy, with all the Soldiers and Mariners on board. The reſt of the Fleet
doubled the Cape, and made the Port of Adrumerum. Cz/ar could not double
the Cape with the ſame Wind. but keeping the Sea all night. appeared early
next Morning before Aurumetum. He ſet fire to all the Tranſports without the
Haven, took what Gallies he found there, or forced them into the Harbour
and having waited ſome time to offer the Enemy Battle, returned again to his
Camp. On board the Ship he had taken was P. Veſtrius a Roman Knight,
and P. Ligarius Afranianus, the fame who had proſecuted the War againſt
him in Spain, and who, inſtead of acknowledging the Conqueror's Gene-
rolity, in granting him his Liberty, had joined Pompey in Greece; and after
the Battle of Phar/alia, had gone into Africa to Varus, there to continue in
the ſervice of the ſame Cauſe. Cz/ar, to puniſh his Perfidy and breach of
Oath, gave immediate Orders for his Execution. But he pardoned P. Yeftriue,
becauſe his Brother had paid his Ranſom at Nome, and he made it appear, that
being taken in Vafidins's Fleet, and condeinn'd to die, Varus had faved
his Life, ſince which no Opportunity had offered of making his eſcape.
LVII. *'TIS uſual for the People of Africa, to depoſit their Corn privately
in Vaults under Ground, to ſecure it in time of War, and guard it from the
ſudden Incurſions of an Enemy. Cz/ar having intelligence of this from a
Spy, drew out two Legions with a Party of Cavalry at midnight, and ſent
them about ten miles off, whence they returned loaden with Corn to the
Camp. Labienus being informed of it, marched about ſeven miles through the
Mountains Cz/ar had paſſed the Day before, and there encamped with two Le-
gions ; where expecting that Cz/ar would often come the fame way in queſt of
Corn, he daily lay in Ambuſh with a great Body of Horſe and light-armed
Foot. Cæſar having notice of this from the Deſerters, ſuffered ſome Days to
paſs, till the Enemy by repeating the Practice often, had abated a little of their
Circumſpection. Then iſſuing unexpectedly one Morning by the Decuman
Port, with eight veteran Legions, and a Party of Horſe, he ordered the _
. | yalry
OFTHE AFRICAN VAR.
valry to march before; who coming ſuddenly upon the Enemy's light-armed
Foot that lay in ambuſh among the Valleys, ſlew about five hundred, and
put the reſt to flight, Mean-time Labienus advanced with all his Cavalry to
ſupport the Runaways, and was on the point of overpowering our ſmall Party
with his Numbers, when ſuddenly Cz/ar appeared with the Legions in order
of Battle. This fight check'd the Ardor of Labienus, who thought proper to
ſound a Retreat. The Day after, Juba ordered all the Mumidians who had
deſerted their Poſt and fled to the Camp, to be crucified.
LVIE MEAN-WHILE Caſar being ſtraitened for want of Corn,
recalled all his Forces to the Camp: and having left Garriſons at Leptis,
Ruſpina, and Acilla ; ordered Ciſpius and Aquila to cruiſe with their Fleets,
the one before Adrumetum, the other before Thap/us; and ſet fire to his Camp
at Uzita : he ſet out in order of Battle at three in the Morning, diſpoſed his
Baggage in the left, and came to Agar, a Town that had been often vigorouſly
attacked by the Getulians, and as valiantly defended by the Inhabitants.
There encamping in the Plain before the Town, he went with part of his
Army round the Country in queſt of Proviſions ; and having found ſtore of
Barley, Oil, Wine, and Figs, with a ſmall quantity of Wheat; after allowing
the Troops ſome time to refreſh themſelves, he returned to his Camp. Scipio,
mean-while, hearing of Cz/ar's departure, followed him along the Hills with
all his Forces, and poſted himſelf about fix miles off in three different
Camps.
LIX. THE Town of Zea lying on Scipio's fide of the Country, was not
above ten miles fram his Camp; hnt might he about eighteen from that of
Ceſar. Scipio had ſent two Legions thither to forage : which Cæſar having
intelligence of from a Deſerter, removed his Camp from the Plain to a Hill,
for the greater Security ; and leaving ſome Troops to guard it, marched at
three in the Morning with the reſt of his Forces, paſſed the Enemy's Camp,
and poſſeſſed himſelf of the Town. Scipios Legions were gone farther into the
Country to forage; againſt whom ſetting out immediately, he found the whole
Army come up to their Aſſiſtance, which obliged him to give over the Purſuit.
He took on this Occaſion C. Mutius Reginus, a Roman Knight, Scipio inti-
mate Friend, and Governor of the Town; alſo P. Atrivs, a Roman Knight
likewiſe, of the Province of Uzica; with twenty-two Camels belonging to King
Juba. Then leaving a Garriſon in the Place, under the command of Oppius
his Lieutenant, he ſet out upon his return to his own Camp.
IX. AS he drew near Scipio's Camp, by which he was neceſſitated to paſs;
Labienus and Afranius, who lay in ambuſcade among the neareſt Hills, with
all their Cavalry and light-armed Infantry, ſtarted up and attacked his Rear.
Ceſar detaching his Cavalry to receive their Charge, ordered the Legions to
throw all their Baggage into a heap, and face about upon the Enemy. No ſooner
was this Order executed, than' upon the firſt Charge of the Legions, the Ene-
my's Horſe and light-armed Foot began to give way, and were with incredible
eaſe driven from the higher Ground. But when Cz/ar, imagining them ſuffi-
ciently deterred from any further Attempts, began to purſue his march, they
again iſſued from the Hills; and the Vumidians, with the light-armed Infan-
try, who are wonderfully nimble, and accuſtom themſelves to fight intermixed
with the Horſe, with whom they keep an equal pace either in advancing or
retiring, fell a ſecond time upon our Foot. As they repeated this often, preſ-
| a 4 K ſing
309
310
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
ſing upon our Rear when we marched, and retiring when we endeavoured to
engage, always keeping at a certain diſtance, and with ſingular Care avoiding a
cloſe Fight, as holding it enough to wound us with their Darts; Cæſar plainly
ſaw that their whole aim was, to oblige him to encamp in that Place, where
no Water was to be had; that his Soldiers, who had taſted nothing from three
in the Morning till four in the Afternoon, might periſh with Hunger, and the
Cattle with Thirſt. Sun-ſet now approached ; when Cæſar, finding he had not
gained an hundred Paces compleat in four Hours, and that by keeping his Ca-
valry in the rear, he loſt many Horſe, ordered the Legions to fall behind, and
. cloſe the march. Proceeding thus with a {low and gentle Pace, he found the
Legions fitter to ſuſtain the Enemy's Charge. Mean-time the Mumidiam Horſe,
wheeling round the Hills to the right and left, threatned to incloſe Cz/ar's
Forces with their numbers, while part continued to harraſs his Rear: and if
but three or four veteran Soldiers faced about, and darted their Javelins at the
Enemy, no leſs than two thouſand of them would take to flight; but ſud-
denly rallying, returned to the Fight, and charged the Legionaries with their
Darts. Thus Cz/ar, one while marching forward, one while halting, and go-
ing on but ſlowly, reached his Camp fafe about ſeven that Evening, having
only ten Men wounded. Labienus too retreated to his Camp, aſter having
thoroughly fatigued his Troops with the Purſuit; in which, beſides a great
number wounded, his loſs amounted to about three hundred Men. And Scipio
withdrew his Legions and Elephants, whom for the greater Terror, he had
ranged before his Camp within view of Cz/ar's Army.
LXI CSA R having ſuch an Enemy to deal with, was neceſſitated to
inſtru& his Soldiers, not like a General of a veteran Army, which had been vic-
torious in ſo many Battles ; but like a Fencing-maſter training up his Gladiators :
with what Foot they muſt advance or retire; when they were to oppoſe and
make good their Ground, when to counterfeit an Attack ; at what place, and
in what manner to lanch their Javelins. For the Enemy's light-armed Troops
gave wonderful Trouble and Diſquiet to our Army; becauſe they not only de-
terred the Cavalry from the Encounter, by killing their Horſes with their =
lins, but likewiſe wearied out the legionary Soldiers by their ſwiftneſs: for as
often as theſe heavy-armed Troops advanced to attack them, they evaded the
Danger by a quick Retreat. This gave Cæſar no ſmall Trouble: becauſe as
often as he engaged with his Cavalry, without being ſuſtained by the Infantry, he
found himſelf by no means a match for the Enemy's Horſe, ſupported by their
light-armed Foot : and as he had no experience of the ſtrength of their Legi-
ons, he foreſaw ſtill greater Difficulties when theſe ſhould be united, as the
ſhock muſt then be wonderful. The number too and fize of the Elephants,
greatly increaſed the Terror of the Soldiers; for which however he found a Re-
medy, in cauſing ſome of thoſe Animals to be brought over from Traly, that
his Men' might be accuſtomed to the fight of them, know their Strength and
Courage, and in what part of the Body they were moſt eafily to be wounded.
For as the Elephants are covered with Trappings and Ornaments, it was neceſ-
ſary to inform them what parts of the Body remained naked, that they might
direct their Darts thither. It was likewiſe needful to familiarize his Horſes to
the cry, ſmell, and figure of theſe Animals; in all which he ſucceeded to a
Wonder : for the Soldiers quickly came to touch them with their Hands, and
to be ſenſible of their Tardineſs; and the Cavalry attacked them with blunted
Darts, and by degrees brought their Horſes to endure their preſence, For theſe
Reaſons already mentioned, Cz/ar was not without his Anxieties, and pro-
ceeded
OF THE AFRICAN VAR.
ceeded with more Slowneſs and Circumſpection than uſual, abating conſiderably
of his wonted Expedition and Celerity. Nor ought we to wonder: for in
Gaul his Troops had been accuſtomed to fight in a champian Country, againſt
an open undeſigning Enemy, who deſpiſed Artifice, and valued themſelves
only on their 3 But now he was to habituate his Soldiers to the Arts
and Contrivances of a crafty Enemy, and teach them what to purſue, and
what to avoid. The ſooner therefore to inſtruct them in theſe Matters, he
took care not to confine his Legions to one Place, but under pretence of
foraging, engaged them in frequent Marches, and Counter-Marches; knowing
well that the Enemy would take care not to loſe fight of him. Three Days
after, he drew up his Forces with great Art, and marching paſt Scipio's Camp,
waited for him in an open Plain; but ſeeing that he ſtill declined a Battle, he
retreated to his Camp in the Evening. |
LXII. MEAN-TIME Ambaſſadors arrived from the Town of Vacca,
bordering upon Zeta, of which we have obſerved Cz/ar had poſſeſſed himſelf.
They requeſted and intreated that he would ſend them a Garriſon, promiſing
to furniſh many of the Neceſlaries of War. At the ſame time, by an un-
common piece of good Fortune for Cæſar, a Deſerter informed him, that Juba
had by a quick march reached the Town, maſſacred the Inhabitants, and
abandoned the Place itſelf to the plunder of his Soldiers. Thus was
Cz/ar's Garriſon prevented from ſetting out, and by that means ſaved from
Deſtruction,
LXIII. CA SA R having reviewed his Army the eighteenth of February,
advanced next Day with all his Forces five Miles beyond his Camp, and re-
mained a conſiderable time in order of Battle two miles from Scipios. When
he had waited ſufhciently long to invite the Enemy to an Engagement, find-
ing them ſtill decline it, he led back his Troops. Next Day he decamped,
and directed his march towards Sar/ura, where Scipio had a Garriſon of Mu-
midians, and a Magazine of Corn. Labienus being informed of this Motion,
fell upon his Rear with the Cavalry and light-armed Troops ; and having
made himſelf maſter of part of the Baggage, was encouraged to attack the
Legions themſelves, believing they would fall an eaſy Prey, under the Load
and Incumbrance of a March. But Cz/ar, from a forefight of what might
happen, had ordered three hundred Men out of each Legion, to hold them-
ſelves in readineſs for Action. Theſe being ſent againſt Labienus, he was fo
terrified at their approach, that. he ſhamefully took to flight, great numbers of
his Men being killed or wounded. The Legionaries returned to their Stan-
dards, and purſued their march. Labienus ſtill followed us at a diſtance
along the ſummit of the Mountains, and kept hovering on our right.
LXIV. CASA R arriving before Sarſura, took it in preſence of the
Enemy, who durſt not advance to its relief; and put to the Sword the Garri-
ſon which had been left there by Scipio under the command of P. Cornelius, who
after a vigorous Defence was ſurrounded and flain. Having given all the Corn
in the Place to the Army, he marched next Day to Tiara, where Confidius
was with a ſtrong Garriſon, and his Cohort of Gladiators. Cæſar having taken
a view of the Town, and being deterred from beſieging it for want of Corn,
ſet our immediately, and after a march of four miles, encamped near a River.
Here he ſtayed about four Days, and then returned to his former Camp at
Agar, Scipio did the ſame, and retreated to his old Quarters.
LXV.
1
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312
PANSA's COMMENTARIES
LXV. MEAN- TIME the Thabenenſes, a Nation fituated in the extreme
Confines of Juba's Kingdom, along the Sea-coaſt, and who had been ac-
cuſtomed to live in ſubjection to that Monarch; having maſſacred the Garriſon
left there by the King, ſent Deputies to Cz/ar to inform him of what they
had done, and to beg he would take under his Protection a City which de-
ſerved ſo. well of the Roman People. Cæſar approving their Conduct, ſent
M. Criſpus the Tribune, with a Cohort, a party of Archers, and a great Num-
ber of warlike Engines, to charge himſelf with the defence of Thabena.
LXVI. AT the ſame time the Legionary Soldiers, who either on account of
Sickneſs, or for other Reaſons, had not been able to come over into Africa
with the reſt, to the number of four thouſand Foot, four hundred Horſe, and
a thouſand Archers and Slingers, now arrived all together. With theſe, and
his former Troops, he advanced into a Plain eight Miles diſtant from his own
Camp, and four from that of Scipio, where he waited the Enemy in order
of Battle.
LXVII. THE Town of Tegea was below Scipio's Camp, where he had a
Garriſon of four hundred Horſe. Theſe he-drew up on the right and left of
the Town; and bringing forth his Legions, formed them in order of Battle
upon a Hill ſomewhat lower than his Camp, and which was about a thouſand
Paces diſtant from it. After he had continued a conſiderable time in this
Poſture, without offering to make any Attempt; Czſar ſent ſome Squadrons
of Horſe, ſupported by his light-armed Infantry, Archers, and Slingers, to
charge the Enemy's Cavalry, who were poſted before the Town. Our Men
advancing upon the Spur, Pacidius began to extend his Front, that he might
at once ſurround and give us a warm Reception. Upon this Cz/ar detached
three hundred Legionaries to our aſſiſtance, while at the ſame time Labienus
was continually ſending freſh Reinforcements, to replace thoſe that were
wounded or fatigued. Our Cavalry, who were only four hundred in number,
not being able to ſuſtain the Charge of four thouſand, and being beſides
reatly incommoded by the light-armed Mumidians, began at laſt to give
ground: which Cz/ar obſerving, detached the other Wing to their aſſiſtance;
who joining thoſe that were like to be overpowered, they fell in a Body upon
the Enemy, put them to flight, ſlew or wounded great Numbers, purſued them
three Miles quite to the Mountains, and then returned 'to their own Men.
Cz/ar continued in order of Battle till four in the Afternoon, and then retreated
to his Camp without the loſs of a Man. In this Action Pacidius received a
dangerous Wound in the Head, and had many of his beſt Officers either killed
or wounded.
LXVIII. WHEN he found that the Enemy were by no means to- be
prevailed with to fight him upon equal terms, and that he could not encamp
nearer them for want of Water, in conſideration of which alone, and not from
any confidence in their Numbers, the Africans had dared to deſpiſe him; he
decamped the fourteenth of April at midnight, marched fixteen Miles beyond
Agar to Thapſus, where Vergilius commanded with a ſtrong Garriſon, and there
fixed his Camp. The very firſt Day he began the Circumvallation, and raiſed
Redoubts in proper Places, as well for his own ſecurity, as to prevent any Suc-
cours from entering the Town. This Step reduced Scipio to the neceſſity of
fighting, to avoid the diſgrace of abandoning Yergilivs and the Ypapfitani,
who had all along remained firm to his Party: and therefore following
a ; Cæſar
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PANSA's' COMMENTARIES
LXV. MEAN- TIME the Thabenen/es, a Nation ſituated in the extreme
Confines of Juba's Kingdom, along the Sea-coaſt, and who had been ac-
cuſtomed to live in ſubjection to that Monarch; having maſſacred the Gatriſon
left there by the King, ſent Deputies to Cæſar to inform him of what they
had done, and to beg he would take under his Protection a City which de-
ſerved ſo well of the Roman People. Cæſar approving their Conduct, ſent
M. Criſpus the Tribune, with a Cohort, a party of Archers, and a great Num-
ber of warlike Engines, to charge himſelf with the defence of 7habena.
LXVI. AT the fame time the Legionary Soldiers, who either on account of
Sickneſs, or for other Reaſons, had not been able to come over into Africa
with the reſt, to the number of four thouſand Foot, four hundred Horſe, and
a thouſand Archers and Slingers, now arrived all together. With theſe, and
his former Troops, he advanced into a Plain eight Miles diſtant from his own
Camp, and four from that of Scipio, where he waited the Enemy in order
of Battle.
LXVII. THE Town of Tegea was below Scipio's Camp, where he had a
Garriſon of four hundred Horſe. Theſe he drew up on the right and left of
the Town; and bringing forth his Legions, formed them in order of Battle
upon a Hill ſomewhat lower than his Camp, and which was about a thouſand
Paces diſtant from it. After he had continued a conſiderable time in this
Poſture, without offering to make any Attempt; Ceſar ſent ſome Squadrons
of Horſe, ſupported by his light-armed Infantry, Archers, and Slingers, to
charge the Enemy's Cavalry, who were poſted before the Town. Our Men
advancing upon the Spur, Pacidius began to extend his Front, that he might
at once ſurround and give us a warm Reception. Upon this Cz/ar detached
three hundred Legionaries to our aſſiſtance, while at the ſame time Labienus
was continually ſending freſh Reinforcements, to replace thoſe that were
wounded or fatigued. Our Cavalry, who were only four hundred in number,
not being able to ſuſtain the Charge of four thouſand, and being beſides
eatly incommoded by the light- armed Mumidians, began at laſt to give
ground: which Cz/ar obſerving, detached the other Wing to their aſliftance ;
who joining thoſe that were like to be overpowered, they fell in a Body upon
the Enemy, put them to flight, flew or wounded great Numbers, purſued them
three Miles quite to the Mountains, and then returned 'to their own Men.
Cæſar continued in order of Battle till four in the Afternoon, and then retreated
to his Camp without the loſs of a Man. In this Action Pacidius received a
dangerous Wound in the Head, and had many of his beſt Officers either killed
or wounded.
LXVIIIL WHEN he found that the Enemy were by no means to be
prevailed with to fight him- upon equal terms, and that he could not encamp
nearer them for want of Water, in conſideration of which alone, and not from
any confidence in their Numbers, the Africans: had dared to deſpiſe him; he
decamped the fourteenth of April at midnight, marched ſixteen Miles beyond
Agar to Thapſus, where Vergilius commanded with a ſtrong Garriſon, and there
fixed his Camp. The very firſt Day he began the Circumvallation, and raiſed
Redoubts in proper Places, as well for his own ſecurity, as to prevent any Suc-
cours from entering the Town. This Step reduced Scipio to the neceſſity of
fighting, to avoid the diſgrace of abandoning Yergilius and the Thapfitani,
who had all along remained firm to his Party: and therefore following
Cæſar
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2
OF THE AFRICAN WAR.
Cæſar without delay, he poſted himſelf in two Camps; eight Miles from
Thapſus. | | |
LXIX. BETWEEN a Moraſs and the Sea was a narrow Paſs of about
fifteen hundred Paces, by which Scipio hoped to throw Succours into the Place.
But Cz/ar from a foreſight of what might happen, had the Day before raiſed a
very ſtrong Fort at the entrance of it, where he left a triple Garriſon; and
encamping with the reſt of his Troops in form of a half Moon, carried his
Works round the Town. Scipio, diſappointed of his Deſign, paſſed the Day
and Night following a little above the Moraſs; but early next Morning ad-
vanced within a ſmall diſtance of our Fort, where he began #0 intrench him-
ſelf about fifteen hundred Paces from the Sea. Cz/ar being informed of this,
drew off his Men from the Works; and leaving Aßprenas the Proconſul with
two Legions to guard the Camp and Baggage, marched all the reſt of his
Forces with the utmoſt expedition to the Place where the Enemy were poſted.
He left part of the Fleet before Thap/us, and ordered the reſt to make as near
the Shore as poſſible towards the Enemy's Rear, obſerving the Signal he ſhould
give them, upon which they were to raiſe a ſudden ſhout, that the Enemy
alarmed and diſturbed by the Noiſe behind them, might be forced to face
about.
LXX. WHEN Cæſar came to the Place, he found Scipio's Army in order
of Battle before the Intrenchments. the Flephants poſted in the two Wings,
and part of the Soldiers employed in fortifying the Camp. Upon fight of this
diſpoſition, he drew up his Army in three Lines, placed the ſecond and tenth
Legions in the right Wing, the eighth and ninth in the left, five Legions in
the Center, covered his Flanks with five Cohorts poſted over-againft the Ele-
| phants, diſpoſed the Archers and Slingers in the two Wings, and intermingled
the light-armed Troops with his Cavalry. He himſelf on foot went from Rank
to Rank, to rouſe the Courage of the Veterans, putting them in mind of their
former Bravery, and animating them by his ſoothing Addreſs. He exhorted
the new Levies to emulate the Bravery of the Veterans, and endeavour by a
Victory to attain the ſame degree of Glory and Renown.
LXXI. AS he ran from Rank to Rank, he obſerved the Enemy very uneaſy,
hurrying from Place to Place, one while retiring. behind the Rampart, another
coming out again in great Tumult and Confuſion. As the ſame was obſerved
by many others in the Army, his Lieutenants and Volunteers begged him to
give the Sign of Battle, as the immortal Gods promiſed him a certain Victory.
While he heſitated with himſelf, and ſtrove to repreſs their Eagerneſs and De-
ſires, as being unwilling to yield to the Importunity of Men, whoſe Duty it
was to wait his Orders; on a ſudden a Trumpet in the right Wing, without
his leave, and compelled by the Soldiers, ſounded a Charge. Upon this all
the Cohorts ran to Battle, in ſpite of the Endeavours of the Centurions, who
ſtrove to reſtrain them by force, but to no purpoſe. Cæſar perceiving that the
Ardor of his Soldiers would admit of no Reſtraint, giving Good- fortune for the
Word, ſpurred on his Horſe, and charged the Enemy's Front. On the right
Wing the Archers and Slingers poured their Javelins without intermiſſion upon
the Elephants, and by the Noiſe of their Slings and Stones, ſo terrified theſe
unruly Animals, that turning upon their own. Men, they trod them down in
heaps, and ruſhed through the Gates of the Camp, that were but half finiſhed.
At the ſame time the Mauritanian Horſe, who were in the ſame Wing with
4 L the
[
*
PAN S A's COMMENTARIEs
the Elephants, ſeeing themſelves deprived of their aſſiſtance, betook themſelves
to flight. Whereupon the Legions wheeling round the Elephants, ſoon maſtered
the Enemy's Intrenchments. Some few that made reſiſtance were lain : the
reſt fled with all expedition to the Camp they had quitted the Day before.
LXXII. AND here we muſt not omit taking notice of the Bravery of a
veteran Soldier of the fifth Legion. For when an Elephant which had been
wounded in the left Wing, and rouſed to Fury by the Pain, ran againſt an
unarmed Sutler, threw him under his Feet, and leaning on him with his
whole weight, brandiſhing his Trunk, and raifing hideous Cries, cruſhed him
to death; the Soldier could not refrain from attacking the Animal. The
Elephant ſeeing him advance with his Javelin in his Hand, quitted the dead
Body of the Sutler, and ſeizing him with his Trunk, wheeled him round in
the Air. But the Soldier amidſt all the danger, loſing nothing of his Courage,
ceaſed not with his Sword to ſtrike at the Elephant's Trunk, who at laſt over-
come with the Pain, quitted his Prey, and fled to the reſt with hideous
Cries.
LXXII. MEAN-WHILE the Garriſon of Thap/us, either deſigning to
aſſiſt their Friends, or abandon the Town, ſallied by the Gate next the Sea,
and wading navel-deep in the Water, endeavoured to reach the Land. But
the Servants and Followers of the - Camp, attacking them with Darts and
Stones, obliged them to return again to the Town Fespibd Cainp mean-
while being forced, and his Men flying on all fides, the Legions inſtantly be-
gan the purſuit, that they might have no time to rally. When they arrived
at their former Camp, by means of which they hoped to defend themſelves,
they began to think of choofing a Commander, to whoſe Authority and Orders
they might ſubmit: but finding none on whom they could rely, they threw
down their Arms, and fled to Juba's Quarter. This being likewiſe poſſeſſed
by our Men, they retired to a Hill; where deſpairing of ſafety, they endea-
voured to foften their Enemies, ſaluting them by the name of Brethren. But
this ſtood them in little ſtead: for the Veterans tranſported with Rage and
Anger, were not only deaf to the Cries of their Enemies, but even killed or
wounded ſeveral Citizens of Diſtinction in their own Army, whom they up-
braided as Authors of the War. Of this number was Tullius Rufus the Quæſtor,
whom a Soldier knowingly ran through with a Javelin; and Pompeius Rufus,
i who was wounded with a Sword in the Arm, 'and would doubtleſs have been
* lain, had he not ſpeedily fled to Cæſar for protection. This made ſeveral No-
| amnan Knights and Senators retire from the Battle, left the Soldiers, who after
fo ſignal a Victory aſſumed an unbounded Licence, ſhould be induced by the
hopes of Impunity to wreck their Fury on them likewiſe, In ſhort all Scipios
Soldiers, though they implored the protection of Ceſar, were yet in the very
ſight of that General, and amidſt his Intreaties to his Men to ſpare them,
univerſally, and without exception, put to the Sword.
il ; EXXIV. CESAR having made himſelf maſter of the Enemies three
it : Camps, killed ten thouſand of them, and put the reſt to flight, retreated to
| ; his own Quarters with the leſs of no more than fifty Men, and a few wounded.
it In his way he appeared before Thapfus, and ranged all the Elephants he had
| taken in the Battle, amounting to ſixty-four, with their Ornaments, Trappings,
1 and Caſtles, in full view of the Place. He was in hopes by this evidence of
| his Succels, to induce Yergilivs to a ſurrender. He even called and 2 *
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OF THE AFRICAN VAR.
him to ſubmit, reminding him of his Clemency and Mildneſs; but no Anſwer
being given, he retired from before the Town. Next Day, after returning
thanks to the Gods, he aſſembled his Army before Thap/is, praiſed his Soldiers
in preſence of the Inhabitants, rewarded the victorious, and from his Tribunal
extended his Bounty to every one, according to their Merit and Services. Set-
ting out thence immediately, he left the Proconſul C. Rebellius with three Le-
gions to continue the Siege, and ſent Cu. Domitius with two, to inveſt Tiſdra,
where Confidius commanded. Then ordering M. Meſſala to go before with the
Cavalry, he began his march to U7ica. M
LXXV. SCIPTIO's Cavalry, who had eſcaped out of the Battle, taking
the Road of Ctica, arrived at Parada : but being refuſed admittance by the
Inhabitants, who had heard of Cz/ar's Victory, they forced the Gates, lighted
a great Fire in the middle of the Forum, and threw all the Inhabitants into
it, without diſtinction of Age or Sex, with their Effects: avenging in this
manner by an unheard of Cruelty, the Affront they had received. Thence
they marched directly to Urtica. M. Cato, ſome time before, diſtruſting the
Inhabitants of that City, becauſe of the Privileges granted them by the Julian
Law, had diſarmed and expelled the Populace, obliging them to dwell without
the warlike Gate, in a ſmall Camp environed with a flight Intrenchment,
round which he had planted Guards, while at the ſame time he held the Se-
nators under Confinement. The Cavalry attacked their Camp, as knowing
them to be Well-wiſhers to Cz/ar, and to avenge, by their Deſtruction, the
ſhame of their own Defeat. But the People animated by Ceſar's Victory, re-
pulſed them with Stones and Clubs. They therefore threw themſelves into the
Town, killed many of the Inhabitants, and pillaged their Houſes. Caro un-
able to prevail with them to abſtain from Rapine and Slaughter, and undertakes
the defence of the Town, as he was not ignorant of what they aimed at,
gave each a hundred Seſterces to make them quiet, Sy/la Fauſtus did the ſame
out of his own Money; and marching with them from U7ica, advanced into
the Kingdom of 7uba.
LXXVI. A great many others that had eſcaped out of the Battle, fled to
Utica, Theſe Cato aſſembled, with three hundred more who had furniſhed
Scipio with Money for carrying on the War, and exhorted them to ſet their
Slaves free, and in conjunction with them defend the Town, But finding that
tho part aſſembled, the reſt were terrified and determined to fly, he gave over
the Attempt, and'furniſhed them with Ships to facilitate their eſcape. He him-
ſelf having ſettled all his Affairs with the utmoſt Care, and commended his
Children to L. Czſar his Quæſtor; without the leaft Indication which might
give cauſe of Suſpicion, or any change in his Countenance and Behaviour, pri-
vately carried a Sword into his Chamber when he went to ſleep, and ſtabbed
himſelf with it. But the Wound not proving mortal, and the noiſe of his Fall
creating a Suſpicion ; a Phyſician with ſome Friends broke into his Chamber,
and endeavoured to bind up the Wound : which he no ſooner was ſenſible of,
than tearing it open again with his own Hands, he expired with undaunted
reſolution and preſence of mind. The Uticans, tho they hated his Party,
yet in conſideration of his fingular Integrity, his Behaviour ſo different from
that of the other Chiefs, and the wonderful Fortifications he had erected to
defend their. Town, interred him honourably. L. Cz/ar, that he might pro-
cure ſome Advantages by his death, aſſembled the People, and after haranguing
them, exhorted them to open their Gates, and throw themſelves upon C2/ar's
| | Clemency,
315 |
316
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
Clemency, from which they had the greateſt reaſon to hope the beſt. This
Advice being followed, he came forth to meet Cæſar. Meſſala having
reached Utica according to his Orders, placed Guards at all the Gates.
LXXVII. MEAN-WHILE Cæſar leaving Thapſus, came to Uſeera,
where Scipio had laid up great ſtore of Corn, Arms, Darts, and other war-
like Proviſions, under a ſmall Guard. He ſoon made himſelf maſter of the
Place, and marched directly to Adrumetum, which he entered without oppo-
ſition. He took an account of the Arms, Proviſions, and Money in 'the
Town; pardoned &. Ligarius and C. Confidius ; and leaving Livineius Regulus
there with one Legion, ſet out the ſame Day for Utica. L. Ceſar meeting
him by the way, threw himſelf at his Feet, and only begged for his Life.
Ceſar, according to his wonted Clemency, eaſily pardoned him; as; he did
likewiſe Czcina, C. Ateius, P. Atrius, L. Colla Father and Son, M. Eppius,
M. Aquinius, Cato's Son, and the Children of Damifippus. He arrived at
Utica in the Evening by torch-light, and continued all that Night without
the Town,
LXXVIII. NEXT Morning early he entered the Place, ſummoned an
Aſſembly of the People, and thanked them for the Affection they had ſhewn
to his Cauſe. At the ſame time he cenſured ſeverely, and enlarged upon the
Crime of the Roman Citizens and Merchants, and the reſt of the three hun-
dred, who had furniſhed Scipio and Varus with Money; but concluded with
telling them that they might ſhow themſelves without fear, as he was deter-
mined to grant them their Lives, and content himſelf with expoſing their Effects
to ſale; yet ſo, that he would give them notice when their Goods were to be
fold, and the liberty of redeeming them upon payment of a certain Fine. The
Merchants half dead with Fear, and conſcious that they merited Death, hear-
ing upon what Terms Life was offered them, greedily accepted the Condition,
and intreated Ce/ar that he would impoſe a certain Sum in groſs upon all the
three hundred. Accordingly he amerced them in two hundred thouſand
Seſterces, to be paid to the Republick at fix equal Payments, within the ſpace
of three Years. They all accepted the Condition, and conſidering that Day as
a ſecond Nativity, joy fully returned thanks to Cz/ar.
LXXIX. MEAN-WHILE King Juba, who had eſcaped from the Battle
with Petreius, hiding himſelf all day in the Villages, and travelling only by
night, arrived at laſt in Numidia. When he came to Zama, his ordinary
place of reſidence, where were his Wives and Children, with all his Treaſures,
and whatever he held moſt valuable, and which he had ftrongly fortified at
the beginning of the War; the Inhabitants having heard of Cz/ar's Victory,
refuſed him entrance, becauſe upon declaring War againſt the Romans, he had
raiſed a mighty Pile of Wood in the middle of the Forum, deſigning, if un-
ſucceſsful, to maſſacre all the Citizens, fling their Bodies and Effects upon the
Pile, then ſetting fire to the Maſs, and throwing himſelf upon it, deſtroy all
without exception, Wives, Children, Citizens, and Treaſures, in one general
Conflagration. After continuing a conſiderable time before the Gates, finding
that neither Threats nor Intreaties would avail, he at laſt defired them to de-
liver him his Wives and Children, that he might carry them along with him.
But receiving no Anſwer, and ſeeing them determined to grant him nothing,
he quitted the Place, and retired to one of his Country-Seats with Petreius and
a few Horſe.
.
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OF THE AFRICAN VAR.
LXXX. MEAN- TIME the Zamians ſent Ambaſſadors to Cæſar at
Utica, to inform him of what they had done, and to requeſt his Aſſiſtance
againſt Juba, who was dratving his Forces together to attack them. T hey
aſſured him of their Submiſſion, and Reſolution to defend the Town for him.
Ceſar commended the Ambaſſadors, and ſent them back to acquaint their Fel -
low-Citizens, that he was coming himſelf to their Relief. Accordingly ſetting
out the next Day from IUtica with his Cavalry, he directed his march towards
Numidia. Many of the King's Generals met him on the way, and ſued for
Pardon: to all whom having given a favourable Hearing, they attended him to
Zama. The Report of his Clemency and Mildneſs ſpreading into all Parts,
the whole Numidian Cavalry flocked to him to Zama, and were there deli-
vered from their Fears.
LXXXI. DURING theſe Tranſactions, Conſidius who commanded at Ti/dra,
with his own Retinue, a Garriſon of Getuliaus, and a Company of Gladiators;
hearing of the defeat of his Party, and terrified at the arrival of Domitivs and
the Legions, abandoned the 'Town ; and privately withdrawing with a few of the
Barbarians, and all his Money, took his way towards Vumidia. The Getulians,
to render themſelves mafters of his Treaſure, murdered him by the way, and
fled every Man where he could. Mean-time C. Vergilius, ſeeing himſelf ſhut
up by Sea and Land, without power of making a Defence; his Followers all
ſlain or put to flight; M. Cato dead by his own hands at Utica; Fuba deſpiſed
and deſerted by his own Subjects; Sabura and his Forces defeated by Sitius;
Ceſar received without Oppoſition at Utica; and that of fo vaſt an Army, no-
thing remained capable of ſcreening him or his Children; thought it his moſt
prudent Courſe, to ſurrender himſelf and the City to the Proconſul Caninius,
by whom he was beſieged.
LXXXII. AI the flunc time King Jula, ſeeing himſelf excluded from all
the Cities of his Kingdom, and that there remained no hopes of Safety ; havin
ſupped with Petreius, propoſed an Engagement Sword in hand, that they
might die honourably. Tuba, as being the ſtronger, eaſily got the better of
his Adverſary, and laid him dead at his Feet: but endeavouring afterwards
to run himſelf through the Body, and wanting Strength to accompliſh it, nge
was obliged to have recourſe to one of his Slaves, and by his Intreaties prevailed
upon him to perform that mournful Office.
LXXXIIL IN the mean time P. Sitius, having defeated the Army of Sa-
bura, Fuba Lieutenant, and ſlain the General; and marching with a few
Troops thro' Mauritania to join Cæſar, chanced to fall in with Fauſtus and
Afranius, who were at the head of the Party that had plundered Utica,
amounting in all to about fifteen hundred Men, and deſigning to make the beſt
of their way to Spain. Having expeditiouſly placed himſelf in ambuſcade during
the night, and attacking them by day-break, he either killed or made them
all Priſoners, excepting a few that eſcaped from the Van. Afranivs and
Fauſtus were taken among the reſt, with their Wives and Children: but ſome
few Days after, a Mutiny ariſing among the Soldiers, Fauſtus and Afranius
were ſlain. Cæſar pardoned Pompeia, the Wife of Fauſtus, with her Children,
and permitted her the free enjoyment of all her Effects.
LXXXIV. MEAN-WHILE Scipio, with Damaſippus and Torguatus, and
Plætorius Ruſtianus, having embarked on board ſome Gallies, with a deſign to
| 48: - OT: make
317
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318
PAN SA's COMMENTARIES.
make for the Coaſt of Spain; and being long and ſeverely toſſed by contrary
Winds, were at laſt obliged to put into the Port of Hippo, where the Fleet
commanded by P. Sitius chanced at that time to be. Scipio's Veſſels, which
were but ſmall, and few in number, were eaſily ſurrounded and ſunk by the
larger and more numerous Ships of Sitius; on which Occaſion Scipio, and
all thoſe whom we have mentioned above, as having embarked with him,
periſhed. Þ
LXXXV. MEAN-W HILE Cæſar having expoſed the King's Effects to pub-
lick fale at Zama, and confiſcated the Eſtates of thoſe, who though Roman Citi-
zens, had born Arms againſt the Republick : after conferring Rewards upon fuch
of the Zamians as had been concerned in the deſign of excluding the King,
he aboliſhed all the royal Tributes, converted the Kingdom into a Province; and
appointing Criſpus Salluſtius to take charge of it with the Title of Proconſul,
returned again to Uzica. There he ſold the Eſtates of the Officers that had
ſerved under Juba and Petreius, fined the People of Thapſus twenty thouſand
Seſterces, and the Company of Roman Merchants there thirty thouſand ; fined
likewiſe the Inhabitants of Adrumetum in thirty thouſand, and their Company
in fifty thouſand, but preſerved the Cities and their Territories from Inſult and
Plunder. Thoſe of Leptis, whom Juba had pillaged ſome time before, and
who upon Complaint made to the Senate by their Deputies, had obtained Ar-
bitrators and Reſtitution, were enjoined to pay yearly three hundred thouſand
Pounds of Oil; becauſe from the beginning of the War, in conſequence of a
diſſenſion among their Chiefs, they had made an Alliance with the King of
Numidia, and ſupplied him with Arms, Soldiers, and Money. The People of
Tiſdra, becauſe of their extreme Poverty, were only condemned to pay annu-
ally a certain quantity of Corn.
LXXXVI. THESE Things ſettled. he embarked ar Utica on the thirteenth
of June, and three Days after arrived at Carales in Sardinia. - Here he con-
demned the Sulcitani in a Fine of one hundred thouſand Seſterces, for re-
ceiving and aiding Maſfidiuss Fleet; and inftead of a tenth, which was
their former Aſſeſsment, ordered them now to pay an eighth to the publick
Treaſury. He likewiſe confiſcated the Eſtates of ſome who had been more
active than the reſt, and weighing from Carales on the twenty-ninth of June,
coaſted along the Shore, and after a Voyage of twenty-eight Days, during which
he was ſeveral times obliged to put into Port by contrary Winds, arrived fafe
at Rome.
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THE AR GUM E NI.
I. * mmer mehl of the Spaniſh War. II. Czfar mdrches to bitack Cordova,
III. Az the ſame time throws Succours into Ulia, befieged by Pompey. IV. The
Attempt upon Cordova obliges Pompey to raiſe the Siege of Ulia. V. Pompey
advancing to the Relief of Cordova, Cæſar attacks Ategua, whither be is
followed by Pompey. VII. Both intrench themſelves in mountainous Places,
of difficult Acceſs. IX. Pompey attacking a Fort belonging to Cæſar, is re-
pulſed. X. Cæſar cofttinues the Stegt of Ategua. XI. Repuljes a Sally from
the Town. MII. Various Shirmifhet berwetn ths u Armies. XV. Cruelty
of the Townſmen. XVI. Cæſar repulſes them in a ſecond Sally. XVII. Tul
lius treats with Cæſar about a Surrender. XVIII. Continuation of the Siege.
XIX. The Town ſurrenders. XX. Pompey removes his Camp towards Ucubis.
XXII. Behaviour of the Burſavolenſes. XXIII. Cæſar and Pompey both en-
camp near Ucubis, where ſome Skirmiſhes happen. XXV. Single Combat of
Turpio and Niger. XXVI. Great Number of the Enemy deſert to Cæſar.
Some of Pompey 's Letters intercepted. XXVII. Both Parties encamp in the
Plain of Munda. XXVIII. A great Battle enſues, XXXI. In which
Pompey is totally defeated. XXXII. Cæſar befieges the Runamaye in Munda.
XXXIII. Attacks and makes hin/elf muſter of Cordova, XXXV. Likewiſe
of Hiſpalis ; whence he is expelled, and again recovers it. The Mundenſes,
under pretence of a Surrender, preparing to attack our Men, are themſelves
put to the Sword. XX XVII. Carteia „ zo Cxſar. Pompey makes
bis Eſcape. XXXIX. Pompey is flain. XL. Some of Czfar's Ships burnt.
XLI. Czſar's Troops take poſſeſſion of Munda, and afterwards inveſt Urſao.
XLII. Cæſar' Speech to the People of Hiſpalis.
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JOMMENTARIES
OF THE
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: HARNACES being vanquiſhed, and Africa reduced, thoſe who
P eſcaped fled into Spain to young Cn. Pompey; who having got poſſeſ-
fon of the farther Province, whilſt Cæſar was employed in diſtri-
uting Rewards in [zaly, endeavoured to ſtrengthen himſelf by engaging the
veral States to join him: and partly by intreaty, partly by force, ſoon drew
gether a conſiderable Army, with which he began to lay waſte the Country.
n this ſituation of Things, ſome States voluntarily ſent him Supplies, others
hut the Gates of their Towns againſt him : of which, if any chanced to fall
ito his hands by Aſſault; how well ſoever a Citizen might have deſerved of
is Father, yet if he was known to be rich, ſome ground of Complaint was
ever wanting, under pretence of which to deſtroy him, that his Eſtate might
all a Prey to the Soldiers. Thus the Enemy, encouraged by the Spoils of the
anquiſhed, increaſed daily in Number and Strength: inſomuch that the States
n Ceſar's Intereſt were continually ſending Meſſengers into Italy, to preſs his
mmediate march to their relief. |
II. CA IAR now a third time Dictator, and nominated alſo a fourth time
o the ſame Dignity, haſtening with all diligence into Spain, to put an end to
he War, was met upon the Way by the Ambaſſadors of Cordeva, who had
eſerted from the Camp of Cn. Pompey. They informed him that it would
e an eaſy matter to make himſelf maſter of the Town by night, becauſe the
inemy as yet knew nothing of his arrival in the Province, the Scouts ſent out
y Cn. Pompey to inform him of Cz/ar's approach, having been all made Pri-
oners. They alledged beſides many other very probable Reaſons ; all which
o far wrought upon him, that he ſent immediate advice of his arrival to
?. Pedius, and Q. Fabius Maximus his Lieutenants, to whom he had left the
ommand of the Troops in the Province; ordering them to ſend him all the
Davalry they had been able to raiſe. He came up with them much ſooner
han they expected, and was joined by the Cavalry according to his
leſite. |
322
PAN s A's COMMENTARIES
III. SEXTUS POMPEY, the Brother of Crews, commanded at this
time in Cordova, which was accounted the Capital of the Province. Young
Cneus Pompey himſelf was employed in the Siege of Ulia, which had now
| laſted ſome Months. The Beſieged having notice of Cæſar's arrival, ſent De-
puties to him, who paſſed unobſerved thro' Pompeys Camp, and requeſted with
great carneſtneſs, that he' would come ſpeedily to their Relief. Cz/ar, who
was no ſtranger to the Merit of that People, and their conſtant Attachment to
the Romans, detached about nine at night eleven Cohorts, with a like number
of Horſe, under the command of L. Julius Paciecus, a good Officer, well known
in the Province, and who was befides perfectly acquainted with the Country,
When he arrived at Pompey's Quarters, a dreadful Tempeſt ariſing, attended
with a violent Wind; ſo great a darkneſs enſued, that it was difficult to diſtin-
guiſh even the Perſon next you. This Accident proved of great advantage to
Paciecus: for being arrived at Pompey's Camp, he ordered the Cavalry to ad-
vance two by two, and march dire&ly thro' the Enemy's Quarters to the Town.
Some of their Guards calling to know who paſſed ; one of our Troopers
bid them be filent, for they were juſt then endeavouring by ſtealth to approach
the Wall, in order to get poſſeſſion of the Town ; and partly by this Anſwer,
partly by favour of the Tempeſt, which hindered the Sentinels from examining
things diligently, they were ſuffered to paſs without diſturbance. When they
reached the Gates, upon a Signal given they were admitted; and both Horſe
and Foot raifing a mighty Shout, after leaving ſome Troops to guard the
Town, fallied in a Body upon the Enemy's Camp; who having no
apprehenſion of ſuch an Attack, were almoſt all like to have been made
Priſoners,
IV. UL IA being relieved, Ceſar, to draw Pompey from the Siege, marched
towards Cordova; ſending the Cavalry before, with a ſelect Body of heavy-
armed Foot; who as ſnnn ae they came within fight of the Place, got up be-
hind the Troopers, without being perceived by thoſe of Cordova. Upon their
approach to the Walls, the Enemy ſallied in great numbers, to attack our Ca-
valry ; when the Infantry leaping down, fell upon them with ſuch fury, that
out of an almoſt infinite multitude of Men, very few returned to the Town.
This ſo alarmed Sextus Pompey, that he immediately ſent Letters to his Bro-
ther, requeſting him to come ſpeedily to his relief, left Cz/ar ſhould make
himſelf maſter of Cordova before his arrival. Thus Cn. Pompey, moved by
his Brother's Letters, quitted the Siege of Ilia, which was upon the point of
ſurrendering, and began his march towards Cordova.
V. CASAR arriving at the River Betis, which he found too deep to be
forded, ſunk ſeveral Baskets of Stones in it; and raiſing a Bridge upon them,
ſupported by double Beams, carried over his Forces in three Bodies. Pompey
arriving ſoon after with his Troops, encamped directly over-againſt him.
| Ceſar, to cut off his Provifions and Communication with the Town, run a
Line from his Camp to the Bridge. Pompey did the ſame; inſomuch that
a Struggle aroſe between the two Generals, which ſhould firſt get poſſeſſion
of the Bridge; and this daily brought on ſmall Skirmiſhes, in which ſometimes
the one, ſometimes. the other Party had the better. At laſt the Diſpute be-
coming more general, they came to a cloſe Fight, tho' upon very diſadvan-
tageous Ground : for both fades ſtriving earneſtly to obtain the Bridge, they
found themſelves as they approached ſtraitened for want of room, and extend-
ing themſelves towards the River fade, many fell headlong from the 27 5
; ; Thus
OF THE SPANISH FAR.
Thus the loſs was pretty equal; for on either fide lay heaps of ſlain: and
Caſar, for many Days, uſed all poſſible endeavours to bring the Enemy to an
Engagement on equal terms, that he might bring the War to a concluſion as
ſoon as poſſible.
VI. BUT finding that they carefully avoided a Battle, with a view to
which chiefly he had quitted the rout of Ilia; he cauſed great Fires to be
lighted in the night, repaſſed the River with all his Forces, and marched to-
wards Ategua, one of their ſtrongeſt Garriſons. Pompey having notice of this
from the Deſerters, retreated the ſame Day to Cordova, by a very narrow and
difficult Road, with a great number of Carriages and Machines of War.
Ceſar began his Attack upon Ategua, and carried Lines quite round the
Town; of which Pompey having intelligence, ſet out upon his march the
ſame Day. But Cz/ar had taken care beforehand to ſecure all the advantageous
Poſts, and poſſeſs himſelf of the Forts; partly to ſhelter his Cavalry, partly to
poſt Guards of Infantry for the defence of his Camp. The Morning of Pom-
pey's arrival was fo foggy, that he found means, with ſome Cohorts and Troops
of Cavalry, to hem in a Party of Cęſar's Horſe, and fell upon them in ſuch
manner, that very few eſcaped ſlaughter. |
VII. THE following Night Pompey ſet fire to his Camp, paſſed the River
Salſus, and marching thro' the Valleys, encamped on a riſing Ground, be-
tween the two Towns of Ategua and Ucubis. Ceſar mean-while continued his
Approaches, caſt up a Mount, and brought forward his Machines. The
Country all around is mountainous, and ſeems formed for War. The River
Salfus runs thro' the Plains, and divides them from the Mountains, which all
lie upon the fide of Ategua, at about two miles diſtance from the River.
Pompey's Camp was upon theſe Mountains, within view of both the Towns,
but nearer to Ategua; to which he could however ſend no relief, tho' his
Army conſiſted of thirteen Legions. Of theſe he chiefly relied on four : two
Spaniſh ones, which had deſerted from Trebonius; one formed out of the No-
man Colonies in thoſe parts; and a fourth which he had brought with him
from Africa. The reſt were for the moſt part made up of Fugitives and De-
ſerters. As to light- armed Foot and Cavalry, we far exceeded him both in the
number and goodneſs of the Troops. |
VIII. BUT what proved principally ſerviceable to Pompey's defign of
drawing out the War into length, was the nature of the Country, full of
Mountains, and extremely well adapted to Encampments. For almoſt the whole
Province of farther Spain, tho of an extremely fertile Soil, and abounding in
Springs, is nevertheleſs very difficult of acceſs. Here too, on account of the
frequent Incurſions of the Natives, all the Places remote from great Towns, are
fortified with Towers and Caſtles, covered, as in Africa, not with Tiles, but with
Earth. On: theſe they place Centinels, whoſe high fituation commands an exten-
five view of the Country on all ſides, Nay the greateſt part of the Towns of this
Province are built on Mountains, and Places exceedingly ſtrong by Nature, the
approaches to which are extremely difficult. Thus Sieges are rare and hazardous
in Spain, it not being eaſy to reduce their Towns by force; as happened in the
preſent War. For Pompey having eſtabliſhed his Camp between Ategua and Ucu-
bis, as related above, and within view of both Towns, Cz/ar found means to
poſſes himſelf of an Eminence very conveniently ſituated, and only about four
miles from his own Camp, on which he built a Fortrels.
IX,
323
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
IX. POMPEY, who from the nature of the Ground was covered by the
ſame Eminence, and beſides at a ſufficient diſtance from Cæſar's Quarters, ſoon
became ſenſible of the importance of this Poſt: and as Cz/ar was ſeparated
from it by the River Sal/us, he imagined that the difficulty of ſending relief
would prevent his attempting any thing of that kind in its defence. Relyin
on this perſuaſion, he fet out about midnight, and attacked the Fort, which
had been very troubleſom to the Beſieged. The Enemy, upon their approach,
ſetting up a Shout, diſcharged their Javelins in great numbers, and wounded
multitudes of our Men : but thoſe in the Fort making a vigorous Reſiſtance,
and diſpatching Meſſengers to the greater Camp to inform Cz/ar of what had
happened, he haſtened to their relief with three Legions. His approach ſtruck
the Enemy with terror: many were ſlain, and a yet greater number made Pri-
ſoners; nay multitudes in their flight threw away their Arms; inſomuch
that above fourſcore Shields were found. which they. had left behind
them.
X. THE Day after Arguetius arrived from Ttaly with the Cavalry, and
five Standards taken from the Saguntines; but was forced to quit his Poſt b
Aſprenas, who likewiſe brought a Reinſorcement from 1zaly to Ceſar. The
ſame Night Pompey ſet fire to his Camp, and drew towards Cordova. A King
named Indus, who was bringing ſome Troops to Cæſar with a Party of Cavalry,
following the purſuit of the Enemy too briskly, was made Priſoner and ſlain
by the Spaniſh Legionaries. Next Day our Cavalry purſued thoſe who were
employed in * Proviſions from the Town to Pompeys Camp, almoſt to
the very Walls of Cordova, and took fifty Priſoners, beſides Horſes. The fame
Day Q. Marcivs, a military Tribune in Pompey's Army, deſerted to us. At
midnight the Beſieged fell furiouſly upon our Works, and by all the Methods
they could deviſe, threw Fire and combuſtible Matter into the Trenches. When
the Attack was ended, C. Fundaniue a Raman Knight quitted the Enemy,
and came over to us.
XI. NEXT Day two Spaniſh Legionaries, who pretended they were Slaves,
were made Priſoners by a Party of our Horſe : but being brought to the Camp,
they were known by the Soldiers who had formerly ſerved under Fabius and
Pedius, and deſerted from Trebonius, who would grant no Quarter, but maſ-
facred them immediately. At the ſame time ſome Couriers ſent from Cordova
to Pompey, entering our Camp by miſtake, were ſeized, had their Hands cut
off, and then were diſmiſſed. About nine at night the Beſieged, according to
cuſtom, ſpent a conſiderable time in-caſting Fire and Darts upon our Soldiers,
and wounded a great number of Men. At day-break they fallied upon the
ſixth Legion, who were -buſy at the Works, and began a ſharp Conteſt, in
which however our Men got the better, tho' the beſieged had the advantage
of the higher Ground: and fifty of their Horſe, who had begun the Attack,
being vigorouſly oppoſed on our fide, notwithſtanding all the Inconveni-
ences we fought under, were at length obliged to retire into the Town with
many Wounds.
XII. NEXT Day Pompey began a Line from the Camp to the River
Salſus; and a ſmall Party of our Horſe, being attacked by a much greater
Body of the Enemy, were driven from their Poſt, with the loſs of three of their
number. The ſame Day A. Valgius, the Son of a Senator, whoſe Brother was
in Pompeys Camp, mounted his Horſe and went over to the Enemy, leaving
all
OF THE SPANISH FAR.
all his Baggage behind him. A Spy belonging to Pompey's ſecond Legion was
taken and ſlain, At the fame time a Bullet was ſhot into the Town with this
Inſcription: That Notice ſhould be given by the Signal of a Buckler, when
Ceſar advanced to ſtorm the Town. This encouraging ſome to hope that
they might ſcale the Walls and poſſeſs themſelves of the Town without dan-
ger, they fell the next Day to ſapping them, and threw down a conſiderable
Part of the outward Wall. They then endeavoured to mount the Breach, but
were made Priſoners, and afterwards employed by the Garriſon to make an
Offer of ſurrendering the Town to Cæſar, upon condition he would ſuffer them
to march out with their Baggage. The Anſwer was, That it had been always
his Cuſtom to give, not accept of Conditions; which being reported to the
Garriſon, they Pp a Shout, and began to pour their Darts upon our Men
from the whole Circuit of the Wall; which gave reaſon to believe that the
Garriſon intended that Day to make a vigorous Sally. Wherefore ſurrounding
the Town with our Troops, the Conflict was for ſome time maintained with
great Violence, and one of our Batteries threw down a Tower belonging to the
Enemy, in which were five of their Men, and a Boy, whoſe Office it was to
obſerve the Battery. |
XIII. AFTER this Pompey erected a Fort on the other fide of the Salſus,
in which he met with no interruption from our Men, and gloried not a little
in the imagination of having poſſeſſed himſelf of a Poſt ſo near us. Alſo the
following Day, extending himſelf in like manner ftill farther, he came up with
our out-guard of Cavalry; and charging them briskly, obliged ſeveral Squa-
drons, and the light-armed Foot to give ground; many of whom, by reaſon
of the ſmallneſs of their Numbers, incapable of any vigorous Oppoſition, were
trod down by the Enemy's Horſe. This paſſed within view of both Camps,
and not a little animated the Pompeians, to ſee our Men puſhed ſo far: but
being afterwards reinforced by a Party frum dur Camp, they faced about with
deſign to renew the Fight.
XIV. IN all Battles of the Horſe this is found to hold, that when the
Troopers diſmount with deſign to charge the Infantry, the Match evermore
proves unequal, as happened on the preſent occaſion. For a ſelect Body of the
Enemy's light-armed Foot, coming unexpectedly upon our Horſe, they alighted
to ſuſtain the Charge. Thus in a very little time, from a Horſe it became a
Foot-skirmiſh, and again from a Foot changed to a Horſe encounter, in which
our Men were driven back to their very Lines: but being there reinforced,
about a hundred and twenty-three of the Enemy were ſlain, ſeveral forced to
throw down their Arms, many wounded, and the reſt purſued quite to their
Camp. On our fide a hundred and eleven Men were lain, beſides twelve
Foot-ſoldiers and five Troopers wounded.
XV. TOWARDS the Evening of the ſame Day, the Fight, as uſual,
was renewed before the Walls; and the Enemy having thrown many Darts,
and a great Quantity of Fire from the Battlements, proceeded afterwards to
an Action of unexampled Cruelty and Barbarity : for in the very fight of our
Troops they fell to murdering the Citizens, and tumbling them headlong from
the Walls; an inſtance of Inhumanity, of which no Parallel is to be found in
the Hiſtory of the moſt ſavage Nations.
40 XVI.
325
326
PAN S Abs COMMENTARIES
XVI. WHEN Night came on, Pompey ſent a Meſſenger unknown to us
to exhort the Garriſon to make a vigorous Sally about midnight, and ſet fire
to our Towers and Mount. Accordingly having poured upon us a great
Quantity of Darts and Fire, and deſtroyed a conſiderable part of the Rampart,
they opened the Gate which lay over-againſt and within view of Pompeys
Camp, and ſallied out with all their Forces, carrying with them Faſcines to
fill up the Ditch; Hooks and Fire to deſtroy and reduce to Aſhes the Barracks
which the Soldiers had built moſtly of Reeds to defend them from the Winter:
and ſome Silver and rich Apparel to ſcatter among the Tents, that while or
Men ſhould be employed in ſecuring the Plunder, they might fight their way
through and eſcape to Pompey; who in expectation that they would be able
to effect their Deſign, had croſſed the Saſſus with his Army, where he con-
tinued all Night in order of Battle, to favour their Retreat.. But though our
Men had no Apprehenſion of this Deſign, their Valour enabled them to fruſtrate
the Attempt, and repulſe the Enemy with many Wounds. They even made
themſelves maſters of the Spoil, their Arms, and ſome Priſoners, who were
put to death next Day. At the ſame time a Deſerter from the Town informed
us, that Junius, who was employed in the Mine when the Citizens were maſ-
ſacred, exclaimed againſt it as a cruel and barbarous Action, which ill ſuited
the kind Treatment they had received, and was a direct Violation of the Laws
of Hoſpitality. He added many things beſides, which made ſuch an Im-
preſſion upon the Garriſon, that they deſiſted from the maſſacre.
XVII. THE next Day Tullius, a Lieutenant-General, accompanied by
C. Antonius of Lufitania, came to Ceſar, and addreſſed him to this effect.
« Would to Heaven I had rather been one of your Soldiers, than a Follower
« of C. Pompey, and given thoſe Proofs of Valour and Conſtancy in obtaining
&« Victories for you, rather than in RODE for him. The only Advantage
« we reap from following his Banners are doleſul Applauſes, being reduced to
« the condition of indigent Citizens, and by the melancholy F ate of our
« Country ranked among its Enemies; who having never ſhared with Pompey
in his good Fortune, find ourſelves yet involved in his Diſgrace; and after
« fuftaining the Attack of ſo many armed Legions, employing ourſelves Day
and Night in Works of Defence, expoſed to the Darts and Swords of our
« Fellow-Citizens; vanquiſhed, deſerted by Pompey, and compelled to give
( way to the ſuperior Valour of your Troops, find ourſelves at laſt obliged to
4 have recourſe to your Clemency, and implore that you will not ſhow your-
« ſelves leſs placable to Fellow-Citizens, than you have ſo often been to fo-
« reign Nations. I am ready, returned Cæſar, to ſhow the fame Favour to
4 Citizens, which vanquiſhed Nations have always received at my hands.“
XVIII. THE Ambaſſadors being diſmiſſed, when they arrived at the Gate
of the Town, Tiberius Tullius obſerving that C. Antony did not follow him,
returned to the Gate and laid hold of him, upon which drawing a Poniard
from his Breaſt, he wounded him in the Hand, and in this condition they both
fled to Ce/ar. At the fame time the Standard- bearer of the firſt Legion came
over to our Camp, and reported that the Day when the Skirmiſh happened
between the Horſe, no leſs than thirty-five of his Company fell; but it was
not allowed to mention it in Pompey's Camp, or ſo much as own the loſs of
one Man. A Slave, whoſe Maſter was in Cz/ar's Camp, and who had left
his Wife and Son in the City, cut his. Maſter's Throat, and deceiving me
; Guar 5
\
OF THE SPANISH VR.
Guards, eſcaped privately to Pompey's Camp; whence by means of a Bullet, on
which he inſcribed his Intelligence, he gave us notice of the Preparations made
for the defence of the Place. When we had read the Inſcription, thoſe who
were employed to throw the Bullet returning to the City, two Luftanian
Brothers deſerted, and informed us, that Pompey in a Speech made to his Sol-
diers had faid; that as he found it impoſſible to relieve the Town, he was
reſolved to withdraw privately in the night, and retire towards the Sea: to
which one made anſwer, that it were better to hazard a Battle, than take Re-
fuge in flight; for which he was immediately killed. At the fame time ſome
of his Counters were intercepted, who were endeavouring to get into the Town,
Ceſar ſent the Letters to the Inhabitants, and one of the Meſſengers begging
his Life, he granted it with promiſe of further Reward, if he would ſet fire to
the Enemy's wooden Turret. The Enterpriſe was not without difficulty: he
undertook it however, but was ſlain in the Attempt. The ſame Night a Deſerter
informed us that Pompey and Labienus were greatly offended at the maſſacre
of the Citizens. |
XIX. ABOUT nine at Night, one of our wooden Towers, which had
been ſeverely battered by the Enemy's Engines, gave way as far as the third
Story. At the ſame time a ſharp Action happened near the Walls, and the
Beſieged, aſſiſted by a favourable Wind, burnt the remaining part of that Tower
and another. Next Morning a Matron threw herſelf from the Wall, and came
over to our Camp, reporting, that the reſt of her Family had intended the
fame, but were apprehended and put to death ; likewiſe a Letter was thrown
over, in which was written; „L. Minutius to Ceſar : Pompey has abandoned
“ me; if you will grant me my Life, I promiſe to ſerve you with the ſame
« Fidelity and Attachment I have hitherto manifeſted towards him.” At the
ſame time the Deputice who had been ſent before to Cz/ar by the Garriſon,
now waited on him a ſecond time, offering to deliver up the Town next Day,
upon a bare grant of their Lives: to which he reply'd, That he was Cz/ar, and
would perform his Word. Thus having made himſelf maſter of the Place the
nineteenth of February, he was ſaluted Emperor by the Army.
XX. POMPEY being informed by ſome Deſerters that the Town had
ſurrendered, removed his Camp towards Ucwubis, where he began to build Re-
doubts, and ſecure himſelf with Lines. Cæſar alſo decamped and drew near
him. At the ſame time a Spaniſh Legionary Soldier deſerting to our Camp,
informed us; that Pompey had aſſembled the People of Ucubis, and given it
them in. charge to enquire diligently who favoured his Party, who that of
the Enemy. Some time after, the Slave, who, as we have related above, had
murdered his Maſter, was taken in a Mine and burnt alive. About the ſame
time eight Spaniſh Centurions came over to Ce/ar : and in a Skirmiſh between
our Cavalry and that of the Enemy, we were repulſed, and ſome of our light-
armed Foot wounded, The fame Night we took four of the Enemies Spies.
One, as being a Legionary Soldier, was beheaded, but the other three, who
were Slaves, were crucified,
XXI. THE Day following ſome of the Enemies Cavalry and light-armed
Infantry deſerted to us; and about eleven of their Horſe, falling upon a Party
of our Men that were ſent to fetch Water, killed ſome, and took others Pri-
ſoners; amongſt which laſt were eight Troopers. Next Day Pompey beheaded
ſeventy-
y
328
PAN S As COMMENTARIES
ſeventy- four Perſons as favourers of Cz/ar's Cauſe, ordering the reſt who lay
under the ſame Suſpicion to be carried back to the Town, of whom an
hundred and twenty eſcaped to Cæſar.
XXII. SOME time after, the Deputies of Burſavola, whom Cæſar had
taken Priſoners in Ategua, and ſent along with his own Ambaſſadors to their
City, to inform them of the maſſacre of the Ateguans, and what they had to
apprehend from Pompey, who ſuffered his Soldiers to murder their Hoſts, and
commit all manner of Crimes with Impunity, arriving in the Town; none
of our Deputies, except ſuch as were Natives of the Place, durſt enter the
City, though they were all Roman Knights and Senators. But after many
Meſſages backward and forward, when the Deputies were upon their Return,
the Garriſon purſued and put them all to the Sword, except two who eſcaped
to Cæſar, and informed him of what had happened. Some time after, the
Burſavolenſes ſending Spies. to Ategua, to know the Truth of what had hap-
ned, and finding the Report of our Deputies confirmed, were for ſtoning to
death him who had been the Cauſe of the Murder of the Deputies, and were
with difficulty reſtrained from laying violent hands upon him, which in the
end proved the occaſion of their own Deſtruction. For having obtained leave
of the Inhabitants to go in perſon to Ceſar and juſtify himſelf, he privately drew
together ſome Troops, and when he thought himſelf ſtrong enough, returned
in the night, and was treacherouſly admitted into the Town; where he made
a dreadful maſſacre of the Inhabitants, ſlew all the Leaders of the oppolite
Party, and reduced the Place under his Obedience. Soon after, ſome Slaves
who had deſerted informed us, that he had ſold all the Goods of the Citizens,
and that Pompey ſuffered none of his Soldiers to quit the Camp but unarmed,
becauſe fince the taking of Ategua, many deſpairing of ſucceſs fled into Be-
thuria, having given over all Expectation of Victory; and that if any deſerted
from our Camp, they were put among the light-armed Infantry, whoſe Pay
was only ſixteen Aſſes a Day.
XXIII. THE Day following Ceſar removed his Camp nearer to Pompey's,
and began to draw a Line to the River Sa//us. Here while our Men were
employed in the Work, ſome of the Enemy fell upon us from the higher
Ground, and as we were in no condition to make Reſiſtance, wounded great
Numbers, obliging us, contrary to cuſtom, to retreat. This being perceived ;
two Centurions of the fifth Legion paſſed the River, and reſtored the Battle;
when urging the Enemy with aſtoniſhing Bravery, one of them fell, over-
whelmed by the multitude of Darts diſcharged from above. The other con-
tinued the Combat for ſome time; but ſeeing himſelf in danger of being ſur-
rounded, as he was endeavouring to make good his Retreat, he ſtumbled and
fell. His Death being known, the Enemy flocked together in ſtill greater
Numbers, upon which our Cavalry paſſed the River, and drove them quite
back to their Intrenchments; but purſuing them with too much heat, wers
ſurrounded by their Cavalry and light-armed Foot; where but for the moſt
aſtoniſhing Efforts of Bravery, they muſt all unavoidably have been made
Priſoners: for they were ſo hemmed in by the Enemies Lines, that they wanted
room to defend themſelves. Many were wounded on our fide in theſe two
Encounters, and among the reſt Clodius Aguitius; but as the Fight was carried
on moſtly at a diſtance, only the two Centurions of whom mention has been
already made, and whom the deſire of Glory rendered regardleſs of their own
Safety, were killed. . XXIV.
RR
OF THE SPANISH WAR.
XXIV. NEXT Day both Parties withdrawing from Soricaria, we con-
tinued our Works. But Pompey obſerving that our Fort had cut off his Com-
munication with A/pavia, which is about five Miles diſtant from Ucubrs,
judged it neceſſary to come to a Battle. Yet he did not offer it upon equal
terms, but choſe to draw up his Men upon a Hill, that he might have the
advantage of the higher Ground. Mean-while both fides endeavouring to
poſſeſs themſelves of an Eminence that lay extremely convenient, we at laſt
got the better of the Pompeians, and drove them ſrom the Plain. The Slaughter
was very great, and would have been ſtill greater, had they not been protected
by the Mountain rather than their Valour. Night came on very opportunely
to favour their Eſcape; without which our Men, though few in Number,
would have entirely cut off their Retreat. Pompey loſt on this occaſion three
hundred and twenty-four light- armed Foot, and about a hundred and thirty -
eight Legionary Soldiers, beſides thoſe whoſe Armour and Spoils we carried off.
Thus the death of the two Centurions, which happened the Day before, was
fully revenged.
XXV. THE Day after, Pompey's Horſe advanced according to their uſual
cuſtom to our Lines; for only the Cavalry durſt venture to draw up on equal
Ground. They therefore began to skirmiſh with our Men who were at work,
the Legionaries calling out to us at the ſame time to chooſe our Field of
Battle, with deſign to make us believe that they defired nothing ſo much as
to come to Blows. Upon this Invitation our Men quitted the Eminence where
they were encamped, and advanced a great way into the Plain, deſiring no
advantage of Ground. But none of the Enemy had the boldneſs to preſent
themſelves, Antiſtius Turpio excepted; who preſuming on his Strength, and
fancying no one on our ſide a match for him, offered us defiance. Upon this
enſued a Combat not unlike that recorded of Memnon and Achilles. For
9. Pompeius Niger, a Roman Knight born in 1zaly, quitting his Rank, advanced
to the Encounter. The fierce Air of Antiſtius having engaged the Attention
of all, the two Armies drew up to be Spectitòrs of the iſſue of this Challenge,
and expreſſed no leſs Impatience than if "the whole fortune of the War had
depended upon it; and the Wiſhes on both ſides for Succeſs, were equal to
the Anxiety and Concern each felt for his own Combatant. They advanced
into the Plain with great Courage, having each a reſplendent Buckler of cu-
rious Workmanſhip. And doubtleſs the Combat would have been ſoon de-
cided, had not ſome light- armed Foot, drawn up near the Lines, to ſerve as a
Guard to the Camp, becauſe of the approach of the Enemy's Horſe. * * * Our
Horſe in retreating to their Camp, being warmly purſued by the Enemy, ſud-
denly faced about with great Cries; which ſo terrified the Pompeians, that they
immediately betook themſelves to flight, and retreated to their Camp with the
loſs of many of their Men.
XXVI. CAESAR, to reward the Valour of the Caſſian Troop, preſented
them with thirteen thouſand S2ferces, diſtributed ten thouſand more among
the light-armed Foot, and gave Caſſius himſelf two golden Chains. The ſame
Day, A. Bebius, C. Flavius, and A. Trebellius, Roman Knights of Alfi, with
their Horſes richly capariſoned and adorned with Silver, came over to Cz/ar,
and informed him; that all the reſt of the Roman Knights in Pompey's Camp,
had like them conſpired to come and join him, but that a Diſcovery being
made of their Deſign by a Slave, they had been all ſeized, themſelves excepted,
who during the Confuſion found means to eſcape. The ſame Day Letters were
| 4£F inter-
5 I'Y SY
—— — .
— E—UAUÄ—U m -
* 0 — 2— —
*
330
DANS A's COMMENTARIES
intercepted, ſent by Pompey to Urſa, importing: That hitherto he had all
ce the Succeſs againſt the Enemy he could defire, and would have ended the
« War much ſooner than was expected, could he have brought them to fight
« him upon equal terms: that he did not think it adviſeable to venture new-
« levied Troops on a Plain: that the Enemy defending themſelves with their
Lines, ſeemed inclinable to draw out the War to length, inveſting City after
« City, and thence ſupplying themſelves with Proviſions: that he would
« therefore endeavour to protect the Towns of his Party, and bring the War
ce to as ſpeedy an iſſue as poſſible : that he would ſend them a Reinforcement
« of ſome Cohotts, and made no doubt of forcing Cz/ar in a ſhort time to
e an Engagement, by cutting off his Proviſions.”
**
XXVII. SOME time after, as our Men were careleſly diſperſed about the
Works, a ſew Horſe were killed, who had gone to a Foreſt of Olives to fetch
Wood. Several Slaves deſerted at this time, and informed us, that ever ſince
the Action at Soritia on the ſeventh of March, the Enemy had been under
- continual alarms, and appointed Attius Varus to guard the Lines. The ſame
Day Pompey decamped, and poſted himſelf in an Olive-Wood over- againſt
Hiſpalis. Cæſar, before he removed, waited till midnight, when the Moon
began to appear. At his departure he ordered Fire to be ſet to the Fort of
Ucubis, which the Enemy had abandoned, and that the whole Army ſhould
rendezvous in the greater Camp. He afterwards laid ſiege to Ventiſponte, which
ſurrendered ; and marching thence to Carruca, encamped over-againſt Pompey,
who had burnt the City, becauſe the Gartiſon refuſed to open the Gates to
him. A Soldier who had murdered his Brother in the Camp, being intercepted
by our Men, was ſcourged and put to death. Cæſar ſtill purſuing his
march, arrived in the Plains of Maunda, and pitched his Camp oppoſite to
that of Pompey. |
XXVIIIl. NEXT Day, as Cæſar was preparing to ſet out with the Army,
notice was ſent him by his Spies, that Pompey had been in order of Battle ever
ſince midnight. Upon this Intelligence he ordered the Standard to be erected.
Pompey had taken this Reſolution in conſequence of his Letter to the Inhabi-
tants of Ur/ao, who were his firm Adherents, in which he told them that
Cæſar refuſed to come down into the Plain, becauſe his Army conſiſted moſtly
of new-levied Troops. This had greatly confirmed the City in its Allegiance,
which therefore ſerving as a ſure Reſource behind him, he thought he might
hazard a Battle without danger; and the rather, as he was very advantageouſly
encamped : for as we obſerved before, this Country is full of Hills, which run
in a continued Chain, without any conſiderable breaks or hollows. |
XXIX. BUT we muſt by no means omit an Accident which fell out
about this time. The two Camps were divided from one another by a Plain
about five Miles in extent, inſomuch that Pompey by his Situation enjoyed a
double defence. On one fide, the Town, ſeated on an entinence. On the
other, the nature of the Ground where the Camp ſtood: for acroſs this Valley
ran a Rivulet, which rendered the Approach of the Mountain extremely diffi-
cult, becauſe it formed a deep Moraſs on the right. Cæſar made no doubt
but the Enemy would deſcend into the Plain and come to a Battle, and his
whole Army were of the ſame mind; the rather, becauſe the Plain would give
their Cavalry full room to act, and the Day was ſo ſerene and clear, that the
Gods ſeemed to have ſent it on purpoſe to bring on an Engagement. Our
| Men
OF THE SPANISH VAR.
Men rejoiced at the favourable Opportunity: ſome however were not alto-
gether exempt from fear, when they conſidered that their all was at Stake, and
the uncertainty of what might be their Fate an Hour after. He advanced
however to the Field of Battle, fully perſuaded that the Enemy would do the
ſame; but they durſt not venture above a Mile from the Town, being deter-
mined to ſhelter themſelves under its Walls. Our Men ftill continued before
them. in order of Battle ; but although the equality of the Ground ſometimes
tempted. them to come and diſpute the Victory, they nevertheleſs ſtill kept
their Poſt on the Mountain, in the neighbourhood of the Town. We doubled
our/ſpeed to reach the Rivulet, without their ſtirring from the Place where
they ſtood. |
XXX. THEIR Army conſiſted hirteen Legions: the Cavalry was
drawn up upon the Wings, with fx thouſand light-armed Infantry, and about
the ſame Number of Auxiliaries. We had only eighty heavy-armed Cohorts,
and eight thouſand\Horſe. When we came to the extremity of the Plain, as the
Ground was very di tageous, it would have been dangerous for us to ad-
vance farther, becauſe the Enemy were ready to charge us from the Eminences :
and therefore, that we might not raſhly intangle ourſelves, Czſar had taken
care to mark beforehand how far we might advance with ſafety. The Army
when commanded to halt, murmured greatly, as if they had been kept back
from a certain Victory. The delay however ſerved to enliven the Enemy,
who fancy'd that our Troops were afraid of coming to Blows. They there-
fore had the boldneſs to advance a little way, yet without quitting the ad-
vantage of their Poſt, the approach to which was extremely dangerous. The
tenth Legion, as uſual, was on the right; the third and fifth on the left,
with the auxiliary Troops and Cayalry. At length the Battle began with
. . a Shout.
XXXI. BUT though our Men were ſuperior to the Enemy in Courage,
they nevertheleſs defended themſelves fo well by the advantage of the higher
Ground, the Shouts were ſo loud, and the diſcharge of Darts on both ſides fo
great, that we almoſt began to deſpair of Victory. For the firſt Onſet and
Clamour, with which an Enemy is moſt apt to be diſmayed, were pretty equal
in the preſent Encounter. All fought with equal Valour, the Place was
covered with Arrows and Darts, and great Numbers of the Enemy fell. We
have already obſetved that the tenth Legion was on the right, which though
not conſiderable for the Number of Men, was nevertheleſs formidable on ac-
count of its Courage; and fo preſſed the Enemy on that fide, that they were
obliged to draw a Legion from the right Wing to reinforce the left, and pre-
vent its being taken in flank. Upon this motion, our Cavalry on the left fell
upon Pompeys right Wing, weakened by the departure of the Legion: but they
defended themſelves with ſo much Bravery and Reſolution, as to ftand in need
of no new Troops to ſupport them. Mean-while the Claſhing of Armour,
mingled with the Shouts of the Combatants, and the Groans of the dying and
wounded, terrified the new-raiſed Soldiers: for, as Eunius ſays, they fought
Hand to Hand, Foot to Foot, and Shield to Shield. But though the Enemy
fought with the utmoſt Vigour, they were obliged to give ground, and retire
towards the Town. The Battle was fought on the Feaſt of Bacchus, and the
Pompeians were entirely routed and put to flight; infomuch that not a Man could
have eſcaped, had they not ſheltered themſelves in the Place whence they advanced
to the Charge. The Enemy loſt' on this occaſion upwards of thirty thouſand
Men,
331
332
Gauls.
ANS A's COMMENTARIES
Men, and among the reſt Labienus and Attius Varus, whoſe funeral Obſequies
were performed upon the Field of Battle. They had likewiſe three thouſand
Roman Knights killed, partly of 1zaly, partly of the Province. About a
thouſand were ſlain on our fide, partly Foot, partly Horſe; and five hundred
wounded, We gained thirteen Eagles and 5 KN and made ſeventeen
Officers Priſoners. Such was the iſſue of this Action.
XXXII. THE remains of Pompey's Army retreating to Munda, with de-
Gon to defend themſelves in that Town, it became neceſſary to inveſt it. The
dead Bodies of the Enemy, heaped together, ſerved inſtead of a Rampart, and
their Javelins and Darts were fixed up by way of Paliſades. Upon theſe we
hung their Bucklers to ſupply the place of a Breaſt-work, and fixing the Heads
of the deceaſed upon Swords and Lances, planted them all around the Works,
to ſtrike the greater Terror into the Beſieged, and keep awake in them a ſenſe
of our Bravery. Amidſt theſe mournful Objects did they find themſelves ſhut
in, when our Men began the Attack, which was managed chiefly by the
Young Valerius, who had eſcaped to Cordova with ſome Horſe, in-
formed Sextus Pompey of what had happened ; who upon receipt of the mourn-
ful News, diſtributing what Money he had about him to the Troopers, left
the Town about nine at Night, under pretence of going to find out Cæſar, to
treat of an Accommodation. On the other fide, Cn. Pompey, attended by a
few Horſe and Foot, took the Road of Carteia, where his Fleet lay, and which
was about an hundred and ſeventy Miles diſtant from Cordova. When he was
arrived within eight Miles of the Place, he ſent P. Calvitius his Camp-Marſhal
before, to fetch a Litter to carry him to the Town, becauſe he found himſelf
out of order. The Litter came, and when he entered the Town, .thoſe of his
Party waited on him privately, to receiye his Orders about the management
of the War. As they aſſembled round the Place in great Crowds, No-pey quitting
his Litter, put himſelf under their protection.
XXXIII. CASA R, after the Battle, ſeeing the Circumvallation of Munda
compleated, marched to Cordova, Thoſe of the Enemy who had eſcaped the
Slaughter poſſeſſing themſelves of a Bridge, upon the approach of our Men,
called out to them with an Air of Deriſion, What? we are no more than a
| handful of Men eſcaped from the Battle, and ſhall we be allowed no Place of
Retreat? Immediately they prepared to defend the Bridge. Cz/ar paſſed the
River and encamped on the other fide. Scapula, who had ſtirred up the
Freedmen to a Revolt, eſcaping after the Battle to Cordova; when he found
himſelf beſieged, aſſembled all his Followers, ordered a funeral Pile to be
erected, and a magnificent Supper ſerved up; when putting on his richeſt Dreſs,
he diſtributed his Plate and ready Money among his Domeſticks, ſupped chear-
fully, anointed himſelf once and again, and laſt of all, ordered one of his
Freedmen to diſpatch him, and another to ſet Fire to the Pile.
- XXXIV. CA SA R had no ſooner encamped before the Place, than a
diviſion aroſe among the Inhabitants, between thoſe who favoured Cz/ar, and
thoſe who were in the Intereſt of Pompey, attended with ſo rude a Clamour,
that it reached our Camp. During the Conteſt, ſome Legions, compoſed partly
of Fugitives, partly of Slaves manumitted by Pampey, came and ſurrendered
themſelves to Cz/ar. But the thirteenth Legion prepared to defend the Place,
and with that view poſſeſt themſelves of the Walls and ſome Towers, in ſpite
of all the oppoſition they met with; which obliged the other Party to ſend
8 Deputies
OF THE SPANISH VAR.
Deputies to Ceſar for aid. Upon this thoſe who had eſcaped out of the Pattle
ſet fire to the Place, and our Men entering at the ſame time, flew about twenty
two thouſand of them, beſides thoſe who were {lain without the Walls; and
thus became maſters of the Town. Whilſt Cæſar was employed in this Siege,
thoſe who were blocked up at Munda made a ſally, but were driven back into
the Town with conſiderable loſs.
XXXV. THENCE Cæſar marched to Hiſpalis, which ſent Deputies to
ſue for Pardon, and obtained it. Tho' the Citizens aſſured him that they
were able to defend the Town with their own Forces, he nevertheleſs thought
roper to ſend Caninius his Lieutenant thither with ſome Troops, and encamped
himſelf before the Place. There was in the Town a ſtrong Party of Pom-
peians, who diſpleaſed to ſee Cæſar's Troops received within the Walls, de-
puted ſecretly one Philo, a zealous Partizan of Pompey, and well known in
Lufitania, to beg aſſiſtance of Cecilius Niger ſirnamed the barbarous, who lay
encamped near Lenius, with a ſtrong Army of Luſitanians. Theſe approach-
ing the Town towards night, got over the Walls, ſurpriſed the Centinels and
Garriſon, ſhut the Gates, and began to defend the Place.
XXXVI DURING theſe Tranſactions, Deputies arrived from Carteia,
with accounts of their having ſecured Pompey ; hoping by this Service to atone
for their former Fault of ſhutting their Gates againſt Cæſar. Mean-time the
Lufitanians in Hiſpalis, ſtill continued pillaging the Town, which tho' known
to Cz/ſar, did not yet determine him to preſs it too hard, leſt they ſhould in
deſpair ſet fire to the Town, and deſtroy the Walls. It was reſolved in Council
to ſuffer the Luſitanians to eſcape in the night by a fally, yet ſo that the thing
might not appear deſigned. In this ſally, they ſet fire to the ſhips that were
in the River Bætis, aud while aur Men were employed in extinguiſhing the
Flames, endeavoured to get off; but being overtaken by rhe Cavalry, were
moſtly cut to pieces. Thence he miarched to Aa, which ſubmitted. Munda
having been tiow a long while beſieged, many of thoſe who had eſcaped out
of the Battle, deſpairing of ſaſety, ſurrendered to us; and being formed into
a Legion, conſpired among themſelves, that upon a Signal given, the Gar-
riſon ſhould fally out in the night, while they at the ſame time ſhould begin
a maſſacre in the Camp. But the Plot being diſcovered, they were next
Night, at the changing of the third Watch, all put to death without the
Rampart.
XXXVII. THE Cartciahs, while Czſar was employed in reducing the
other Towns upon his rout, fell into a Diſſenſion about young Pompey.
There were two Parties in the Town, one that had ſent the Deputies to Cz/ar,
and another in the Pompeian Intereſt. Theſe laſt prevailing, ſeized the Gates,
and made a dreadful {laughter of their Adverſaries. Pompey himſelf was
wounded in the Fray, but eſcaping to his Ships, fled with about thirty Gal-
lies. Didius, who was at Cadiz with Cæſar's Fleet, hearing of what had
happened, immediately failed in purſuit of them; ſtationing at the ſame time
ſome Cavalry and Infantry along the Coaſt, to prevent his getting off by Land.
Pompey had departed with ſo much precipitation from Carteia, that he took
no time to furniſh himſelf with Water, which obliging him to ſtop by the
way, Didius came up with him after four Days failing, took ſome of his
Ships, and burnt the reſt.
40 XxXxXVII.
*
333
334
PAN S A's COMMENTARIES
XXXVIII. POMPEY, with a few Followers, eſcaped to a Place ſtrongly
fortified by Nature; of which the Troops ſent in purſuit of him having cer-
tain intelligence by their. Scouts, followed day and night. He was woundeq
in the Shoulder and left Leg, and had beſides ſtrained his Ancle, all which
greatly retarded his Flight, and obliged him to make uſe of a Litter. A Laß.
zanian having diſcovered the place of his retreat, he was quickly ſurrounded by
our Cavalry and Cohorts. Seeing himſelf betrayed, he took refuge in a Poſt
naturally ſtrong, and which could eaſily be defended by a few Men, becauſe
the approach to it was extremely difficult. We attempted to ſtorm it, but
were repulſed, and vigorouſly purſued by the Enemy ; and meeting with no
better ſucceſs after ſeveral trials, we at length reſolved to lay ſiege to the Place,
it ſeeming too hazardous to force it. Accordingly a Terraſs was raiſed, and
Lines drawn round the Place; which the Enemy perceiving, thought proper
to betake themſelves to flight. | |
XXXIX. POMPEY, as we have obſerved above, being lame and
wounded, was in no condition to make a ſpeedy Retreat ; and the rather, be.
cauſe the Place was ſuch, that he could uſe neither Horſe nor Litter. He faw
his People driven from the Fort, maſſacred on all fides, and himſelf left with-
out reſource. In this Extremity he fled to a Cave, where he could not eaſily
be diſcovered, unleſs he was betrayed by the Priſoners. Here he was ſlain, and
his Head brought to Cz/ar the twelfth of April, juſt as he was ſetting out for
Hiſpalis, and afterwards expoſed to the view of the People.
XL. AFTER the death of young Pompey, Didius, proud of his Succeſs,
hauled ſome of his Veſſels aſhore to be refitted, and retired himſelf to a neigh-
bouring Fort. The Luſitanians who had eſcaped from the Battle of Manda,
rallying in great Bodies, found themſelves ſtrong enough e wake head againſt
him. Tho the preſervation of the Fleet was what principally engaged his At-
tention, he was yet neceſſitated to make frequent Sallies, to check the Inſolence
of the Enemy. Theſe daily Skirmiſhes gave them an opportunity of project-
ing an Ambuſcade; for which purpoſe they divided their Troops into three
Bodies. Didius ſallied according to cuſtom 3; when upon a Signal given, one
of the Parties advanced to ſet fire to the Fleet; and another counterfeiting a
retreat, drew him inſenſibly into the Ambuſcade, where he was ſurrounded and
ſlain with moſt of his Followers fighting valiantly. Some eſcaped in Boats
which they found upon the Coaſt; others made for the Gallies by ſwimming ;
and weighing Anchor, ſtood out to ſea, A great many ſaved themſelves in
this manner, but the Luſitanians got all the Baggage. Cz/ar mean-while
returned from Cales to Hiſpalis.
XLI. FABIUS MAXIMUS, whom he had leſt to continue the
Siege of Munda, carried on the Approaches with great ſucceſs ; inſomuch that
the Enemy ſeeing themſelves ſhut up on all fides, refolved to attempt a Sally :
but were repulſed with great loſs. Our Men ſeized this Opportunity to get
poſſeſſion of the Town, and made all the reſt Priſoners. Thence they drew
towards Ur/ao, a Town exceedingly ſtrong both by Nature and Art, and
capable of reſiſting an Enemy. For there is not ſo much as a Rivulet within
eight miles of the Place, nor any Spring, but that which ſupplies the Town.
Add to all this, that the Wood neceſſary for building Towers and other Ma-
chines, was to be fetched from a diſtance of fix miles; becauſe young Pompey,
to render the Siege more difficult, had cut down all the Wood round the
| Place ;
OF THE SPANISH VAR.
Place ; which obliged our Men to bring all the Materials for carrying on the
Siege from Mumda.
XLII. DURING theſe Tranſactions at Munda and Urſao, Ceſar, who
was returned from Cales to Hiſpalis, aſſembled the Citizens, and made the
following Speech: © That when he was advanced to the Quæſtorſhip, he had
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choſen their Province preferably to all others, and during his continuance in
that Office, done them every ſervice in his power: That during his Prætor-
ſhip, he had obtained for them of the Senate the abolition of the Taxes
impoſed by Metellus, declared himſelf their Patron, procured their Deputies
a hearing at Rome, and made himſelf many Enemies, by undertaking the
defence both of their private and publick Rights. In fine, that when he was
Conſul, he had, tho' abſent, rendered the Province all the Services in his
power : That inſtead of making a ſuitable return for ſo many Favours, they
had always diſcovered the utmoſt Ingratitude, both towards him and the
People of Rome, as well in this laſt War as the preceding. You, ſays he, tho
no ſtrangers to the Law of Nations, and the Rights of Roman Citizens, have
yet like Barbarians often violated the ſacred Perſons of Roman Magiſtrates.
You attempted in open Day, in the publick Square, to aſſaſſinate Caſſius.
You have been always ſuch Enemies to Peace, that the Senate could never
ſuffer the Province to be without Legions. You take Favours for Offences;
and Inſults for Benefits, are inſolent and reſtleſs in Peace, and cowardly and
effeminate in War. Young Pompey, tho only a private Citizen, nay a Fu-
gitive, was yet received among you, and ſuffered, to aſſume the Enſigns of
Magiſtracy. After putting many Citizens to death, you ſtill furniſhed him
with Forces, and even urged him to lay waſte the Country and Province.
Againſt whom do you hope to be victorious? Can you be ignorant, that
upon the ſuppoſition of 1115 Ovcil thiww, the People of Rome have ſtill ten
Legions, capable not only of making head againſt you, but of bringing the
whole Earth under ſubjection,” * * * * ®
335
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Ancient and modern GROGRA EH to
CASAR'S COMMENTARIES.
N B. The Words in Roman Letters denote the ancient
. Names, and thoſe in Italick the Modern.
5
A
\ Carnania, a Region of Epirus, Carnia.
Achaia, ſometimes taken for all Greece:
but moſt commonly for a Part of it only,
in Peloponneſus, Romania alta. |
Acilla, or Actiulla, a Cry af Africa, unknown.
Actium, a Promontary of Epirus, 11, called the
Cape of Tigalo, famous for a naval Victory gained
near it, by Auguſtus, over M. Anthony.
Addua, the Adda, a River that ariſes in the Alps,
and parting the Dutchy of Milan, from the State of
Venice, falls into the Po, above Cremona,
© Adduaſdubis, a River of Burgundy, the Doux.
Adriatick Sea, the Gulf of Venice, at the Bottom
of which that City is ſituate.
Adrumetum, a Town in Africa, Mahometta.
Adui, the Autunois, a People of Gaul, near Au-
tun, in the Country now called Lower Burgundy.
Ægean Sea, the Archipelago, a Part of the Medi-
terranean, which lies between Greece, Aſia Minor,
and the Iſle of Crete.
Agimurus, an Iſland in the African Sea, Galetta.
#ginium, a Town of Theſſaly.
Eegyptus, Egypt, one of, the moſt ancient, fer-
tile, and celebrated Kingdoms in Africa.
Xmilia Via, a Roman Road in Italy, from Ri-
mini to Aquileia, and from Piſa to Dertona.
Etolia, a Country of Greece, Deſpotato.
Africa, one of the four great Continents into
which the Earth is divided.
Agar, a Town in Africa, unknown.
Agendicum, a City of the Senones, Sens.
Alba, a Town of Latium in Italy, Albano.
Albici, a People of Gaul unknown, ſome make
them the ſame with the Vivarois.
Albis, the Elbe, a large and noble River in Ger-
many, which has its ſource in the Giants Mountains
in Sileſia, on the Confines of Bohemia, and paſling
through Bohemia, upper and lower Saxony, falls
into the North Sea at Ritzbuttel, about ſixty Miles
below Hamburg, ; fla PE WL
Alemanni, a People of ancient Germany, who
inhabited between the Maine, the Rhine, and the
Danube, and from whom the French ſtill give this
Name to all the Germans. a
Alemannia, the Country inhabited by the Ale-
manmi.
3 or Alexia, a Town of the Mandubians,
iſe.
Alcaardiia, a city of anderia.
built by 2 che e 1 ro — *
Chriſt.
Aliſo, by ſome ſuppoſed to be the Town now
called Velburg; or, according to Junius, Weſel, in
the Dutchy of Cleves ; but more probably Elſer.
Allobroges, an ancient People of Gallia Tranſal-
pina, who inhabited that Country which is now called
Dauphiny, Savoy, and Piedmont.
Alps, a Ridge of high Mountains, which ſeparate
France and Germany from Italy. That part of them
which ſeparate Dauphiny from Piedmont, had the
Name of the Cottian Alps,
Alſatia, a Province of Germany, in the upper
Circle of the Rhine, Aſace.
Amagetobria, a City of Gaul, unknown.
Amantia, a Town in Macedonia, Porto Raguſeo.
Amanus,. a Mountain of Syria, Scanderona.
Amani Pylz, or Amanicæ Portæ, Straits of
Scanderona.
Ambarri, a People of Gaul, uncertain.
Ambialites, a People of Gaul, of Lamballe in
Bretagne. Others take the Word to be only a dif-
ferent Name for the Ambiani.
Ambiani, or Ambianenſes, the People of Amiens.
Ambianum, a City of Belgium, Amiens.
Ambibari, a People of Gaul, thoſe of Ambie in
Normandy.
Ambivareti, a People of Gaul, the Yivarais.
Ambivariti, an ancient People of Brabant, be-
tween the Rhine and the Maeſe. ;
Ambracia, a City of Epirus, Arta.
Ambrones, an ancient People, who lived in that
Country, which is now called the Canton of Bern,
in Swiſſerland. |
4R Amphi-
—
INDEX of the Names of Places.
5 Arnphilochia, a Region of Epirus, Anfilecha.
| Amphipolis, a City of Macedonia, Criſtopoli, or
Empboli. |
Anartes, a People of Germany, Walachians, Ser-
vians, or Balgarians.
Roydera.
Ancalites, a People of Britain, of the Hundred
of Henley, in Oxfordſhire.
Anchialos, a City of Thrace, near the Euxine Sea,
no called Kenkis.
Ancona, a City of Italy, Ancona.
Andes, Angers, in France, the Capital of the
Dutchy of Anjou.
Andes, a People of Gaul, the ancient Inhabitants
of the Dutchy of Anjou. |
Andomadunum Lingonum, a large and ancient
City of Champaign, at the Source of the River
Marne, Langres. g
Angrivarii, an ancient People of lower Germany,
who dwelt between the Ems and the Weſer, below
the Lippe.
Anſibarii, or Anſtvarii, an ancient People of lower
Germany, of and about the Town of Auſeſtaet, or
Anilin. | |
Antioch, Antachia, an ancient and famous City,
once the Capital of Syria, or rather of the Eaſt : It
is ſituate on two Rivers, the Orontes and the Phaſpar,
not far from the Mediterranean.
Apamea, Apami, a City of Bithynia, built by Ni-
comedes, the Son of Pruſias.
- Apennine Alps, part of the Alps ſo called, which
run from the other Alps through the Middle of Italy.
Apollonia, a City of Macedonia, Pergo,
Aponiana, an Ifland near the Promontory of Li-
lybæum in Sicily. 6
Appia Via, the Appian Highway, which leu from
Rome into Campania, and from the Sea to Brundu-
fum. | |
_ Apſus, a River of Macedonia, the Ahr
Apulia, a Region nf Italy. In Puglia.
Aquilaria, a Towh of Africa near Clupea.
Aqulleia, formerly a famous and conſiderable City
of Italy, not far from the Adriatick, now little more
than a Heap of Ruins, Aguilegia. |
Aquitain, the third Part of ancient Gaul, now
containing Guienne, Caſcony, &c.
Aquitani, the People inhabiting Aquitain.
Arar, or Araris, a River of Gaul, the Saone.
Arduenna ſilva, the Foreſt of Ardenne in France,
reaching from the Rhine, to the City of Tournay, in
the Low Countnes.
Arelate, or Arelatum, a City of Gaul, Arles.
Argentuaria, the Caſtle of Horburg, near the City
of Colmar, in upper Alſace,
anciently the Capital of the Tribocci, on the Rhine,
now the chief City of Alſace, belonging to the
French. 885 | |
Argos, a noted City of Peloponneſus, of which
Juno was tutelar Goddeſs, Argo. |
Ariminum, a City of Italy, Rimini. |
Armenia, a Country of Aſia, divided into the
greater and leſſer, and now called Turcomania.
Armorici, the ancient People of Armorica, a part
of Gallia Celtica, now Bretagne.
Arretium, a City of Hetruria in Italy, Arezo.
Artois. |
Arverni, an ancient People of France, on the Loire,
whole chief City was Arvernum, now Clermont, the
Capital of Auvergne.
Aſciburgum, a City of ancient Germany, between
Vetera and Gelduba. The preſent City of Afchaf-
Anas, a River of Spain, the Guadiana, or Rio
Argentoratum, Strasburg, a City of Germany,
Arteſia, a Province of the Spaniſh Netherlands,
fenburg, in Franconia, is ſo called; but, by the Si-
tuation, does not ſeem to be this. h
Aſculum, a Town of Italy, Ascoli.
Aſcurum, a maritime City of Mauritania, un-
known. :
Aſparagium, a Town in Macedonia, unknown.
Aſpavia, a Town in Hiſpania Bætica, E/pejo.
Aſſona, a River of Champagne, in France, which
runs into the Oiſe, near Compeigne, now called the
Aiſne.
Aſta, a Town in Hiſpania Bætica, Maſſa de 4a.
Aſta, Aſti, the Capital of the Country of the
fame Name, on the River Tanaro, in Piedmont.
Aſtigi, or Aſtingi, a People of Andaluſia in Spain.
Athens, one of the moſt ancient and noble Gities
of Greece, the Capital of Attica.
Athos, a Mountain in Macedonia, in the Province
of Jamboli, which runs into the Egean Sea, like a
Peninſula, and is ninety Miles in Compaſs.
' Ategua, a Town in Hiſpania Bætica, Tebala Veja.
Atrebates, an ancient People of Gaul, who lived in
that Part of the Netherlands, which is now called 4rt9;s.
Attica, a Country of Greece, between Achaia and
Macedonia, famous on account of its Capital, Athens.
Attuarii, a People of ancient Germany, who in-
habited between the Maeſe and the Rhine, whoſe
Country is now a Part of the Dutchy of Gueldres.
Atuatica, the Capital of the Eburones, now. Ton-
gres in Brabant. "x
' Atuatici, the Inhabitants of thoſe Parts, the Re-
mains of the Cimbri. |
Avaricum, a City of Aquitain, the Capital of the
Biturigians, Bourges.
Auguſta Nemetum, Spire, an ancient City of Ger-
many, in the now upper Circle of the Rhine, and on
that River.
Auguſta Rauracorum, Augſt, now a Village only;
but a famous Paſs in Swiſſerland, on the Rhine, two
German Miles from Baſil.
Auguste Trevirorumn, Triers, a very ancient City
of lower Germany, on the Moſel, ſaid to have been
built by Trebetas, the Brother of Ninus, 1496 Years
before Chriſt; made a Roman Colony in the time of
Auguſtus, and afterwards the moſt famous City of
Gallia Belgica. It was for ſome time the Seat of the
Weſtern Empire, now only the Seat of the Eccleſi-
aſtical Elector of that Name.
Auguſta, Vangionum, Worms, a City of Ger-
many, within the Bounds of the Palatinate, free and
Imperial, on the Weſtern Bank of the Rhine.
Auguſta Vindelicorum, Augsburg, a famous City
of Germany, and a Place of great Trade, a free Im-
perial City, the Capital of-Suabia, on the Lech,
not far from the Danube ; famous for the Auguſtan
Confeſſion, ;
Auguſtodunum, Autun, a very ancient City of
Burgundy, on the River Arroux. |
Aulerci Eburovices, a People of Gaul, the Country
of Evreux, in Normandy.
Aulerci Brannovices, a People of Gaul, Morienne.
Aulerci Cenomanni, a People of Gaul, the Country
of Maine. |
Aulerci Diablintes, a People of Gaul, le Perche.
Auſci, a People of Gaul, thoſe of Auchs or Aux,
in Gaſcony.
Auſetani, a People of Spain, under the Pyrenzan
Mountains.
Auximum, a Town in Italy, O/mo, or O ſino.
Axona, a River of Belgic Gaul, the Ane.
B
Bacenis, a Foreſt of ancient Germany, which parted.
the Suevi from the Cheruſci, by ſome ſuppoſed to $
| | ene
--C 4
4
- 4
"SK.
*
INDEX of the Names of Places.
the Foreſts of Thuringia, hy others the Black
Fe ole. | #4. |
Bætica, in the ancient Geography, about a third
Part of Spain, containing Andaly/ia, and a Part of
Granada.
Bætis, a River of Spain, now called the Guadal-
UIUIT.
. Bagandz, an ancient People of Gaul, who twice
revolted from the. Romans, and were both times de-
feated.
Bagrada, a River of Africa, near Utica, the Me-
ada.
Baleares Inſulæ, ſeveral Iſlands in the Mediterra-
nean Sea, formerly ſo called, of which Majorca and
Minorca are the chief. | x;
Baſilea, Baſil, a City of ancient Germany, now
the principal City of all Swiſſerland, on the Rhine.
Batavi, the ancient Inhabitants of the Iſland of
Batavia. |
Batavia, or Batavorum Inſula, Holland, a Part of
which ſtill retains the Name of Betuwe. |
Belge, the Inhabitants of Gallia Belgica. The
original Belgæ were ſuppoſed to be of German Ex-
traction; but paſling the Rhine, ſettled themſelves
in Gaul.
Belgia, Belgium, or Gallia Belgica, the Low Coun-
tries, or Netherlands. |
Bellocaſſi, gr Velocaſſes, a People of Gaul, inha-
biting the C6untry of Bayeus in Normandy.
Bellovaci, an ancient rengwned People among the
Belge, inhabiting the Country now called Beauvais,
in France.
Bergea, a City of Macedonia, now called Veria.
Beſſi, a People of Thrace, Beſſarabia. |
Bethuria, a Region of Hiſpania Luſitanica, Eftre-
madura.
Betones, or Berones, a People of Hiſpania 'Tar-
raconenſis, Biroxes,
Bibi ace, « Tuwn of urgund „ now called Au-
tun, the Capital of the 4 -
Bibrax, a Town of Rheims, Braine, or Brejne.
Bibroci, a People of Britain, according to Cambden,
the Hundred of Bray, in Berkſhire.
Bigerriones, a People of Gaul, inhabiting the
Country now called Bigorre, in Gaſcony.
Bithynia, a Country of Aſia Minor, adjoining to
Troas, over- againſt Thrace, Becſangial. |
_ Bituriges, a People of Guienne, in France, of the
Country of Berry. |
Bceotia, a Country in Greece; parted from Attica,
by Mount Citheron. It had formerly ſeveral other
Names, and was famous for its Capital Thebes ; but
is now called S/ramulipa.
Boii, an ancient People of Germany, who paſſing
the Rhine, ſettled in Gaul, the Baurbonnais.
Borani, an ancient People of Germany, ſuppoſed
by ſome to be the ſame as the Burii. 453M
Boſphorani, a People bordering upon the Euxine
Sea, the Tartars. | MN |
Boſphorus, two Straits of the Sea, ſo called; one
Boſpborus Thracius, now the Straits of Canſtantinaple ;
the other Boſphorus Cimmerius, now the, Straits of
Caffe. _ * 1
Brannovices, the People of Morienne, in France.
Bratuſpantium, a City of Gaul, belonging to the
Bellovaci, Beauvais. e
Britannia, Britain, an Aſland containing England,
Scotland, and Wales.
Brueteri, an ancient People of the Netherlands, in
Eaſt-Frieſland, afterwards called Broeckmoreland.
Brunduſium, a City of Italy, Brindiſi. KN
Brutu, a People of Italy, the Calabrians. \
Bucinobantes, an ancient People of Germany, who
lived oppoſite to Mentz. |
Bulgaria, a Part of the Lower Mæſia, between
Mount Hæmus and the Danube. 0
Bullis, a Town in Macedonia, unknown.
Burii, an ancient People of Germany, who in-
habited the Iſland of Bornbom. 2
Burſavolenſes, a People of Hiſpania Bztica, thought
to be the ſame with the Urſaonenſes,
Buthrotum, a City of Epirus, Butrinto, or Bo-
tronto. i |
Byzantium, an ancient City of Thrace, called at
ſeveral times Ligos, Nova Roma, and now Conſtan-
tinople. =
Ryzazyna, a City and Province of Africa, within
the Kingdom of Tunis.
C
Cabillonum, a City of ancient Gaul, Chalons ſur
Saone,
Cadetes, a People of Gaul, unknown.
Cadurci, a People of Gaul, inhabiting the Coun-
try of Quercy.
_ Cxcinus, a River of Locris, in ancient Greece.
Cæreſi, a People of Belgie Gaul, inhabiting the
Country round Namur,
Cæſarea, the chief City of Cappadocia.
Ceœſia Silva, the Cæſian Foreſt, ſuppoſed to be a
Part of the Hercynian Foreſt, about the Dutchy of
Cleves and Weſtphalia.
Calagurritani, a People of Hiſpama Tarraconenſis,
inhabiting the Province of Calaborra.
Caletes, an ancient People of Belgic Gaul, inha-
biting the Country called Le Pais de Caulx, in Nor-
mandy, betwixt the Seine and the Sea.
Caletum, the Town of Calais, in Picardy, over-
againſt Dover.
Calydon, a City of Ætolia, Ayton.
Camermum, a City of Umbria, in Italy, Camerino.
Campania, the teſt Part of Italy, in the
Kingdom of Naples, now called Terra di Lavoro.
Campi Canini, a Place in the Milaneze, in Italy,
not far from Belizona.
Campi Catalaunici, ſuppoſed to be the large Plain,
which begins about two Miles from Chalons ſu
Marne. ö
Candavia, a Country of. Macedonia, Canovia.
Caninefates, an ancient People of the lower Part
of Germany, near Batavia, about where Gorckum,
on the Maeſe, in South Holland, now is. 55
Cannæ, a poor Village in Apulia, famous only for
a great Overthrow of the Romans there by Hannibal.
Canopus, Bochir, a famous City of Egypt, whence
the Canopic Branch of the Nile derived its Name.
Cantabri, an ancient warlike People of Spain, pro-
perly of the Provinces of Guipuſcoa and Biſcay.
Cantium, a Part of England, the County of Kent.
Canuſium, a City of Apulia in Italy, Cane/a.
Capitol, one of the ſeven Hills in ancient Rome,
on which the Romans had a famous Fortreſs, founded
by Tarquinius Priſcus, and perfected by Tarquinius
Superbus. 5
Cappadocia, a large Country in Aſia Minor, upon
the Euxine Sea. |
Caprea, Capreæ, an Iſland on the Coaſt of Cam-
Capua, Capoa, a City in the Kingdom of Naples,
in the Proyince di Lavoro. | |
Carales, a City of Sardinia, Cagliari. |
Caralitani, the People of Cagliari, in Sardinia.
Carbillo, a City of Spain, near Corduba.
- Carcaſs, a City of Gaul, Carcaſſone.
Carmona, a Town of Hiſpania Betica, Carmone.
Carni, an ancient People, who inhabited a Part of
Noricum, whoſe Country is yet called Carniela.
Carnutes,
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IND EX of the Names of Places.
Oarnutes, an ancient People of France, inhabiting
the Territory, yet called Chartrain.
Carpi, an ancient People near the Danube.
Carrucca, a Town in Spain, uncertain.
Carteia, a Town in Spain, Algeziva, or Tariffa.
Carthago, once the moſt famous City of Africa,
the Rival of Rome, built by Queen Dido, about
ſeventy Years after Rome, according to ſome ; but
Juſtin will have it built before Rome ; Appian before
the Deſtruction of Troy; and Voſſius before Tyre
itſelf. | X
Carthago nova; Carthagena, a City of Murcia,
in Spain, built by Afdrubal, General of the Cartha-
ginians. | |
Caſilinum, a Town in Italy, Caftelluzzo.
Caſpian Sea, a vaſt Lake between Perſia, Great
Tartary, Muſcovy and Georgia, ſaid to be ſix hun-
dred Miles long, and near as broad. |
Caſſandrea, a City of Macedonia, Caſſandria. +
Caſſi, a People of ancient Britain, the Hundred of
Caiſhow, in Hertfordſhire.
Caſtellum Menapiorum, Keſſel, a Town in Bra-
bant, on the River Neerſe, not far from the Maeſe.
Caſtro el Rio.
Caſtra Vetera, an ancient City in Lower Germany,
in the Dutchy of Cleves; ſome ſay where Santon,
others where Byrthen now is. ;
Caſtulonenſis Saltus, a City of Hiſpania Tarraco-
nenſis, Caſtona la Vieja.
Catti, an ancient People of Germany, who inha-
bited Part of the Country now called Heſſe, and Thu-
Caſtra Poſthumiana, a Town in Hiſpania Bztica,
_ ringis ; from the Mountains of Hartz, to the Weſer
and the Rhine. |
Catuaci, corrupted probably from Atuatici, Some
make them the lame with the People of Douay, in
France.
Caturiges, an ancient Feople of Gaul, inhab
the Country of Embrun, or Ambrun, alias Charges.
Cheruſci, a great and warlike People of ancient
Germany, between the Elbe and the Weſer, about
the Country, now called Mansfield, Part of the
Dutchy of Brunſwick, and the Dioceſes of Hildeß
beim, and Halberſtadt. |
Chiavenna, the Capital of a Country of that Name,
on the River Meira, with a ſtrong Caſtle, in Switzer-
land, |
Chryſopolis, a City of Bithynia, now called Scutari,
oppoſite to Conſtantinople, |
Cimbri, the Futlanders, a very ancient northern
People, who inhabited Cherſoneſus Cimbrica.
Cimmerii, an ancient People near the Euxine Sea,
whence the Boſphorus Cimmerius, Tartars. |
Cinga, a River of Spain, Cinca, or Senga.
Cingulum, a Town of Picenum in Italy, Gngoli.
Cirta, a Town in Africa, Conſtantina, or Conſantina,
al. Tadel. ;
Clupea, a maritime City of Africa, Quipia.
Cocaſates, a People of Gaul, according to ſome
the Bazadois. |
Coimbra, an ancient City of Portugal, once de-
ſtroyed, but now rebuilt, on the River Mendego.
Colchis, a Country in Aſia, near Pontus, includ-
ing the preſent Mingrelia, and Georgia.
Comana Pontica, a City of Aſia Minor, Com, or
Tabachzan. |
Comana of Cappadocia, Arminac ba.
Compſa, a City of Italy, Conxa, or Conſa.
Concordia, an ancient City of the Province of
Triuli, in Italy, now in Ruins.
Condruſi, or Condruſones, an ancient People of
Belgium, dependent on the Treviri, whoſe Country
is yet called Condrotz, between Liege and Namur.
Confluens Moſi & Rheni, Coblentr. |
Corcyra, an Iſland of Epirus, Corfu:
Corduba, -a Cuy of Hiſpania Bætica, Cordova.
Corfinium, a Town belonging to the Peligni in
Italy, St. Pelino, al. Penis. = |
Cebenna Mons, the Mountains of the Cevennes, inv Corinth. = famous and rich City of Achaia in Italy,
Gaul, ſeparating the Helvians from Auvergne.
Celeja, a City of Noricum Mediterraneum, now
a TE |
Celetz, a People of Thrace, about the Moun-
tains of Rhodope and Hzmus,
_- Celtz, an ancient People of Gaul, in that Part
called Gallia Comata, between the Garumna and Se-
quana, from whom that Country was likewiſe called
Gallia Celtica, | 7
Celtiberi, an ancient People of Spain, deſcended
from the Celtz, who ſettled about the Rivers Iberus,
or Ebro, from whom the Country was called Celti-
beria, now Arragon. b
TCenimagni, or Iceni, an ancient People of Britain,
inhabiting the Counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge-
Hire, and Huntingtonſhire. |
Cenis Mons, that Part of the Alps which ſeparates
Savoy from Piedmont. Xt Nip
Cenni, an ancient People of Celtic Extraction.
Cenomani, a People of Gallia Celtica, in the Coun-
try now called Le Manſeau, next adjoining to that of
the Inſubre. |
Centrones, an ancient People of Flanders, about
the City of Courtray, dependent on the Nervians.
Centrones, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
the Country of Tarantaiſe | |
Cerauni Montes, Mountains of Epirus, Monti di
Chimera. | | |
Cercina, an Iſland on the Coaſt of Africa, Cher-
cara, Cercare. 5
, Cherroneſus, a Peninſula of Africa, near Alexan-
ria,
+ , Cherſoneſus Cimbrica, a Peninſula on the Baltick,
now Jutland, Part of Hlolſtein, Ditmarſh, and Slefwic,
.
Ne
in the Middle of the Iſthmus, going into Peloponneſus.
Corneliana Caſtra, a City of Africa, between Car-
thage and Utica. | |
Corſica, a conſiderable Iſland in the Mediterranean
Sea, near Sardinia, which till retains its Name, and
at preſent belongs to the Genoeſe. -
Coſanum, a City of Calabria in Italy, Caſſano.
Cremona, an ancient City of Gallia Cifalpina,
which retains its Name to this Day, and is the Me-
tropolis of the Cremoneſe in Italy.
Crete, one of the nobleſt Iſlands in the Mediter-
ranean Sea, now called Candia.
Cteſiphon, a Town of Aſſyria, over-againſt Seleucia.
Curioſolitæ, a People of Gaul, inhabiting Cornoualle
in Bretagne. 7 2
Cyclades, Iſlands in the ZEgean Sea, L* 1/ole dell
Archipelago. *
Cyprus, an Iſland in the Mediterranean Sea, be-
tween Syria and Cilicia, Cipro.
Cyrene, an ancient and once a fine City of Africa,
ſituate over-againſt Matapan, the moſt ſouthern Cape
of Morea, Cairoan.. . | |
Cyzicus, Chizico, formerly one of the largeſt Ci-
ties of Aſia Minor, in an Iſland of the ſame Name,
on the White Sea. 7 |
D
Dacia, an ancient Country of Scythia, beyond the
Danube, containing Part of Hungary, Tranſytvania,
Walachia and Moldavia.
Dalmatia, a Part of Illyricum, now called Scla-
vonia, lying between Croatia, Boſnia, Servia, and the
Adriatick Gulf, | yz
Danube,
2 D E X of the Names of Places.
Danube, the largeſt River in Europe, which has
its riſe in Swabia, and after flowing through that
Country, Bavaria, Auſtria, Hungary, Servia, Bul-
garia, Moldavia, Beſſarabia, and part of Tartary,
taking in its Courſe a great Number of noted Rivers,
ſome ſay ſixty, falls into the Black or Euxine Sea,
in two Arms, :
. Dardania, the ancient Name of a Country in upper
Meſia, which became afterwards a part of Dacia;
Raſcia, and part of Servia.
Decetia, a Town in Gaul, Deciſe on the Loire.
Delphi, a City of Achaia, Delpbo, al. Salona. .
Delta, a very conſiderable Province of Egypt, at
the Mouth of the Nile, Errif.
Diablintes, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
the Country called Le Perche; al. Diableres in Bre-
tagne; al. Lintes of Brabant; al. Lendoul, over-againſt
Britain, |
Dubis, a River of Burgundy, Le Doux.
Duratium, commonly ſuppoſed to be a City of
Gaul, in the Province of Poitou; but in fact Cæſar
uſes Duratius for the N ame of a Nobleman of con-
ſiderable Rank.
Durocortorum, a City of Gaul, Rheims.
Dyrrhachium, a City of Macedonia, Durazzo,
Drazzs,
E
Eburones, an ancient People of Germany, inhabit-
ing Part of the Country now the Biſhoprick of Liege,
and the County of Namur.
Eburovices, a People of Gaul, inhabiting the Coun-
try of Evreux, in Normandy.
Egypt, one of the moſt ancient, fertile, and cele-
brated Kingdoms in Africa.
Elaver, a River of Gaul, the Aller.
Elcutheri,-a People of Celtic Gaul, Ia Rouergue.
Elis, a City of Peloponneius, Beuidere.
Eluſates, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting rhe
Country of Euſe, in Gaſcony.
Epheſus, an ancient and celebrated City of Aſia.
Minor, Efeſo.
— Epidaurus, a maritime City of Dalmatia, Ragu/a.
Epirus, a Country in Greece, between Macedonia,
Achaia, and the Ionian Sea, by ſome now called Al-
bania inferior. | |
Eſſui, a People of Gaul, thoſe of Seez,
ord ſeems rather a corruption from Ædui.
uſubii, corrupted from Unelli, or Lexovii, pro-
bably the People of "MW Normandy.
Fanum, a City of Umbria in Italy, Fans.
Feſole, an ancient City of Italy, in the Dutchy of
Florence, anciently one of the twelve conſiderable
Cities of Hetruria.
Finni, an ancient People of Pruſſia.
Flavum, anciently reckoned the eaſtern Mouth of
the Rhine, now called the Uſze, and is a Paſſage out
of the Zuyder Sea into the North Sea.
Forum Flaminii, a City of Umbria, three Miles
from Fulginium, yet called Forflamne. |
Forum Julium, Frejus, an ancient Town on the
Coaſt of Provence, in France.
Foſſa Mariana, a Canal made by C. Marius, near
Marſeilles, for the Conveyance of ſhips from the Sea,
into the Rhone. p
Foſſæ Marianz, a City of Gallia Narbonenſis, now
called Aigues Mortes. |
Frentani, an ancient People of Italy, Abruzzo,
Capitanata. „
Friſu, the ancient inhabitants of Frigſland.
but the hood of the Garonne.
a Mons, the Mountains
of Europe, and the Mother of thoſe
G
Gabali, an ancieht People of Gaul, inhabiting the
Country of Givaudan.
a Gades, Cadix, an ancient and conſiderable City of
pain.
Gaditani, the People of Gades, or Cadiz, in
pain. 6 ;
SGalatia, a Country of Aſia Minor, lying between
Cappadocia, Pontus, and Paphlagonia; now called
Chiangare. 3 :
Galli, the People of ancient Gaul, now the French.
Gallia, the ancient and renowned Country of Gaul,
now France. It was divided by the Romans into,
Gallia Ciſalpina, Tonſa, or Togata, now Lom-
bard), between the Alps and the River Rubicon :
Gallia Tranſalpina, or Comata, comprehending
France, Holland, the Netherlands ; and farther ſub-
divided into, | |
Gallia Belgica, now a part of Lower , and
the Netherlands, with Picardy ; divided by Auguſtus,
into Belgica, and Germania ; and the latter into pri-
ma and ſecunda.
Gallia Celtica, now France properly ſo called; di-
vided, by Auguſtus, into Lugdunenſis, and Rotho-
magenſis. |
Gallia Aquitanica, now Gaſcony ; divided, by Au-
guſtus, into prima, ſecunda and tertia : And
Gallia Norbonenſis, or Braccata, now Languedoc,
Dauphiny, and Provence. |
Gallicia, a Province of Spain, of a large Extent,
once a Kingdom, and comprehending old Caſtile, but
now a Part of the Kingdom of Leon.
Gallogræcia, a Country of Aſia Minor, the ſame
as Gututis.
| Garites, a People of Gaul, inhabiting the Country
now called Gavre, or Gavardan.
Garoceli, or Graioceli, an ancient People of Gaul,
about Mount Cenis, or Mount Genevre ; others place
them in the Val de Morienne.
Garumna, the Garonne, one of the largeſt Rivers
of France, which ariſing in the Pyrenees, flows
through Guienne, forms the vaſt Bay of Garronne,
and falls, by two Mouths, into the Britiſh Seas.
Garumni, an ancient People of Gaul, in the Neigh-
of the Cevennes,
which ſeparated the Helvians from the Arverni.
Geldura, a Fortreſs of the Ubii, on the Rhine,
not improbably the preſent Village of Gel, on that
River, eleven German Miles from Neus.
Genabum, Orleans, an ancient Town in Gaul, fa-
mous for the Maſſacre of the Roman Citizens com-
mitted there by the Carnutes. _
Geneva, a City of Savoy, now a free Republick,
upon the Borders of Helvetia, at the going out of the
Rhone from the Lake Lemanus, anciently a City of
the Allobroges.
Genuſus, a River of Macedonia, uncertain,
Gepidz, or Gepidi, an ancient northern People,
ſuppoſed to have dwelt about the Mouth of the
Viftula.
Gergovia, the Name of two Cities in ancient Gaul,
the one belonging to the Boii, the other to the Ar-
verni. Their ſituation is not certainly known, _
Germania, Germany, one of the largeſt Countries
ations which,
in the Fall of the Roman Empire, conquered all the
reſt. |
Geſatæ, a kind of Militia among the ancient Ger-
mans,
48 Getæ,
IND E X of the Names of Places.
Getz, an ancient People of Scythia, who inhabited
betwixt Mcoeſia and Dacia, on each Side of the Da-
nube. Some think their Country the ſame with the
preſent Wallachia, or Moldavia. 8
Getulia, a Province of the Kingdom of Morocco,
in Barbary. © | |
Gomphi, a Town in Theſſaly, Gonfi.
Gorduni, a People of Belgium, the ancient Inha-
tants of Ghent ; according to others, of Courtray,
SOotini, an ancient People of Germany, who were
driven out of their Country by Maroboduus,
Grecia, Greece, a large Part of Europe, called by
the Turks, Romelia, containing many Countries, Pro-
vinces, and Iflands, once the Nurſery of Arts, Learn-
ing, and Sciences. |
© Graioceli, the ancient Inhabitants of Mount Cenis,
ſee Garoceli. | |
Grudii, the ancient Inhabitants about Louveke, or,
according to ſome, about Bruges.
ugerni, a People of ancient-Germany, who dwelt
on the right Banks of the Rhine, between the Ubi
and the Batavi.
Guttones, or Gythones, an ancient People of Ger-
many inhabiting about the Viſtula,
H
Hæmus, a Mountain dividing Mceſia and Thrace,
Argentaro, ©
Haliacmon, a River of Macedonia, uncertain.
Harudes, or Harudi, a People of Gallia Celtica,
ſuppoſed to have been originally Germans ; and by
fome to have inhabited about Conſtance.
Helleſpont, Straits of Gallipoli, the famous ftraits
by Conſtantinople, dividing Europe from Aſia, be-
tween Propontis, and the Ægean Sea. |
Helvetia, Switzerland, no divided into thirteen
Ces.
Helvetii, the Switzers, ancient Inhabitants of the
Country of Switzerland. |
Helvii, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting the
Country now poſſeſſed by the Fivarors. |
Heraclea, a City of Thrace, on the Euxine Sea,
Pantiro.
Heraclea Sentica, a Town in Macedonia, Chefia.
Hercynia Silva, the Hercynian Foreſt, the largeſt
Foreſt of ancient Germany, being reckoned. by Cz-
far to have been ſixty Days Journey in length, and
nine in breadth. Many Parts of it have been fince
cut down, and many are yet remaining; of which,
among others, is that called the Black Foreſt.
Hermanduri, an ancient People of Germany, par-
ticularly in the Country now called Mi/nia, in upper
Saxony; though they poſſeſſed a much larger Tract
of Land, according to ſome all Bohemia.
Herminius Mons, a Mountain of Laſitania,
Monte Armino ; according to others, Monte della
Strella. |
Heruli, an ancient northern People, who came
- firſt out of Scandavia, but afterwards inhabited the
Country now called Mecklenburg in lower Saxony,
towards the Baltick. ;
Hibernia, Ireland, a conſiderable Iſland to the
Weſt of Great Britain. |
Hippo, Bona, a City of the Province of Con-
ſtantine, in the Kingdom of Tunis, in Africa, upon
the Mediterranean. |
Hiſpalis, a City of Hiſpania Bztica, Seville.
Hiſpania, Spain, one of the moſt conſiderable
Kingdoms in Europe, divided by the Ancients into
Tarraconenſis, Bætica, and Luſitania,
Hyrcama, a Country of Aſia, bordering on the
Caſpian Sea, Tabariſtan, Gorgian.
4
Jacetani, or Lacetani, a People of Spain, near the.
Pyrenzan Mountains. | |
Jadertini, a People ſo called, from their capital
Jadera, a City of Illyricum, Zara.
Jazyge, orJazyges, a People of Sarmatia Europe
oats about the Countries now called Lett:
= Pruſſia.
berus, a River
Ebro. HEEL
Iccius, or Itius Portus, a Sea-Port-Town of an-
cient Gaul ; Boulogne, or, according to others, Calais.
Igilium, an Iſland in the Tuſcan Sea, . Giglio,
L' I/le du Lys. | |
Iguvium, a City of Umbria in Italy, Gubio.
Ilerda, a City pf Catalonia, in Spain, now called
Lerida, on the Sore. 5
Illurgavonenſes, a People of Hiſpania Tarraconen-
ſis, near the Iberus. |
Illyricum, formerly the Country between Pannonia
to the North, and the Adriatic Sea to the South, di-
vided into Liburnia and Dalmatia. It is now chiefly
of Hiſpania 'Tarraconenſis, the
comprehended under Dalmatia and Sclavonia, and
bordered by Pannonia, Iſtria, Macedonia, and the
Adriatic Gulf; almoſt wholly under the reſpective
Dominions of the Venetians and the Turks.
Ilurgis, a Town of Hiſpania Bætica, /lera.
Inſubria, a Country of Gallia Ciſalpina, now the
Dutchies of Milan, Mantua, Breſcia. |
Tonia, a Country of Aſia Minor, anciently inha-
bited by a Colony Wa Greece, Sarchan.
Iſſa, an Iſland of the Adriatic Sea, Liſa. |
Iſter, that Part of the Danube, which paſſed by
Illyricum. |
litria, a Country now in Italy, under the Vene-
tians, bordering on Illyricum, ſo catted from the
River Iſter.
Iſtropolis, a City of lower Mceſia, near the South
Entrance of the Danube, Proftravizs. x
Ifara, the ere, a River of France, which ariſes
in Savoy, and falls into the Rhone above Valence.
Iſauria, a Province anciently of Aſia Minor, now
a Part of Caramania, and ſubject to the Turks.
Italia, taly, one of the moſt famous Countries in
Europe, once the Seat of the Roman Empire, now
under ſeveral Princes, and free Commonwealths.
Italica, a City of Hiſpania Bætica, Sevila Ia Veja ;
according to others, Alcala del Rio.
Iturza, a Country of Paleſtine, Bacar.
Jura, a Mountain in Gallia Belgica, which ſeparated
the Sequani, from the Helvetians, moſt of which is
now called Mount St. Claude. :
Juvavia, formerly the Capital of Noricum Medi-
terraneum, now Salzburg.
L
3 i, a People of Spain, near the Pyrenæan
8. |
Lacus Benacus, Lago di Guardo, a Lake now be-
longing to the Venetians, between Verona, Breſcia,
and Trent. |
Larinates, the People of Larinum, a City of Italy,
Larino.
Lariſſa, the principal City of Theſſaly, a Province
of Macedonia, on the River Peneo.
Latini, the Inhabitants of Latium, an ancient Part
of Italy, whence the Latin Tongue is ſo called.
Latobriges, a People of Gallia Belgica, between
the Allobroges and ae in the Country now
called Lauſane. 8
a Lazi,
INDEX & the Names of Places.
Lazi, an ancient People of Sarmatia Europea, ac-
cording to ſome on the Banks of the Palus Mzotis ;
but, according to others, towards the Caſpiæ Port,
near the Iberi. 7
Lemanus Lacus, the Lake upon which Geneva
ſtands, made by the River Rhone, between Switzer-
land to the North, and Savoy to the South, com-
monly called the Lake of Geneva.
Lemnos, an Iſland in the Ægean Sea, now called
Stalimane.
Lemovices, an ancient People of Gaul, le Lime/in.
Lemovices Armorici, the People of St. Paul de
Leon. : |
Lenium, a Town in Luſitania, unknown,
Lepontu, a People of the Alps, near the Valley
of Leventina.
Leptis, a Town in Africa, LZebeda, or Lepeda.
Levaci, a People of Brabant, not far from Lou-
vain, whoſe chief Town is now called Leety,
Leuci, a People of Gallia Belgica, where now
Lorrain is, well skilled in darting. Their chief City
is now called Toul. |
Lexovn, an ancient People of Gaul, Lifeux in
Normandy.
Liburni, an ancient People of Illyricum, inhabit-
ing Part of the preſent Croatia,
Ligeris, the Loire, one of the greateſt and moſt
celebrated Rivers of France, ſaid to take one hun-
dred and twelve Rivers in its Courſe ; it riſes in Ve-
lay, and falls into the Bay of Aquitain, below Nantz.
Liguria, a Part of ancient Italy, extending from
the Appennines to the Tuſcan Sea, containing Ferra-
ra, and the Territories of Genoa.
Lilybeum, the moſt weſtern Promontory of the
Iſland of Sicily, where ſtood a City of the fame
Name, now Capo Boco.
Limo, or Limomum, a City of ancient Gaul,
T Tingones, 2 People of Galls Belgjca, inhabi
Lingones, a People of \Gallia ica, inhabiti
in and about 2 in — egg *
Liſſus, an ancient City of Macedonia, Meffio.
. Lucani, an ancient People of Italy, inhabiting the
Country now called Bafilicate.
Luceria, an ancient City of Italy, Lucerg.
Luſitania, Portugal, a Kingdom on the Weſt of
Spain, formerly a Part of it. | |
Lutetia, Paris, an ancient and famous City, the
Con of all France, on the River Seine.
Lydia, an inland Country of Aſia Minor, formerly
governed by the famous Crœſus, who was the laſt
King of it, Caraſia.
Lygii, an ancient People of upper Germany, who
inhabited the Country now called Silgſia, and on the
Borders of Poland.
M
Macedonia, a large Country, of great Antiquity
and Fame, in Greece, containing ſeveral Provinces,
now under the Turks.
Mzotis Palus, a vaſt Lake in the North Part of
Scythia, now called Marbianco, or Mare della Tana.
It is about fix hundred Miles in Compaſs, and the
River Tanais diſembogues itſelf into it,
| Magetobria, or Amagetobria, a City of Gaul, un-
certain.
Mlalaca, a City of Hiſpania Bætica, Malaga.
Mandubii, an ancient People of Gaul, “ Auxois,
in Burgundy. |
Marcomanni, a Nation of the Suevi, whom Clu-
verius places between the Rhine, the Danube, and
the Neckar ; who ſettled, however, under Marobo-
duus, in Bohemia and Moravia.
Marrucini, an ancient People of Italy, inhabiting
the Country now called Abruzzo,
Marſi, an ancient le of Italy, inhabiting the
Country now called — de fo
Maſſilia, Mar;/cilles, a large and flouriſhing. City
of Provence, in France, on the Mediterranean; ſaid
to be very ancient, and, according to ſome, built by
the Phoenicians ; but, as Juſtin will have it, by the
Phocians, in the time of I arquinius, King of Rome.
Matiſco, an ancient City of Gaul, Maſcon.
Matrona, a River in Gaul, the Marne.
Mauritania, Barbary, an ancient large Region of
Africa, divided into Cæſarienſis, Tingitatana, and
Sitofenſis. |
Mazaca, a City of Cappadocia, Tiſaria.
Mediomatrices, a People of Lorrain, on the Mo-
ſe], about the City of Metz.
Mediterranean Sea, the firſt diſcovered Sea in the
World, ſtill very famous, and much frequented,
which breaks in, from the Atlantic Ocean, between
Spain and Africa, by the Straits of Gibraltar, or
Hercules? Pillars, the ne plus ultra of the Ancients.
Medobrega, a City of Luſitania, Armenna.
Melde, according to ſome the People of Meaux;
but more probably corrupted from Belge.
Melodunum, an ancient City of Gaul, upon the
Seine, above Paris, Melun.
Menapu, an ancient People of Gallia Belgica, who
inhabited on both Sides of the Rhine. Some take
them for the Inhabitants of Cleves ; and others of
Antwerp, Ghent, &c. |
Meſopotamia, a large Country in the Middle of
Aſia, between the Tigris and the Euphrates, Diar-
beck.
Meſſana, an ancient and celebrated City of Sicily,
ſtill lnown by the Name of Meſſina. |
Metaurus, a River of Umbria, now called Metoro,
in the Dutchy of Urbino. 25
Metioſedum, an ancient City of Gaul, on the
Seine, below Paris, Corbeil.
Metropolis, a City of Theſſaly, between Pharſa-
lus and Gomphi. 2
Mitylene, a City of Lesbos, Metelin. |
Meœſia, a Country of Europe, and a Province of
the ancient Illyricum, bordering on Pannonia, divid-
ed into the Upper, containing Boſnia and Servia, and
the Lower, called Bulgaria.
Mona, in Cæſar, the Iſle of Man; in Ptolemy,
Angleſey. | |
Morini, an ancient People of the Low Countries,
who probably inhabited on the preſent Coaſt of Bo-
logne, on the Confines of Picardy and Artois, becauſe
Cæſar obſerves, that from their Country was the
neareſt Paſſage to Britain. | |
Mofſa, the Maeſe, or Meuſe, a large River of Gal-
lia Belgica, which falls into the German Ocean be-
low the Briel. |
Moſella, the Moſeile, a River which, running
through Lorrain, paſſes by Triers, and falls into the
Rhine at Coblentz, famous for the Vines growing in
the Neighbourhood of it.
Munda, an ancient City of Spain, Munda; al.
Ronda la Veja.
Murſa, a Town and Caſtle, in Sclavonia, at the
Conflux of the Draw and Danube, now called Eſſeek,
famous for a Bridge three Miles over.
Myſia, a Country of Aſia Minor, not far from
the Helleſpont, divided into Major and Minor,
N
Nabathæi, an ancient People of Arabia, uncer-
tam.
Nannetes,
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INDEX of the Names of Places.
Nannetes, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
about Nantes, |
Nantuates, an ancient People of the North Part
of Savoy, whoſe Country is now called Le Chablais.
Narbo, Narbonne, an ancient Roman City, in
Languedoc, in France, ſaid to be built an hundred
and thirty- eight Years before the Birth of Chriſt.
Nariſci, the ancient People of the Country now
called Norigow, in Germany, the Capital of which
is the famous City of Nuremburg.
Naupactus, an ancient and conſiderable City of
Etolia, now called Lepanto.
_ Neapolis, a City of Italy, which ſtill retains- the
Name of Naples. | a
Neapolis, a City of Africa, between Clupea and
. Adrumetum, now called Napoli.
Nemetes, a People of ancient Germany, about
the City of Spire, on the Rhine.
Niemetocenna, a Town of Belgium,
known ; according to ſome, Arras.
Neocæſarea, the Capital of Pontus, on the River
Lycus, now called Tocat.
Nervi, an ancient People of Gallia Belgica, thought
to have dwelt in the now Dioceſe of Cambray.
Neſſus, or Neſtus; a River in Thrace, Neſto.
Nicza, a City of Bithynia, now called 1/nick, fa-
mous for the firſt general Council, Anno 324, againſt
Arianiſm.
Nicomedia, a City of Bithynia, where Conſtantine
the Great died, Comidia.
Nicopolis, a City of Armenia the leſs, Gianich;
likewiſe of Bulgaria, at the Confluence of the Iſacar,
and the Danube, commonly called Nigeboli.
Nilus, the Nile, a River of Egypt, famous for
its annual Overflow.
Nitiobriges, an ancient People of Gaul, Þ Agenois.
Noreia, a City on the Borders of Illyricum, about
nine German Miles from Aquileia.
Noricz Alpes,. that Patt of the Alps, which were
in, or bordering upon Noricum. =
Noricum, anciently a large Country, now contain-
ing ſeveral, as a great Part of Auſtria, Stiria, Corin-
thia, Part of Tyrol, Bavaria, Fc. and divided into
Noricum Mediterraneum, and Ripenſe.
Noviodunum Belgarum, an ancient City of Belgic
Gaul, now called Noyon.
Noviodunum Biturigum, Neuvy, or Newfvy.
Noviodunum Zduorum, Nevers.
Noviodunum Sueſſionum, Soiſſons, al. Noion.
Noviomagum, Spire, an ancient City of Germany,
in the now upper Circle of the Rhine, and on that
River. |
Numantia, a celebrated City of ancient
mous for a gallant Reſiſtance againſt the
in a Siege of fourteen Years ; Almaſan.
Numidia, an ancient and celebrated Kingdom of
Africa, bordering on Mauritania; Algters, Tunis,
Tripok, Ec. | |
Numicus, the Numico, a River of ancient Latium
in Italy. |
Nymphæum, a Promontory of Macedonia, in
the Contines of Sclavonia,
not certainly
Spain, fa-
Romans,
O
Obucula, a Town in Hiſpania Bætica, uncertain.
Ocelum, a Town ſituated among the Alps in Gaul,
Exilles. | |
Octodurus, a Town belonging to the Veragrians,
Martinao. |
Octogeſa, a City of Hiſpania Tarraconenſis, Me-
quinenza, _
Orchomenus, a Town in Bœotia, Orcomeno.
Oricum, a Town in Epirus, Orco, or Orcha.
Oſcenſes, the People of Oſca, a Town in Hiſpania
Tarraconenſis, now Hueſcar.
Oſiſmii, an ancient People of Gaul, uncertain,
P
Padus, the Po, the largeſt River in Italy, which
ariſes in Piedmont, and dividing Lombardy into two
Parts, falls into the Adriatick Sea, by many Mouths.
Pazmani, an ancient People of Gallia Belgica ; ac-
cording to ſome, thoſe of Luxemburg; according to
others, the People of Pemont, near the Black Foreſt,
Palæſte, a Town in Epirus, near Oricum.
Pannonia, a very large Country, in the ancient
Diviſion of Europe, divided into the 'Upper and
Lower, and comprehended betwixt Illyricum, the
Danube, and the Mountains Cethi.
Parada, a Town in Africa, not far from Urica.
Parætonium, a maritime City of Africa, Alberton,
Pariſii, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting the
Country now called the e of France.
Parthia, a Country in Aſia, lying between Media,
Caramaniaz, and the Hircanian Seg.
Parthini, a People of Macedonia.
Peligni, a People of Italy in Apruzzo.
Peloponneſus, the Morea, a famous, large and
fruitful Peninſula of Greece, now belonging to the
Venetians. |
Peluſium, an ancient and celebrated City of Egypt,
Belbais. |
Pergamus, an ancient and famous City of Myſia,
Pergamo. |
Perinthus, a City of Thrace, about a Day's Journey
Weſt of Conſtantinople, now in a decaying Condi
tion, and called Heracita. |
Perſia, one of the largeſt, moſt ancient, and cele-
brated Kingdoms of Aſia, It anciently contained
many Countries, and now many Provinces.
Petra, an ancient City of Macedonia, uncertain,
Petrogorii, a Country in Gaul, Perigord.
Peucini, the Inhabitants of the Iſland of Peuce, in
one of the Mouths of the Danube.
Pharſalia, a Part of Theſſaly, famous for the
Battle between Czſar and Pompey, which decided
the Fate of the Roman Commonwealth.
Pharus, an Iſle facing the Port of Alexandria in
ancient Egypt; Farion. :
Phaſis, 4 * River in Colchis, now called Faſo,
which flows into the Euxine Sea.
Philippi, a City of Macedonia, on the Confines
of Thrace, Filippo. |
Philippopolis, a City of- Thrace, near the River
' Hebrus, Filippopoli.
Phrygia, two Countries in Aſia Minor, one called
Major, the other Minor.
Picenum, an ancient Diſtrict of Italy, lying eaſt-
ward of Umbria; the March of Ancona, according
to others Piſcara. |
Picti, Pi#s, an ancient barbarous northern People,
who by Intermarriages became, in courſe of Time,
one Nation with the Scots ; but are originally ſup-
ſed to have come out of Denmark 2 to
the Iſles of Orkney, and from thence into Scotland.
Pictones, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
the Country of Poitou. |
Piruſtæ, an ancient People of Illyricum, Abanęſi.
Piſaurum, a City of Umbria in Italy, Piſaro,
Placentia, an ancient City of Gallia Ciſalpina, near
the Po, now the Metropolis of the Dutchy of Pia-
cenza, which Name it allo bears.
Pleumoſii, an ancient People of Gallia Belgica,
ſubject to the Nervians, and inhabiting near Tournay.
Polentia,
INDEX of the Names of n
Polentia, an ancient City near the Alps, though
the learned diſagree as to the particular Situation
of it.
Pontus, an ancient Kingdom of Afia Minor, be-
tween Bithynia and Paphlagonia upon the Euxine
Sea. .
Pontus Euxinus, the Euxine, or Black Sea, from
the Egean, along the Helleſpont, to the Mæotick
Lake, between Europe and Aſia.
Poſthumiana Caſtra, an ancient Town in Hiſpania
Bætica, now called Caſtro el Rio.
Praciani, an ancient People of Gaul, Precins.
Provincia Romana, or Romanorum, one of the
ſouthern Provinces of France, the firſt the Romans
conquered and brought into the Form of a Province,
whence it obtained its Name; which it ſtill in ſome
Degree retains, being called at this Day Provence.
Pruſa or Pruſas, Burſa, a City of Bithynia, at
the Foot of Olympus, built by Hannibal, |
Ptolemais, an ancient City of Africa, St. Jean
a Acre. |
Pyrenæi Montes, the Pyrenees, or Pyrenean Moun-
tains, one of the largeſt Chains of Mountains in
Europe, which divide Spain from France, running
from Eaſt to Welt eighty-five Leagues in length.
R
Ravenna, a very ancient City of Italy, near the
Coaſt of the Adriatick Gulf, which ſtill retains its
ancient Name, In the Decline of the Roman Em-
pire, it was ſometime the Seat of the Emperors of
the Weſt ; as it was likewiſe of the Wiſi-Gothick
Kingdom.
Rauraci, a People of ancient Germany, near the
Helvetii, who inhabited near where Baſil in Switzes-
land now is.
Rhedones, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
about Rennes in Bretagne.
Rhætia, the Country of the Criſons, on the Alps,
near the Hercynian Foreſt.
Rhemi, the People of Rheims, a very ancient,
fine, and populous City of France, in the Province
of Champaign, on the River Veſle. |
Rhenus, the Rhine, a great and famous River in
Germany, which formerly divided it from Gaul. It
ſprings out of Rhætian Alps, in the weſtern Borders
of Switzerland, and the northern of the Griſons,
from two ſprings which unite near Coire, and falls
into the Maeſe and the German Ocean, by two
Mouths, whence Virgil calls it Rhenus bicornis.
Rhodanus, the Rhone, one of the moſt celebrated
Rivers of France, which ariſes from a double Spring
in Mont de la Fourche, a Part of the Alps, on the
Borders of Switzerland, near the Springs of the
Rhine, and after a vaſt Circuit through France, falls
into the Mediterranean, by five Mouths. . |
Rhodope, a famous Mountain of Thrace, now
called Yaliza.
Rhodus, Rhodes, a celebrated Iſland in the Me-
diterranean, upon the Coaſt of Aſia Minor, over-
againſt Caria. ; :
Rhyndagus, a River of Myſia in Aſia, which
falls into the Propontis.
Roma, Rome, once the Seat of the Roman Em-
pire, and the Capital of the then known World,
now the immediate Capital of Camagna di Roma
only, on the River Tyber, and the Papal Seat; ge-
nerally ſuppoſed to have been built by Romulus, in
the firſt Years of the ſeventh Olympiad.
Roxolani, a People of Scythia Europæa, border-
ing upon the Alani : Their Country, anciently called
Roxolania, is now Red Ruſſia, belonging to the Crown
of Poland.
Ruſpina, an ancient Maritime City of Africa, Sou/e,
Rutheni, an ancient People of Gaul, Ia Rowergue.
8
Sabis, the Sambre, a River of the Low Countries,
which ariſes in Picardy, and falls into the Maeſe at
Namur.
Saguntini, the People of Saguntum, a noble City
of ancient Spain, the Memory of which is recorded
with Honour, for the Fidelity ſhewn to its Allies the
Romans, Morvedre. . | |
Salaſſii, an ancient People of Piedmont, whoſe
chief Town was where now Aoſta is ſituate.
Salluvii, Salhes, a People of Gallia Narbonenſis,
about where Aix now is.
Salona, an ancient City of Dalmatia, and a Ro-
man Colony ; the Place where Diocleſian was born,
and whither he retreated, after he had reſigned the
Imperial Dignity. |
Salſum, a River of Hiſpania Bætica, Rio Salads,
or Guadajos.
Samarobriva, Amiens, an ancient City of Gallia
Belgica, enlarged and beautified by the Emperor An-
toninus Pius, now the chief City of Picardy, on the
River Somme.
Santones, the ancient Inhabitants of Guienne or
Aantoigne.
Sardinia, a great Iſland in the Mediterranean,
which in the Time of the Romans had forty-two
Cities, now belonging to the Duke of Savoy, with
the Title of King.
Sarmatia, a very large northern Country, divided
to Sarmatia Aſiatica, containing Tartary, Petigora,
ircaſſia, and the Country of the Morduite : And
Sarmatia Europæa, containing Ruſſia, Part of Po-
land, Pruſſia and Lithuania, |
Sarfura, a Town in Africa, unknown.
Savus, the Save, a large River, which ariſes in
upper Carniola, and falls into the Danube at Belgrade.
Scaldis, the Scheid, a noted River in the Low
Countries, which arriſes in Picardy, and waſhing
ſeveral of the principal Cities of Flanders and Bra-
bant, in its Courſe, falls into the German Ocean by
two Mouths, one retaining its own Name, and the
other called the Honte. |
Scandavia, anciently a vaſt nothern Peninſula, con-
taining what is yet called Schonen, anciently Scania,
belonging to Denmark ; and Part of Sweden, Nor-
way and Lapland. ,
Scythia, a large Country, properly Crim-Tartary
but in Hiſtory and Geography, greatly extended,
and particularly divided into Scythia Aſiatica, on
either Side of Mount Imaus : And Scythia Europza,
about the Euxine Sea, and the Mzotick Lake.
Seduni, an ancient People of Switzerland, Sion.
Seduſſi, an ancient People of Germany, on the
Borders of Swabia.
Segni, an ancient German Nation, Neighbours of
the Condruſi, Zulpich. |
Segontiaci, a People of ancient Britain, inhabiting
about Holſbot, in Hampſhire.
Segovia, a City of Hiſpania Bztica, Segovia la
menos. :
Seguſiani, a People of Gallia Celtica, about where
now Lionais Foreſt is ſituate.
Senones, an ancient Nation of the Celtæ, inhabit-
ing about the Sexonois, in Gaul.
Sequana, the Seine, one of the principal Rivers of
France, ariſing in the Dutchy of Burgundy, not far
from a Town of the ſame Name, and running
through. Paris, and by Roan, forms at Candebec a
great Arm of the Seas
4 Sequani,
INDEX of the Names of Places.
Sequari, an ancient People of Gallia Belgica, in-
habiting the Country now called the Franche Comte,
or the Upper Burgundy. |
Seſuvii, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
about Seez.
Tarracinaz an ancient City of Italy, which if re-
tains the ſame Name. |
Tarraco, Tarragona, a City of Spain, which, in
ancient time, gave Name to that Part of it called
Hiſpania Tarraconenſis; by ſome faid to be built by
Sibutzates, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting the Scipios, though others ſay before the Roman
the Country of Buck.
Siciha, Sicily, a large Iſland in the Tyrrhene Sea,
at the ſouth-weſt Point of Italy, formerly called the
Store-houſe of the Roman Empire, and the firſt Pro-
vince the Romans poſſeſſed out of Italy.
Sicoris, a River in Catalonia, the Segre.
Sigambri, or Sicambri, an ancient People of Lower
Germany, between the Maeſe and the Rhine, where
now Guelderland is; though by ſome placed on the
Banks of the Maine. |
Silicenſis, a River of Hiſpania Bætica, Rio de las
Algamidas. Others think it a Corruption from Singuli.
Sinueſſa, a City of Campania, not far from the
Save, an ancient Roman Colony, now in a ruinous
Condition; Rocca di Mondragone.
Soricaria, a City of ancient Spain, unknown,
Soritia, an ancient Town in Spain, unknown.
Sotiates, or Sontiates, an ancient People of Gaul,
inhabiting the Country about Aire. 55
Sparta, a City of Peloponneſus, now called Mu-
ſithra, ſaid to be ſo ancient as the Days of the Pa-
_ triarch Jacob. 8
Spoletum, Spoleto, a City of great Antiquity, of
Umbria, in Italy, the Capital of a Dutchy of the
ſame Name, on the River Teſino, where are yet
ſome ſtately Ruins of ancient Roman and Gothick
Edifices.
Sueſſiones, an ancient People of Gaul, Ie Soifſon-
nois.
Suevi, an ancient, great, and warlike People of
Germany, who poſſeſſed the greateſt Part of it, from
the Rhine to the Elbe, but afterwards removed ſiom
the northern Parts, and ſettled about the Danube,
and ſome marched into Spain, where they eſtabliſhed
a Kingdom,
Sulcitani, an ancient People of Sardinia, unknown,
Sulmo, an ancient City of Italy, Sulmona.
Sunici, an ancient People of the Dutchy of Lim-
burg, where there is yet a Place called Sunich, a
Name probably borrowed from them.
Syracuſe, Saraguſa, once one of the nobleſt Cities
of Sicily, ſaid to be built by Archias, a Corinthian,
above ſeven hundred Years before Chriſt. The Ro-
mans beſieged and took it during the ſecond Punic
War. on which Occafion the great Archimedes was
killed. It has been ſo often entirely deſtroyed, that
it has no Remains to ſhew of its Antiquity.
Syria, a large Country of Aſia, containing ſeveral
Provinces, now called Sauriſtan. |
Syrtes, the Deſarts of Barbary ; alſo two danger-
ous ſandy Gulphs, in the Mediterranean, upon the
Coaſt of Barbary, in Africa, called the one Syrtis
magna, now the Guiph of Sidrg, the other Syrtis
parva, now the Gulph of Capes.
T
Tameſis, the Thames, a celebrated and well known
River of Great Britain.
Tanais, the Don, a very large River in Scythia,
dividing Aſia from Europe. It riſes in the Province
of Reſan, in Muſcovy, and flowing through the
Crim-Tartary, runs into the Mzotick Lake, near a
City of the ſame Name, now in Ruins, and in the
Hands of the Turks. |
Tarbelli, a People of ancient Gaul, near the Pyre-
nees, inhabiting about s and Bayonne, in the Coun-
try of Labourd.
Conqueſt, and that they only enlarged it. It ſtands
on the Mouth of the River Tulcis, now el Fracoli,
with a ſmall Haven on the Mediterranean.
Tarfus, Tarſo, the Metropolis of Cilicia, famous
for being the Birth-Place of St. Paul.
Taruſates, an ancient People of Gaul, uncertain ;
according to ſome, le Teurſan.
Tauris, an Iſland in the Adriatick Sea, unknown,
Taurois, the Name of a Caftle near Marſeilles,
Taurus Mons, the greateſt Mountain in all Aſia, ex-
tending from the Indian to the Ægean Sea, called by
different Natnes in different Countries, viz. Imaus,
Caucaſus, Caſpius, Cerauſius, and in Scripture, Ara-
rat. Herbert fays it is fifty Engliſh Miles over, and
fifteen hundred long.
Tectoſages, ſee Volcæ.
Tegea, a City of Africa, unknown.
Tenchtheri, a People of ancient Germany, border-
ing on the Rhine, near Overyſſel.
| Tergeſtini, an ancient People inhabiting about
Trieſte, in the Confines of Iſtria and the Carni.
Terni, an ancient Roman Colony, on the River
Nare, twelve Miles from Spoletum.
Teutones, or Teutoni, an ancient People bordering
on the Cimbri, the common ancient Name for all
the Germans, whence they yet call themſelves Teu .
che, and their Country Teutſchland.
Thabena, a City of Africa, unknown.
Thapſus, a Maritime City of Africa, uncertain,
Thebz, a City of Bœotia, in Greece, ſaid to have
been built by Cadmus, deſtroyed by Alexander the
Great, bur rebuilt, and now Boe by the Name
of ii ves.
Thermopyle, a famous Paſs on the great Moun-
tain Oeta, leading into Phocis, in Achaia, now called
Bocca di Lupo. |
Theſſaly, a Country of Greece, formerly a great
Part of Macedonia, now called Janna.
Theſſalonica, the chief City of Macedonia, now
called Salonichz,
Thracia, a large Country of Europe, eaſtward
from Macedonia, commonly called Romania, bound-
ed by the Euxine and Ægean Seas.
Thurii, or Turii, an ancient People of Italy,
Torre Brodogneto.
Tigurinus Pagus, a Nation of the Helvetians, the
ancient Inhabitants of the Canton of Zurich, in Swit-
zerland. .
Tiſdra, or Tiſdrus, an ancient City of Africa,
Cairoan.
Toloſa, Thoulouſe, a City of Aquitain, of great
Antiquity, the Capital of Languedoc, on the Ga-
ronne,
Toxandri, an ancient People of the Low Countries,
about Breda, and Gertruydenburgh ; but according
to ſome of the Dioceſe of Liege. WEE
Tralles, an ancient City of Lydia in Aſia Minor,
Chora.
Treviri, the People of Treves, or Triers, a very
ancient City of Lower Germany, on the Moſelle,
ſaid to have been built by Trebetas, the Brother of
Ninus. It was made a Roman Colony in the time
of Auguſtus, and became afterwards the moſt fa-
mous City of Gallia Belgica. It was for ſome time
the Seat of the weſtern Empire, but it is now only
the Seat of the Eccleſiaſtical Elector named from it.
Tribocci, or Friboces, a People of ancient Ger-
many, inhabiting the Country of Alſace.
| | Trinobantes,
INDEX of the Names of Places.
Trinobantes, a People of ancient Britain, Inhabi-
tants of the Counties of Middleſex, and Hertford-
Troja, Troy, a City of Phrygia, in Aſia Minor,
near Mount Ida, deſtroyed by the Greeks after a ten
Years Siege. :
Tubantes, an ancient People of Germany, about
Weſtphalia, |
Tugium, a City and Canton of Helvetia, or Swit-
zerland, now called Zug. .
Tulingi, an ancient People of Germany, who in-
habited about where now Stulingen in Switzerland is,
Tungri, an ancient People inhabiting about where
Tongres, in Liege, now is.
Turones, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
about Tours. 4
Tuſcia, Tuſcany, a very large and conſiderable Re-
gion of Italy, anciently called Tyrrhenia, and Etruria.
Tyber, one of the moſt noted, though not largeſt
Rivers of Raly, which ariſes in one of the Appen-
nines, and, among other Places, paſſing through
Rome, falls into the Tyrrhenian Sea at Oftia.
Tygris, a rapid River of Aſia, which, in its courſe,
unites with the Euphrates.
Tyrus, Dre, an ancient City of Phœnicia, upon
the Mediterranean, famous for its Traffick and
Riches.
V
Vacca, a Town in Africa, unknown.
Vahalis, he Waal, the middle Branch of the Rhine,
which, paſſing by Nimeguen, falls into the Maeſe,
above Gorcum.
Valencia, a City of Spain, which gives Name to
a whole Kingdom, about a Mile from the Mediter-
rancan, ſuppoſed to be built by Junius Brutus.
Valentia, Valence, a City of Gallia Narbonenſis,
red in the Dauphiny, on the Rivers Rhone and
ere. + pe
Vangiones, an-ancient People of Germany, about
the City of Worms,
Varus, the Var, a River in Gaul, that flows into
the Ligurian Sea.
Ubu, an ancient People of Lower Germany, who
inhabited about where Calogn, and the Dutchy of
Juliers now are.
Ucubis, a Town in Hiſpania Bætica, Lucubi.
Velauni, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
about Velai.
Vellaunodunum, a Town in Gaul, about which
Geographers are much divided; ſome making it
Auxerre, others Chaſteau Landon, others Villeneuve in
Lorrain, others, Veron.
Velocaſſes, an ancient People of Normandy, about
Rouan. |
Veneti, this Name was anciently given as well to
the Yenetians, as to the People of Vannes, in Bre-
tagne, in Gaul, for which laſt it ſtands in Cæſar.
Venetiæ, Venice, a noble City of Italy built upon
ſixty Iſlands, joined together by five hundred Bridges,
at the Top of the Adriatick Gulph, the Capital of a
werful Commonwealth.
Ventiſponte, a Town in Spain, unknown. E
| Veragri, a People of Gallia Lugdunenſis, whoſe
chief Town was Aguanum, now St. Maurice.
Verbigenus, or Urbigenus Pagus, a Nation or
Canton of the Helvetians, inhabiting the Country in
the Neighbourhood of Orbe.
Vercelli Campi, the Plains of
a Victory the Romans obtained there over the Cim-
Jercellæ, famous for
bri. The City of that Name. is in Piedmont, on the
River Seſia, on the Borders of the Dutchy of Milan.
Veromandui, a People of Galſia Belgica, whoſe
Country, now a Part of Picardy, is ſtill called Yer-
mandois. ;
Verona, a City of Lombardy, the Capital of a
Province of the ſame Name, on the River Adige,
laid to be built by the Gauls two hundred and eighty
two Years before Chriſt. It has yet ſeveral Remains
of Antiquity.
Veſontio, Beſangon, the Capital of the Sequani,
now the chief City of Burgundy.
Vettones, a People of Spain, inhabiting the Pro-
vince of Eftramadura.
Vibo, a Town in Italy, not far from the Sicilian,
Straits, Bibona.
Vienna, a City of Narboneſe Gaul, Vienne in
Daupbiny.
Vindelici, an ancient People of Germany, Inhabi-
tants of the Country of Vindelicia, otherwiſe called
Rætia ſecunda.
Viſtula, the Weichſel, a famous River of Poland,
which ariſes in the Carpathian Mountains, in Upper
Sileſia, and falls into the Baltick, not far from Dant-
zick, by three Mouths,
Viſurgis, the Weſer, a River of Lower Germany,
which ariſes in Franconia, and, among other Places
of Note, paſſing by Bremen, falls into' the German
Ocean, not far from the Mouth of the Elbe, be-
tween that and the Ems.
Ulla, or Ulia, a Town in Hiſpania Bztica, in re-
gard to whoſe Situation Geographers are not agreed;
ſome making it Monte major, others, Vaena, others,
Vilia.
Umbria, a large Country of Italy, on both Sides
of the Appennines.
Unelli, an ancient People of Gaul, uncertain.
Vocatcs, a Pcople of Gaul, on the Confines of
the Lapurdenſes.
Vocontii, an ancient People of Gaul, inhabiting
about Die, in Dauphiny, and Yaiſer in the County
of Veniſſe. |
Vogeſus Mons, the Mountain of Yauge in Lorrain,
or, according to others, 'de Faucilles.
Volcæ Arecomici, and Tectoſages, an ancient-Peo-
ple of Gaul, inhabiting the Upper and Lower Lan-
uedoc.
, Urſao, a Town of Hiſpania Bætica, Ofſuna. :
Uſæta, a Town of Africa, whoſe Situation is not
certainly known. |
Uſipetes, an ancient People of Germany, who fre-
quently changed their Habitation. 1
Utica, a City of Africa, famous for the Death of
Cato; Biſerte.
Uxellodunum, a Town in Gaul, whoſe Situation
is not known; according to ſome Uſſc/dun,
Uzita, a Town unknown. |
X
Xantones, the ſame with the Santones, or People
of Aantonge.
Z
Zama, a Town in Africa, famous for the Defeat
of Hannibal there by Scipio, now called Zamora.
Zetta, a maritime City of Africa, now Zerbi.
Ziela, or Zela, a City of Pontus, Arzila.
Zingitana, a Part of ancient Africa, now included
in the Kingdom of Algiers.
A N
— —PkV—pͥ— — 2
; A
Wc
IN D EX
O
F
PERSONS and THINGS.
N. B. The Numerals refer to the Book, the Figures to the
Sefion. G. ſtands for the Wars in Gaul; C. for the Civil
Mar; Al. for the Alexandrian; Af. for the African; Sp.
for the Spaniſh War.
-
A
co, Prince of the Senones, his Conduct on
Cæſar's Approach, G. vi. 3. Condemned in a
Council of the Gauls, ibid. 41.
Achillas, Captain of Ptolemy's Guards, ſent to
kill Pompey, C. iii. 85. Appointed by Pothinus
Commander of all the Egyptian Forces, ibid. 89.
Heads an Army of twenty thouſand veteran Troops,
ibid. 91. Variance between him and Arſinoe, Pto-
lemy's Siſter, A. 3.
Acilla, demands. a Garriſon from Cæſar, Af. zo.
Beſieged in vain by Conſidius, 30, 40.
Adiatomus, ſallies upon Craſſus at the Head of a
choſen Body of Troops, G. iii. 23.
Adrumetum, held by Conſidius Longus, with a
Garriſon of one Legion, C. ii. 21. Cæſar makes
himſelf Maſter of it, Af. 77.
ZEduans, complain to Cæſar of the Ravages com-
mitted in their Territories by the Helvetians, G. i. 9.
Join in a Petition againſt Arioviſtus, ibid. 23. At
the Head of one of the two leading Factions of
Gaul, G. vi. 12. Cæſar quiets an inteſtine Commo-
tion among them, G. vii, 30. And prevents their
revolting from the Romans, ibid. 35. Which never-
theleſs comes to paſs ſoon after, ibid. 52.
gimurus, a Trireme belonging to Cæſar taken
there by Varus and Octavius, Af. 41.
ZEginium, Domitius joins Cæſar near that Place,
C. in. 56.
Agus and Roſcillus, their perfidious Behaviour to-
wards Cæſar, C. iii. 5 7. |
Atolia, recovered from Pompey by the Partizans
of Cæſar, C. iii. 30.
Afranius, Pompey's Lieutenant, his Exploits in
Conjunction with Petreius, C. i. 36, Carries the
War into Celtiberia, ibid. 55. Surrenders to Cæſar,
ibid. 76. Prevails with one of his Slaves to diſpatch
him, Af. 82.
Africans, a crafty warlike People, Af. 9. Their
Manner of concealing their Corn, ibid. 57.
Agar, defended with great Bravery againſt the
Getulians, Af. 58.
Agendicum, Cæſar quarters four Legions there,
G. vi. 40. Labienus leaves his Baggage in it under
a Guard of new Levies, and ſets out for Lutetia,
C. vi. | |
Alba: TYomitiue levics Troops in that Neighbour.
hood, C. i. 13. | |
Albici, a Kind of Mountaineers taken into the
Service of the Marſeillians, C. i. 32.
Aces, a Species of Animals reſembling in ſome
reſpects a Goat, to be found in the Hercynian Foreſt,
G. vi. 25.
Alefia, Cæſar ſhuts up Vercingetorix there, G. vii.
62. Surrounds it with Lines of Circumvallation and
CON ITES ibid. 66. Obliges it to ſurrender,
ibid. 82. |
Alexandria, Cæſar purſues Pompey thither, C. ili.
87. Is unexpectedly intangled in a War at that
Place, ibid. 88. Difficulties Cæſar had to encounter
there for want of Water, Al. 4. Cæſar enters the
Town with his victorious Army, and receives it into
his Protection, ibid. 23.
Alexandrians, an acute and ingenious People, A. 2.
But treacherous and without Faith, ibid. 4. They
petition Cæſar to fend them their King, ibid. 16.
Allier, Cæſar eludes the Vigilance of Vercingeto-
rix, and by an Artifice paſſes that River, G. vil. 33.
Allobrogians, ſuppoſed to be not well affected to
the Romans, G. i. 5, Complain to Cæſar of the
Ravages of the Helvetians, ibid. 9. 77
Alps, Cæſar croſſes them with five Legions, G. i.
8. Sends Galba to open a free Paſſage over them to
the Roman Merchants, G. ili. 1.
Amagetobria, famous for a Defeat of the Gauls
there by Arioviſtus, G. 1. 23. ; |
Amantia, ſubmits to Cæſar, and ſends Ambaſſa-
dors to know his Pleaſure, C. iii. 10. |
Amanus, a Mountain in Aſia, near which Scipio
ſuſtains ſome Loſles, C. ui. 28.
Ambarri, complain to Cæſar of the Ravages com-
mitted in their Territories by the Helvetians, G. i. .
| Ambialites,
INDEX of Perſons and Things.
Ambialites, join in a Confederacy with the Veneti
againſt Cæſar, G. iii. 9. "oy
Ambiani, furniſh ten thouſand Men to the general
Confederacy of the Belgians againſt Cæſar, G. ii. 4.
Join with the Veneti in their Revolt from the Ro-
mans, G. iii. 9. Sue for Peace, and ſubmit them-
ſelves to Cæſar's Pleaſure, G. ii. 16.
Ambiorix, his artful Speech to Sabinus and Cotta,
G. v. 23. Cæſar marches againſt him, G. vi. 27.
Ravages and lays waſte his Territories, ibid. 3x. En-
deavours in vain to get him into his Hands, ibid. 40.
Ambivareti, ordered to furniſh their Contingent
for railing the Siege of Aleſia, G. vii. 69.
Ambivariti, the German Cavalry ſent to forage
among them, G. iv. 6.
Ambracia; Caſſius directs his March towards that
Place, C. iii. 31. | |
Ampbilocbi, reduced by Caſſius Longinus, C. iii.
wp an Edict in Pompey's Name publiſhed
at that Place, C. iii. 84. |
Anartes, a People bordering upon the Hercynian
Foreſt, G. vi. 23.
Anas, a River bounding that Part of Spain under
the Government of Petreius, C. i. 36.
Ancalites, fend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar with an Of-
fer of Submiſſion, G. v 17.
Ancona, Cæſar takes poſſeſſion of it with a Gar-
riſon of one Cohort, C. i. 10.
Andes, Cæſar puts his Troops into Winter- Quar-
ters among them, G. ii. 36.
Angleſey, an Iſland ſituated between Britain and
Ireland, where the Night, during the Winter, is ſaid
to be a Month long, G. v. 10.
Antiochia refuſes to admit the Fugitives after the
Battle of Pharſalia, C. iii. 84.
Antony obliges Libo to raiſe the Siege of Brundu-
ſium, C. iii. 22. And in Conjunction with Kalenus
tranſports Czſiar's Tronps to Greece, ibid. 24.
Apollonia, Pompey reſolves to winter rhere, C. iii.
3. Cæſar makes himſelf Maſter of it, ibid. 10.
Aponiana, Cæſar orders his Fleet th rendezvous
near that Iſland, Af. 2.
Apſus, Cæſar and Pompey encamp over-againſt
each other on the Banks of that River, C. iii. 11.
Apulia, Pompey quarters the Legions Cæſar had
ſent him there, C. i. 12.
Aquilaria, Curio arrives there with the Troops de-
ſigned againſt Africa, C. ii. 2 1.
Aquileia, Cæſar draws together the Troops quar-
tered there, G. 1. 8.
Aquitains, reduced under the Power of the Ro-
mans by Craſſus, G. iii. 21, Very expert in the
Art of Mining, ibid. 22.
Arar, the Helvetians receive a conſiderable Check
in paſſing that River, G, 1. 10. |
Arden, Indutiomarus conceals the infirm and aged
in that Foreſt, G. v. 3. Czar croſſes it in queſt of
Ambiorix, G. vi. 27.
Arecomici Volcæ, Cæſar plants Garrifons among
them, G. vil. 7. |
Ariminum, Cæſar having ſounded the Diſpoſition
Sof his Troops marches thither, C. i. 7. 1
Arioviſtus, King of the Germans, his oppreſiiy
Behaviour towards the Gauls, G. i. 23. Cæſar ſends
Ambaſſadors to him demanding an Interview, ibid.
26. He is defeated and driven entirely out of Gaul,
ibid. 41.
1 tries, Cæſar orders twelve Gallies to be built there,
C. A. | |
3 aſſemble in great Numbers to attack
L. Roſcius in his Winter 2 . e
Arretium, Antony ſent thither with five Cohorts,
68 i. 10.
Anſinoe, the Daughter of Ptolemy, at Variance
with Achillas, A. 3. Cæſar removes her out of
Egypt, ibid. 24.
Arverni, ſuddenly invaded, and their Territories
ravaged by Cæſar, G. vii. 8.
Aſculum, Cæſar takes poſſeſſion of it, C. i. 13.
Aſcurum attacked without Succeſs by young Pom-
pey, Af. 21.
Aſparagium, Pompey encamps near it with all his
Forces, C. iii. 27. | |
Aſpavia, Pompey's Communication with that Place
cut off by Czſar's Works, Sp. 24.
Aſta ſends Ambaſſadors to Cæſar with an Offer
of Submiſſion, Sp. 36.
Compels it to ſurrender, ibid. 19.
Ategua, Cæſar lays Siege to that Place, wh
Athens contributes to fit out a Fleet for Pompey,
C. ini. 3.
Atrebatians furniſh fifteen thouſand. Men to the
general Confederacy of Gaul, G. ii. 4.
Atuatica, a ſtrong Caſtle, where Cæſar depoſits
all his Baggage, when he ſets out in purſuit of Am-
biorix, C. vi. 30. The Germans unexpectedly at-
tack it, ibid. 32. —
Atuatici furniſh twenty- nine thouſand Men to the
general Confederacy of Gaul, G. ii. 4. Cæſar oblices
them to ſubmit, ibid. 29. Deſcendants of the Tcu-
tones and Cimbri, ibid.
Avaricum beſieged by Cæſar, G. vii. 12. And at
laſt taken by Storm, ibid. 27.
Aulerci reduced by P. Craſſus, G ii. 35. Maſſa-
cre their Senate and join Viridovix, G. it. 17. Au-
lerci Brannovices ordered to furniſh their Contingent
to the Relief of Aleſia, G. vii. 69. Aulerci Ceno-
mani furniſh five thouſand, ibid. Aulerci Eburo-
vices three thouſand, ibid. Aulerci Diablintes aſſo-
ciate with the Venetians in their Revolt, G. iii. g.
Auſci ſubmit to Craſſus and ſend Hoſtages, G. ii.
28
Auſetani ſend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar with an Offer
of Submiſſion, C. i. 54. |
Auximum, Cæſar makes himſelf Maſter of it,
6
Arona, Cæſar croſſes it in his March againſt the
Belgians, G. ii. 6.
B
Bacenis, the Suevians encamp at the Entrance of
that Wood, reſolving there to wait the Approach of
the Romans, G. vi. 10.
Baculus P. Sextius, his remarkable Bravery, G, vi.
37 Caſſius encamps on the Banks of that Ri-
ver, Al. 46.
Bagradas, Curio arrives with his Army at that Ri-
ver, C. ii. 22.
Balearean Iſles, young Pompey fails thither with
his Fleet, Af. 21. The Inhabitants famous for their
Dexterity in the uſe of the Sling, G. ii. 8.
Batavorum Inſula, formed by the Meuſe and the
Waal, G. iv. 7.
Belgians, the moſt warlike People of Gaul, G. 1. r.
Withitand the Invaſion of the Teutones and Cimbri,
G. ii. 4. Originally of German Extraction, ibid.
Cæſar obliges them to decamp, and return to their
ſeveral Habitations, ibid. 11.
Bellocaſſians furniſh three thouſand Men to the Re-
lief of Aleſia, G. vu. 69.
Bellona, a famous and ancient Temple of he's in
Cappadocia, whoſe Prieſt was next in Authority to
the King, Al. 53. |
Bellovaci furniſh a hundred thouſand Men to the
general Confederacy of Belgium, G. ii. 4. Join in
4 U
i. as *
INDEX of Perſons and ＋ hinge.
the general Defection under Vercingetorix, G. vii. 55.
Again take up Arms againſt Cæſar, vii. 5. But
are compelled to ſubmit and ſue for pardon.
Berones fly to the Reſcue of Caſſius threatened
with an A ſſaſſination, Al. 42.
Beſſi make part of Pompey's Army, C. in. 3.
Bibrafte, Cæſar diſtreſſed for want of Corn, mar-
ches thither to obtain a Supply, G. i. 19.
Bibrax attacked with great Fury by the confede-
rate Belgians, G. 1. 7. |
Bibroci ſend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar to ſue for
Peace, G. v. 17.
Bibulus, Admiral of Pompey's Fleet, takes ſome
of Cæſar's Tranſports, C. in. 6. His Cruelty to-
wards the Priſoners that fell into his Hands. ibid. 1 2.
Bigerriones ſurrender and give Hoſtages to Craſſus,
G. in. 28.
Biturigians join with the Arverni in the general
Defection under Vercingetorix, G. vil. 5.
Bogud, King of Mauritania, his Exploits in be-
half of Cæſar, A. 46. Invades Juba's Kingdom,
in order to create a Diverſion, Af. 23. |
Bali join with the Helvetians in their Expedition
againſt Gaul, G. i. 4. Attack the Romans in Flank,
ibid. 20. Cæſar allows them to ſettle among the
ZEduans, ibid. 21. |
Boſphorus, Cxſar inveſts Mithridates with th
Sovereignty of that Country, Al. 63.
Brannovii furniſh their Contingent to the Relief of
Aleſia, G. vii. 69.
Bratuſpantium ſubmits and obtains pardon from
Cæſar, G. ii. 14. 4
Bridge built by Cæſar over the Rhine deſcribed,
G. iv. 15.
Britain, Cæſar's Expedition thither, G. iv. 18.
Deſcription of the Britiſh Coaſt, 21. The Romans
land, in ſpite of the vigorous Oppoſition of the
Iſlanders, 22. The Britons ſend Ambaſſadors to
Cæſar to deſire a Peace, which they obtain on deli-
very of Hoſtages, 24. They break the Peace on
hearing chat Cxfar's Fleet was deſtroyed by a Storm,
and ſet upon the Roman Foragers, 26. The Man-
ner of their fighting in Chariots; they fall upon the
Roman Camp, but are repulſed, and petition again
for Peace; which Cæſar grants them, 29. Cæſar
paſſes over into their Iſland a ſecond time, v. 7.
Drives them from the Woods where they had taken
Refuge, 8. Deſcribes their manners and way of
living, 10. Defeats them in ſeveral Encounters,
11—18. Grants them a Peace, on the Delivery of
Hoſtages, and agreeing to pay a yearly Tribute, 19.
Brundiſium, Pompey retires thither with his Forces,
C. i. 23. Cæſar lays Siege io it, 24. Pompey
eſcapes from it by Sea, upon which the Place imme-
diately ſurrenders to Cæſar, 26. Libo blocks up the
Port with a Fleet, C. iii. 21. But by the Valour
and Conduct of Antony is obliged to retire, 22.
Brotherly Love, a remarkable Example of it,
G. iv. 9. Another in the Conduct of the two Tt,
Af. 26.
Brutus, appointed to command the Fleet in the
War againſt the People of Vannes, G. iii. 11. En-
gages and defeats the Venetians at Sea, 14. Defeats
the People of Marſeilles in a Sea-Fight, C. i. 52.
Engages them a ſecond time with the ſame good
Fortune, 11. 3.
Bullis ſends Ambaſſadors to Cæſar with an Offer
of Submiſſion, C. ii. 10
Burſavolenſes, their Conduct towards Cæſar and
his Followers, Sp, 22.
C
Cæræſi join in the general Confederacy of Belgium
againſt Ceſar, C. ii. 4.
Cæſar takes poſt for Gaul, G. i. 6. Refuſes the
Helvetians a Paſſage through the Roman Province,
ibid. His Anſwer to their Ambaſſadors, 12. De-
feats and ſends them back into their own Country, 20.
Sends Ambaſſadors to Arioviſtus, 26. Calls a Coun-
cil of War: His Speech, 31. Begins his March, 32.
His Speech to Arioviſtus, 34. Totally routs the
Germans, and obliges them to repaſs the Rhine, 4r.
His War with the Belgiaris, ii. 2. Reduces the
Sueſſiones and Bellovaci, 13. His prodigious Slaugh-
ter of the Nervians, 16—23. Obliges the Atuatici
to ſubmit, 29. Prepares for the War againſt the
Venetians, ii. 9. Defeats them in an Engagement
at Sea, and totally ſubdues them, 14. Is obliged to
put his Army into Winter-quarters, be fore he can
compleat the Reduction of the Menapians and Mo-
rini, 29. Marches to find out the Germans; his
Anſwer to their Ambaſſadors, iv. 5. Attacks them
in their Camp and routs them, 10. Croſſes the
Rhine and returns to Gaul, 13—17. His Expedi-
tion into Britain deſcribed, 18. Refits his Navy, 25.
Comes to the Aſſiſtance of his Foragers whom the
Britons had attacked, 28. Returns to Gaul, 32.
Gives order for building a Navy, v. 1. His Pre-
parations for 2 ſecond Expedition into-Britain, 2.
Marches into the Country of Treves to prevent a
Rebellion, 3. Marches to Port Itius, and invites all
the Princes of Gaul to meet him there, 4. - Sets ſail
for Britain, 7. Deſcribes the Country and Cuſtoms
of the Inhabitants, 10. Fords the River Thames,
and puts Caſſibelanus, Captain-General of the Bri-
tons, to flight, 14. Impoſes a Tribute upon the
Britons and returns into Gaul, 19. Routs the Ner-
vians, and relieves Cicero, 30. Reſolves to winter
in Gaul, 44. His ſecond Expedition into Germany,
vi. 9. His Deſcription of the Manners of the Gauls
and Germans, 12. His Return into Gaul, and vi-
gorous Proſecution of the War againſt Ambiorix, 27.
Croſſes the Mountains of che Cevennes in the midſt
of Winter, and arrives at Auvergne, which ſubmits,
vii. 8. Takes and facks Genabum, 11. Takes No-
viodunum, and marches from thence to Avaricum,
12. His Works before Aleſia, 66. Withſtands all
the Attacks of the Gauls, and obliges the Place to
ſurrender, 81. Marches into the Country of the
Biturigians, and compels them to ſubmit, .
Demands Guturvatus who is delivered up and put to
Death, 31. Marches to beſiege Uxellodunum, 32.
Cuts off the Hands of the befieged at Uxellodu-
num, 36. Marches to Corfinium, and beſieges it,
C. i. 14. Which in a ſhort time ſurrenders, 22.
He afterwards marches through Abruzzo, and great
Part of the Kingdom of Naples, 23. His Arrival
at Brunduſium, and Blockade of the Haven, 24.
Commits the Siege of Marſeilles to the Care of Bru-
tus and Trebonius, 34. His Expedition to Spain,
3. His & to Afranius, 77, Comes to Mar-
eilles, which ſurrenders, C. li. 20. Takes Oricum,
ili. 9. Marches to Dyrrhachium to cut bff Pom-
pey's Communication with that Place, 25. Sends
Canuleius into Epirus for Corn, 36. Beſieges Pom-
pey in his Camp; his Reaſons it, 36. Incloſes
Pompey's Works within his Hane a Skir-
miſh between them, 39. His Army reduced to great
Straits for. want of Proviſions, 40. Offers ey
Battle, which he declines, 48. Sends Clodius t
Scipio, to treat about a Peace, whoſe Endeavours
prove ineffectual, 49. Joins Do mitius, ſtorms and
takt the Town of Gomphos in Theſſaly, in four
Hours time, 67, Gains an entire Victory over
Pompey in the Battle of Pharſalia, 56. Summons
Ptolemy and Cleopatra to attend him, 88. Burns
the Alexandrian Fleet, 92. Conducts his. Tranſports
ſafe to Alexandria, Al. 6. Obtains a Victory, 9
; * ? 0
1 \
ſhut up in Limo by Dumnacus, G. viii. 21.
- ſues Drapes, 24. Lays ſiege to Uxellodunum, 27.
confederate Britons, v. 9.
/
INDEX of Perſons and/ Things.
two Ships and finks three, 12. Routs the Pharians,
gains the Iſland and the Town, ſeveral taken and
killed, then fortifies the Caſtle, gains the Shore,
ſtops up an Arch under the Bridge, and begins to
throw up a Rampart, 13. Marches to Ptolemy's
Camp and defeat im, 22. Returns to Alexandria,
and performs Ptolemy the Father's Will, 23. De-
feats Pharnaces in a great Battle, 59. Paſſes over
into Africa, Af. 1. Has ſeveral Skirmiſhes with
Labienus near Ruſpina, 12, |
Scipio in the Battle of Thapſus, and cuts his whole
Army to pieces, 73. Converts Juba's Kingdom
into a Province, and returns to Rome, 85, Arrives
in Spain, and lays ſiege to Cordova, Sp. 2. Defeats
j young Pompey with great Slaughter in the Plains of
Munda, 31. hr . ;
Calagurritani ſend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar with an
Offer of ſubmiſſion, C. 1. 54.
Caletes furniſh ten thouſand Men in the general
Revolt of Belgium, G. ii. 4.
Camulogents, appointed Commander in chief by
the Pariſians, E. vii. 54. Obliges Labienus to de-
camp from before Paris, ibid. Is ſlain in diſputing
_ valiantly the Victory with his Enemy, 56.
Caninius ſets Duracius at Liberty, who had been
Pur-
Canopus, Euphranor periſhes in a Sea- fight there,
Al. 17. 3
en obliged by Afranius to furniſh a Sup-
ply of Troops, C. i. 36. |
Caralitani declare againſt Pompey, and expel Cotta
with his Garriſon, C. 1. 29.
Carmona declares for Cæſar, and expels the Ene-
my's Garriſon, C. ii. 17.
Carnutes, Cæſar quarters ſome Troops among
them, 11. 36. They openly aſſaſſinate T aſgetius,
G. v. 212.) They ſend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar and
ſubmit, vi. 3. Offer to be tne firft in taking up Arms
againſt the Romans, vii. 2. Attack the Biturigians,
but are diſperſed and forced to fly by Cæſar, viii. 4.
Carſulenus detached to ſtorm the higheſt Part of
the Enemy's Camp, which he forces, Al. 22.
Caffi ſend Ambaſſadors and ſubmit to Cæſar,
G. v. 17. | |
Caſſivellaunus, choſen Commander in Chief of the
Endeavours in vain to
ſtop the Courſe of Czſar's Conqueſts, 14. Is _—
to ſubmit, and accept of Cæſar's Terms, 19.
Caſſius, Pompey*s Lieutenant, burns Cæſar's Fleet
in Sicily, C. in. 83. |
Caſſius Longinus, his ill Conduct in Spain, Al. 38.
A Plot formed to àſſaſſinate him, 40. The Conſpi-
rators endeavour to put it in execution at Cordova,
42. He is wounded as he lay on the Ground by
Squillus, ibid. Upon his Recovery he orders all the
Aſſlaſſins to be ſeized, puts ſeveral to death, and
compounds with the reſt for Money, ibid. Behaves
more tyrannically than ever, which occaſions new
Diſturbances, 43. Is caſt away in the Mouth of
the Iberus, 5 1. |
Cafticus, the Son of Catamantales, ſolicited by
Orgetorix to invade the Liberty of his Country, _
G. 3
Cativulcus takes up Arms againſt the Romans at
the Inſtigation of Indutiomarus, G. v. 22. Poiſons
Cato of Utica, the Source of his Hatred to Cæ-
ſar, C. i. 3. Made Prætor of Sicily, prepares for
War, and abdicates his Province, 29. Excites young
Pompey to War, Af. 21. Sends a Reinforcement
to Scipio, 33. Kills himſelf, and is honourably bu-
himſelf, vi. 29. N
- Tied by the Uticans, 76.
" 5 \
Irrecoverably defeats*
Cavaliy, their Inſtitution and Manner of Fight-
ing among the Germans, G. i. 39. iv. 2.
among the Spaniards, Sp. 14.
Caturiges, oppoſe Cæſar's Paſſage over the Alps,
i. 8.
5 a taken and brought before Cæſar, G.
vi. 61.
Cavarinus, the Senones attempt to aſſaſſinate him,
G. v. 45. Cæſar orders him to attend him with
the Cavalry of the Senones, vi. 4.
Cevennes, Mountains of, Cæſar paſſes them in th
midſt of Winter, though covered with Srow fi
Foot deep, G. vii. 8.
Celliberians, Affranius obliges them to furniſh a
Supply of Troops, C. i. 36.
Celtillus, the Father of Vercingetorix, aſſaſſinated
by the Averni, G. vii. 4. |
Chara, a Root which ſerved to ſubſiſt Cæſar's
Army in extreme Neceſlity, C. iii, 40. Manner of
preparing, it, ibid. y
Chariots, Manner of Fighting with them among
the Britons, G. iv. 29. Dexterity of the Britiſh
Charioteers, ibid. Chariots armed with Scythes in
Pharnaces* Army, Al. 60.
Cicero, Quintus, attacked in his Winter-quarters
by Ambiorix, G. v. 30. Informs Cæſar of his Di-
ſtreſs, who marches to relieve him, 37. Attacked
unexpectedly by the Sigambri, who are nevertheleſs
obliged to retire, vi. 32.
Cingetorix, at the Head of one of the Factions
among the Treviri, and firmly attached to Cæſar,
G. v. 3. Declared a publick Enemy, and his Goods
confiſcated by Indutiomarus, 47.
Cleopatra, engaged in a War with her Brother
Ptolemy, C. iii. 85. She and her younger Brother
conſtituted King and Queen of Egypt, Al. 24.
Clodius ſent by Cæſar to Scipio, to treat about a
Peace, but without Effect, C. iii. 49.
Clufinas, a Centurion, diſmiſſed from Cæſar's
Army with ignominy, Af. 48.
Celius Rufus raiſes a Sedition in Rome, C. iii. 18.
Is expelled the City, then joins with Milo, 19. He
is killed, 20. | = by
Combat between Turpio and Niger, Sp.\2 54/
Comius ſent by Cæſar into Britain, to ag
Britiſh States to ſubmit, G. iv. 19. Perſuades the
Bellovaci to furniſh their Contingent to the Relief of
Aleſia, vii. 69. His diſtruſt of the Romans occa-
ſioned by an Attempt to afiMinate him, vii. 19.
Infeſts the Romans greatly, and intercepts their
voys, 38. Attacks Voluſenus Quadratus, , and
ns him through the Thigh, 39. Submits to An-
ony on Condition of not appearing in the Preſence
of any Roman, ibid. |
Conetodunus heads the Carnutes in their Revolt
from the Romans, and the Maſſacre at Genabum,
7G. vii. 3.
Confidius, his cruel Treatment of a Meſſenger ſent
thority even amidſt Loſſes ſuſtained, G. vii. 28.
Convittolttanis, a Diviſion on his account among
the /Eduans, G. vii. 30. Cæſar conſiyms his Elec-
tion to the ſupreme Magiſtracy, 31. He perſuades
Litavicus and his Brothers to reb?l, 33.
Cordova, ' Cxiar ſummons the leading Men of the
ſeveral States gf Spain to attend him there, C ii. 17.
Tranſa&tions of that Aſſembly, 19. Cafar lays
Siege to it, and obliges it to ſurrender, Sp. 33.
Grfinivon, Cæſar lays Siege to it, C. i. 14.
obliges it to ſurrender, 22.
Corn,
And
And
/
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F
ſe the |
%
.
, * 2 —
. w . nee ee eee — _ ” * * *
INDEX of Perſons and J. hings.
Corn, the Manner of concealing and ſecuring it
among the Africans, Af. 57. |
Cornificius, Q. maintains Cæſar's Cauſe in Illyri-
cum with great Reputation, Al. 32.
Correus General of the. Bellovaci, with ſix thou-
ſand Foot, and a thouſand Horſe, lies in Ambuſh
tor the Roman Foragers ; he attacks the Roman Ca-
valry with a ſmall Party, is routed and killed, G, vii.
16.
Cotta L. Arunculeius diſſents from Sabinus in re-
lation to the Advice given them by Ambiorix, G. v.
24. His Behaviour when attacked by the Gauls, 27.
Is ſlan, with the greateſt Part of his Men, after a
brave Reſiſtance, 29.
*Cotuatus, and Conetodunus, maſſacre all the Ro-
man Merchants at Genabum, G. vii. 3.
Cotus, a Diviſion on his account among the Ædu-
ans, C. vu. 30. Obliged to deſiſt from his Preten-
ſions to the ſupreme Magiſtracy, 37.
Counſel, the Danger of deterring it to the very
laſt, G. v. 27. :
Craſſus P. his Expedition into Aquitain, G. iii. 21.
He reduces the Sotiates, 22. Alſo other States,
obliging them to give Hoſtages, 28.
Craſtinus's Character and Courage at the Battle of
Pharſalia, C. iii. 75. He is killed there, 76.
Criſpus C. Salluſtius, makes himſelf Maſter of
Cercina, and ſends a great Quantity of Corn thence
to Cæſar's Camp, Af. 31. |
Critognatus, his extraordinary Speech and Propo-
ſal to the Garriſon of Aleſia, G. vii. 7r. |
Curio oblige Wato to abandon the Defence of Si-
cily, C. i. 39. Sails for Africa and ſucceſsfully at-
tacks Varus, ii. 21. Nis fine Speech to revive the
Courage of his Men, 28. Defeats Varus, 30.
Giving too eaſy Credit to a piece of falſe Intelli-
gence, is cut off with his whole Army, 34.
D
| Dejotarus, complains to Domitius Calvinus of the
Hoſtilities committed by Pharnaces, Al. 25. Ad-
dreſſes Cæſar in ſuppliant Terms, and obtains Par-
don, 54. 6 5
Didius purſues young Pompey who is ſlain, and
his Head brought to Cæſar, Sp 37. He falls into
an Ambuſcade, and is killed, 40. |
Divitiacus the Æduan, his Attachment to the
Romans and Cæſar, G. i. 16. Cæſar, for his fake,
pardons his Brother Dumnorix, ibid. He complains
to Cæſar, in behalf of the reſt of the Gauls, of the
Cruelties exerciſed by Arioviſtus, 23. Adviſes Cæ-
far to avoid the Defiles by taking a Circuit of forty
Miles, 32. Marches againſt the Bellovaci to create
a Diverſion in favour of Cæſar, ii. 11. Intercedes
for the Bellovaci, and obtains their Pardon from Cæ-
far, 15. Goes to Rome to implore Aid of the Se-
nate, but without Effect, vi. 12.
Domitius Ahenobarbus, beſieged by Cæſar in Cor-
finium, writes to Pompey for Aſſiſtance, C. i. 15.
Seized by his own Troops, who offer to deliver him
up to Czſar, 19. Cæſar's generous Behaviour to-
wards him, 22. He enters Marſeilles, and 1s in-
truſted with the ſupreme Command, 34. Is de-
teated in a Sea-hght by Decimus Brutus, 52. Eſcapes
with great Difficulty a little before the Surrender of
Marſeilles, ii. 20. a '
Domitius Calvinus, ſent by Cæſar into Macedonia,
comes very opportunely to the Relief of Caſſius
Longinus, G. ini. 3 1. Gains ſeveral Advantages over
Scipio, 32. Is unſucceſsful againſt Pharnaces in Ar-
menia, Al, 23.
*
_ » Eleutheri furniſh Troops to the Relief of Aleſia,
Misfortunes, 20. Their Manner of entering upon
Drapes, in conjunction with Luterius, ſeizes Us.
ellodunum, G. vii. 26. His Camp ſtormed, and
himſelf made Priſoner, 29. He ſtarves himſelf, 36.
Druids, Prieſts ſo called, greatly eſteemed in Gaul,
and poſſeſſed of many valuable Privileges, C. vi. 13.
Dumnacus beſieges Duracius in Limo, G. viii. 21.
Is defeated by Fabius, 2 2.
Dumnorix, the Brother of Divitiacus, his Charac-
ter, G. i. 13. He perſuades the Noblemen of Gaul
not to go with Cæſar into Britain, v. 5, He deſerts,
and is killed for his Obſtinacy, 6.
Duracius beſieged in Limo, by Dumnacus General
of the Andes, G. viii. 2 1.
Dyrrhachium, Cæſar endeavours to incloſe Pom-
pey within his Lines near that Place, C. iii. 36.
E.
Eburones, Cæſar takes ſevere Vengeance on them
for their Perfidy, G. vi. 29.
Eburovices maſſacre their Senate, and join with
Viridovix, G. 1. 17.
Elephants, the way of exerciſing and training them,
Af. 25. Surpriſing Courage of a Soldier attacked
by an Elephant, Af. 72.
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G. vu. 69. |
Epheſus, the Temple of Diana there in danger of
being ſtripped, C. in. 28. |
Eporedorix treacherouſly revolts from Cæſar, G.
Vil. 51. r |
F:efan Winds detain Cæſar at Alexandria, which
involves him in a new, War, C. nm. 88.“
Euphranor, Admiral of the Rhodian Fleet, his
Valour and Magnanimity, Al. 11.
Excommunication, the dreadful Conſequences of it
among the Gauls, G. vi. 13. |
F
Fabius C. one of Cæſar's Lieutenants, ſent into
Spain with three Legions, C. i. 353. Builds two
Bridges over the Sicoris for the Convenience of For-
age, 38.
Fauſtus Sylla, his Death, Af. 83.
Fortune, her wonderful Power and Influence in
Matters of War, G. vi. 28, 32. |
8
* Gabali join the general Confederacy of Vercinge-
torix, and give Hoſtages to Luterius of Quercy,
G. vil. 7. |
Gabitius, one of Cæſar's Lieutenants, receives a
conſiderable Loſs in Illyricum, Al. 33.
Galba Surgius, ſent againſt the Nantuates, Vera-
grians, and Seduni, G. iii. 1. The Barbarians at-
rack his Camp unexpectedly, but are repulſed with
great Loſs, ibid. 5. ; |
Gauls, their Country preferable to that of the
Germans, G. i. 23. Their Manner of attacking
Towns, ii. 7. Of greater Stature than the Romans,
30. Quick and haſty in their reſolves, iii. 8. For-
ward in undertaking Wars, but ſoon fainting: under
x
a War, v. 47. Their Manners, Chiefs, Druids,
Diſcipline, Cavalry, Religion, Origin, Marriages,
and Funerals, vi. 13. Their Country geographically
deſcribed, 1. 1.
Ganymed, made Commander of the Egyptian Ar-
my, Al. 3. Irritates the People by his tyrannical
Behaviour, 16.
| | Gergovia
\
\
: I N D E X of Perſons and Things. 13
Georgovia of the Arverni, Vercingetorix expelled
thence by Gobanitio, G. vii. 4. The Romans at-
tacking it eagerly, are repulſed with great Slaugh-
ter, 44. Of the Boil, beſieged in vain by Vercin-
getorix, 10.
Germans, habituated from their Infancy to Arms,
G. i. 27. Their Manner of training their Cavalry,
39. Their Superſtition, 40. Defeated by Cæſar,
41. Their Manners, Religion, and Strength in
Wars, vi. 19. Men of huge Stature and Strength,
G. i. 30. Af. 37.
Getulians delert in great Numbers from Scipio to
Cæſar, Af. 32.
Gompbi refuſing to open its Gates to Cæſar, is
taken by Aſſault, C. ii, 67.
Gorduni join with Ambiorix iff his Attack of Ci-
cero's Camp, G. v. 31.
8 Graioceli oppoſe Cæſar's P
S. i. 8.
_ Grudzi join with Ambiorix in his Attack of Ci-
cero's Camp, G. v. 31.
over the Alps,
H
Haliacmon, Scipio leaves Favonius with Orders to
build a Fort on that River, C. iii. 31. ;
Helvetiant, the moſt warlike People of Gaul,
G.1. 1. Their Deſign of abandoning their own
Country, 2. Attacked with conſiderable Loſs near
the River Arar, 10. Vanquiſhed and obliged to
return home by Cæſar, 21. :
Fo —_—_ Cziar marches into their Territories,
. Vil. 8.
Hercyman Foreſt, its prodigious Extent, G. vi. 23.
Hippo, Scipio attacked by P. Sitius, periſhes there,
Hiſpalis, Cæſar makes himſelf Maſter of it, Sp. 35.
Zimmer Hen. Critognatus adviſes the Garriſan of
Aleſia to ſubmit to Fat , e rien . farrender,
G. vü. 71.
1
Jacetani revolt from Afranius and ſubmit to Cæ-
far, C. i. 64. |
Iguvium torſakes Pompey, and ſubmits to Cæſar,
r |
Nlurgavonenſes ſubmit to Cæſar, and ſupply him
with Corn, C. 1. 54. |
Ihricum, Gabinius receives a conſiderable Check
there, Al. 32.
Indutiomarus at the head of a conſiderable Fac-
tion among the Treviri, G. v. 3. Endeavouring to
make himſelf maſter of Labienus's Camp, is repulſed
and lain, 47.
Ta Rds from Cæſar at the inſtigation of Octa-
vius, C. ii. 7.
Talica ſhank its Gates againſt Varro, C. ii. 18.
Ttius Portus, Cæſar embarks there for Britain,
G. v. 4. |
Fuba, King of Numidia, ſtrongly attached to
Pompey, C. ii. 22. Advances with a great. Army
to the Relief of Utica, 32. Detaches a Part of his
Troops to ſuſtain Sabura, 36. Is obliged to return
and defend his own Kingdom againſt King Bogud,
Af. 23. Joins Scipio with a great Body of Troops,
43. Attacking a Party of Czſar's Men, is repulſed
with great Loſs, 46. His haughty Behaviour to-
wards Scipio, 51. Failing in an Attempt upon his
with the Troops for Greece, but underſtanding that
the Enemies Fleet was on the Coaſt, returns inſtant-
ly to Brunduſium, 12. Re-imbarks ſome time after,
and brings all the Troops ſafe to Cæſar, 24. Makes
himſelf Maſter of ſeveral Towns in Achaia, and en-
deavours by his Ambaſſadors to bring over the reſt, 47.
L
_ Labienus Titus, diſpatched by Cæſar to take poſ-
ſeſſion of the Top of the Mountain under which the
Helvetians were encamped, G. i. 17. Detaches the
tenth Legion to Cæſar's Aſſiſtance, ii. 26. Marches
at the head of the Cavalry into the Country of the
Treviri, ii. 11. Sallies uon Indutiomarus, who is re-
pulſed and ſlain with the greateſt Part of his Troops,
v. 49. Counterfeiting Fear, falls ſuddenly upon the
Treviri, and puts them to Flight, vi. 6. Joins
Cæſar after a ſucceſsful Expedition againſt the Pari-
ſians, vii. 54. Attempts to take off Comius whom
he found plotting againſt Cæſar, viii. 1 2 Joinin
Pompey's Party, obliges the Army to take an Oath
of Fidelity to that General, C. ii. 11. Confers with
Vatinius in relation to a Peace, 17. Inſults the Pri-
ſoners, and puts them to death, . Vis Cæſar s
Troops, and extols the Conduct of Pompey, 72.
Has ſeveral Conflicts with Cæſar near Ruſpina,
Af. 12, Attacks Leptis, but without Success, 27.
Takes poſſeſſion of a Hill, but is diſlodged by Cz-
far, 44. Attacks Cæſar's Men returning from their
Work, but is repulſed with great Slaughter, 46. Ly-
ing in Ambuſh for Cæſar, is attacked and put to
flight, 57. Is ſlain in the Battle of Manda, Sp. 31.
Lelius, one of Pompey's Admirals, blocks up
the Port of Brunduſium, C. iii. 82.
Lentulus, the Conſul, Ground of his Oppoſition
to Cæſar, C. i. 3.
T.zpidus, one of Cæſar's Lieutenarts, quiets the
Commotions in Spain, occaſioned by the Diſſenſion
1 Marccllus- and Caffine, J S.
Leptis ſends Ambaſſadors to Cæſat with an Offer
of Submiſſion, Af. 6. : ;
Liberty, All Men naturally aſpire after it, and ab-
hor Servitude, G. iii. 10.
Lib, one of Pompey's Admirals, blocks up the
Port of Brunduſium, C. iii. 21.
Liſſus abandons the Party of Pompey, and opens
its Gates to Antony, C. ii. 26, Beſieged in vain by
young Cneus Pompey, ibid. 34.
Litavicus, his artful Stratagem to draw off the
Aduans from Cæſar's Alliance, G. vii. 36.
Luſitania, held by Varro for Pompey with two
Legions, C. i. 36. |
Luterius, in Conjunction with Drapes, takes poſ-
ſeſſion of Uxellodunum, G. vii. 26. Is attacked at
the head of a large Convoy, and put to flight, 28.
Falling into the hands of Epaſnactus, is by him de-
livered bound to Cæſar, 36.
Lutetia, Labienus marches thither with four Le-
gions, C. Vil. 54. |
M .
Macedonia, Domitius and Scipio arrive much
about the ſame time in that Country, C. iii. 3 1.
Mandubii, expelled A leſia, periſh miſerably be-
tween the Town and Cæſar's Lines, C. vii. 71.
Marcellus, the Conſul, endeavours to deprive Cæ-
own Life, prevails with a Slave to diſpatch him, 82. ſar of his Province before the time, G. viii. 44.
Fura, the Boundary of the Helvetians towards
the Sequani, G. i. 2.
K
with the Tranſports to Brunduſium, C. iii. 6. Imbarks
Marcellus M. a Partizan of Cæſar, his Diſſenſion
with Caſſius Longinus, Al. 44.
Marſeilles ſhuts its Gates againſt Cæſar, C. i. 32.
Cæſar inveſts it, and commits the Conduct of the
Kalenus Fufuus, intercepted by Bibulus in returning Siege to Brutus and Trebonius, 34. The Marſeil-
5 lians
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1
INDEX of Perſons and Things.
Vans are defrated in a naval Engagement by Brutus,
52. Trebonius puſhes the Siege with great Vigour,
ii. 1. The Marſeillians ſue for a Truce, which they
afterwards break, 11. Again ſue for Peace, 13. The
Place ſurrenders to Cæſar, 20.
Mediomatrici, furniſh their Contingent to the Re-
lief of Aleſia, G. vii. 69.
Menapians furniſh nine thouſand Men to the gene-
ral Confederacy of Belgium, G. ii. 4. Join with the
People of Vannes in their Revolt from Cæſar, iii.
Ceelar attacks them and makes ſome progrels, but the
Seaſon being far advanced is obliged to defiſt, 29.
Titurius and Cotta deſtroy their Territories with Fire
and Sword, iv. 34. Cæſar at length obliges them
to ſubmit, vi. 5. Originally ſettled on the Banks of
the Rhine, till driven thence by the Uſipetes and
Tenchtheri, iv. 4. |
Metropolis, hearing of the Fate of Gomphi, ſur-
renders to Czſar, C. ii. 68. |
Milo, endeavouring to raiſe Diſturbances in Italy,
is killed, C. it. 20.
Minerva, Prodigies in her Temple at Elis, on the
Day of the Battle of Pharſalia, C. iii. 86.
Mithridates raiſes ah Army in Syria and Cilicia,
and marches into Egypt to Cæſar's Aſſiſtance, Al. 18.
Ptolemy endeavours in vain to prevent his Junction
with Cæſar, 20.
Morini furniſh five and twenty thouſand Men to
the general Confederacy of Belgium, G. ii. 4. Join
with the Peope of. Vannes in their Revolt from Cz-
far, iii. 9. Cæſar attacks them and makes ſome
progreſs, bu the Seaſon being far advanced, is
obliged to ceſiſt, 29. Attacking the Romans diſ-
perſed for the ſake of Plunder, are repulſed with
great Slaughter, iv. 34.
Munda, Cæſar encamps in the Neighbourhood of
that City, Sp. 27. Battle of Munda, in which
young Pompey is totally defeated, 29. Cæſat be-
fieges the Runaways in that Place. .92- Which at
length is compelled to iurrender at Diſcretion, 41.
Myuſculus of prodigious length made ule of in the
Siege of Marſeilles, C. ü. g.
N |
| Nantuates, Galba's Expedition againſt them, G.
ni. 1.
Narbonne, Luterius of Quercy makes an Attempt
upon it, G. vu. 7.
Nafidins L. a Partizan of Pompey, comes to the
Relief of Marſeilles with a Fleet, C. ii. 3. But is
defeated in a naval Engagement by Brutus, 5.
Nervians furniſh fifty thouſand Men to the general
Confederacy of Belgium, C. ii. 4. Their Manners
and warlike Spirit, 16, Their Method of defend-
ing their Country from fudden Incurſions, 17. De-
feated by Cæſar in a great Battle, and almoſt totally
cut off, 23. Attack Cicero's Camp, but are re-
pulſed, v. 30. Again defeated and put to flight by
Czfar, 42. Still continuing their Endeavours to ſhake
off the Yoke, Czar quells them by a ſudden Inva-
ſion, vi. 2,
Niger, Q. Pompeius, accepts the Challenge of An-
tiſtius Turpio, and advances into the Field againſt
him, Sp. 25. |
Nitiobrigians, Luterius of Quercy compels them
to join in the general Confederacy of Gaul under Ver-
cingetorix, G. vil. 7.
Noviodunum of the Sueſſiones ſurrenders to Cæſar,
G. ü. 13. Of the Biturigians treacherouſly breaks
the Capitulation made with Cæſar, vii. 12. Of the
Aduans revolts from Cæſar, and maſſacres all the
Romans in the Place, 52. »
Numidians, their Manner of Fighting deſcribed.
Af. 13. The Difficulty of making head againſt
them, 6t. >> | | |
Nympheum, a Promontory and Harbour where
Cæſar's Tranſports find Shelter when purſued by C.
Caponius, C. ili. 24.
0
Octavius M. a Commander under Pompey, lays
Siege to Salonæ, but is repulſed by a ſudden Sally
from the Town, C. iii. 7. Is defeated in a naval
Engagement by Vatinius, near the Iſle of Tauris,
Al. 35.
999 Galba reſolves to take up his Winter-
quarters there, G. il. 1.
Orchomenus ſubmits to Kalenus, one of Cæſar's
Lieutenants, C. iii. 47.
Orgetorix perſuades the Helvetians to go · in queſt
of new Habitations, G. i. 2. Is ſuſpected of hav-
ing made away with himſelf, to avoid the Ignominy
of a publick Trial, 3.
Oricum, Cæſar makes himſelf Maſter of it, C. iii.
9. Some of Cæſar's Gallies burnt there by young
Pompey, 34. |
Oſcenſes quit the Party of Afranius, and ſubmit to
Cæſar, C. i. 54.
Of/mians reduced under the Power of the Romans
by young P. Craſſus, G. ii. 35. Join with the Peo-
ple of Vannes, iii. 9.
P
Pacidius extends his Front of Cavalry, with de-
ſign to incloſe Cæſar's Troops, Af. 67. |
Pemani, join in the general Confederacy of the
Igians, G. ii. 4. IX
ye = ** * he Retreat ſeize and
reduce it to Aſhes, Af. 55.
Pariſians join in the general Confederacy of Gaul
under Vercingetorix, G. vii. 4. |
. Pealuſrum, 1 * flying thither for Refuge, is
murdered by Ptolemy's Order, C. iii. 8 f. ithri-
dates marching to the Aſſiſtance of Cæſar, attacks
and makes himſelf maſter of it, A. 18. |
Petra, Pompey encamps near that Place, C. iii. 36.
Petreius, in Conjunction with Varro and Afranius,
repares to defend Spain for Pompey, C. i. 36.
TT ranafers the War into Celtiberia, 55. Breaks off
the Conferences between his and Cæſar's Troops, 67.
Surrenders to Cæſar, 76. Dies voluntarily by the
Hand of Juba, Af. 82.
Pharnaces ſlights the Orders of Domitius Calvinus,
Al. 25. Defeats the Romans in a great Battle, 30.
Is defeated in his turn by Cæſar with great Slaugh-
ter, 69.
Pharſulia, a deciſive Battle fought there between
Cæſar and Pompey, C. iii. 76.
Pharus, Cæſar takes poſſeſſion of it, on account
of its commanding the Port of Alexandria, C. iti. 93.
Picenum, Cæſar over-runs that whole Region, and
obliges it to ſubmit, C. i. 12.
Piruftz ſend Ambaſſadors to Cæſar with Offers of
Submiſſion, G. v. 1. 85 |
Piſaurum, Cæſar takes poſſeſſion of it with one
Cohort, C. 1. 10. 5
Pleumaſi, jointly with the Nervians fall upon Ci-
cero's Camp, G. v. 515 |
Pompey, his Confidence and Preſumption before
the Battle of Pharſalia, C ii. 69. Is totally de-
feated by Cæſar with the Loſs of his Camp, 76.
Flies into Egypt, where he is murdered. by Order of
King Ptolemy, 85. |
Pompey
CE
INDEX of Perſons and Things...
Pompey Cn. the Son, burns Part of Cæſar's Fleet
at Oricum, C. fi. 34, Attacks Aſcurum but with-
out Succeſs, Af. 21, 1s totally defeated by Cæſar
in the Plains of Munda, Sp. 28. Being retarded in
his Flight by a Wound he had received, is over-
taken and ain, 29:
Pothinus, Adminiſtrator of Egypt for young
Ptolemy, involves him in a War with Czar, C. iii. 89.
Pretorius C. Virgilius, an Admiral under Pom-
ey, makes a Capture of a Veſſel belonging to Cæ-
of Aff. 26.
Preciani ſubmit to Craſſus, and give Hoſtages,
G. in, 28. |
Procillus C. Valerius, ſent upon an Embaſſy to
Arioviſtus, G. i. 38. Recovered from the treacher-
ous Germans to the t Joy of Cæſar, 41.
Ptolemy, King of Egypt, defeated by Cæſar in a
at Battle, Al. 22. |
Pulfio T. his Conteſt with Varenus for the Prize
of Valour, G. v. 36.
Pyrenean Mountains divide Aquitain from Spain,
G. i. 1. a
R
Ravenna, the Tribunes fly thither to Cæſgar from
Rome, G. i. 4.
Rauraci join with the Helvetians in their Expedi-
tion in queſt of new Settlements, G. i. 4.
Rebilus, Lieutenant-General, his Advice to Cu-
rio in the Battle againſt Varus, C. ii. 30.
| Rhedones, reduced under Obedience to Cæſar by
young Craſſus, G. ii. 35. 2
Rbemi, refuſe to join the Belgian Confederaty,
G. ii. 3. Succeed the Sequani in their Authority
over the reſt of Gaul, vi. *
Roſcillus and Ægus, their f ;
— . a _ perfidious Behaviour
Ruteni reduced under the Dominion of the Ro-
mans by Q. Fabius Maximus, G. i. 34
« 8 |
—
Sabinus r iturius, by an artful Stratagem en-
gages and deteats the Unellians and their Confede- »
rates, G. iii. 17. Is circumvented and cut off with
his whole Army by Ambiorix, v. 23.
- Sabura, Commander of the Numidian Tr
under King Juba, cuts off Curio with his whole
Army, C. ii. 34. .
Salonæ inveſted by M. Octavius, who by a ſudden
Sally of the Garriſon is obliged to raiſe the Siege,
C. iu. 7. |
e , Cxfar holds a amerel: ate y of
the Sates of Gaul there, G. v. 20.
Santones furniſh their Contingent to the Relief of
Aleſia, G. vii. 69.
Sardinia, Valerius takes poſſeſſion of it for Cæſar,
C. i. 29. 5
Scipio, Pompey's Lieutenant, behaves lh very
tyrannical Manner in Aſia, C. iii. 28. Is very near
ſurpriſing Domitius in Macedonia, 31. Joins Pe-
treius and Labienus, and encamps within three Miles
of Cæſar, Af. 22. His Manner of training his Ele-
' Þhants, 25. Draws up his Troops in order of Bat-
tle, with a View to brin
ar, 28. His Cruelty towards ſome of Cæſar's
Soldiers who had been made Priſoners, 41. Vigo-
rouſly attacks Cæſaf's Horſe, but is repulſed with
great Slaughter, 46.\ Is totally\ defeated by Czfar
in the Battle of Thapſus, 70. Periſhes in a Sea-
fight with P. Sitius, 84.
Seduni, Galba's Expedition
2 tw *
ainſt them, G. iii. 1.
on an Engagement with
FSrnones, ſubmit with Impatience to the Roman
Yoke, G. v. 45. But are obliged at length to ſub-
mit and give Hoſtages, vi. 3.
Sicily, abandoned by Cato, receives Curio, and
ſubmits to Cæſar, C. i. 29.
Sicoris, Fabius makes two Bridges over it, C. i, 38.
Sigathbri refuſe to deliver up the Uſipetes and
Tenchtheri who had®taken refuge among them,
C. iv. 13. Cæſar lays waſte their Territories, 16.
They fall unexpectedly upon Cicero's Camp, but
are repulſed, vi. 32.
Silo Minujius, ſtabs Caſſius Longinus twice with
a Dagger, Al. 42. ; | I
Sitius P. enters Numidia, and ſtorms a Fort be-
longing to King Juba, ſtored with Ammunition and
Proviſion, Af. 33. Defeats Sabura, Juba's Lieu-
tenant, and makes Fauſtus and Afranius Priſoners,
83.
Suevians, under the Conduct of Naſua and Cim-
berius, endeavour to croſs the Rhine, G. i. 28. Their
Manners, Way of living, and Regulations with re-
ſpect to War, ir. 2. Their high Reputation for
Bravery, 6. Their Preparations to ſecure them-
ſelves, and withſtand Cæſar, vi. 8.
Sulla P. advances with two Legions to the Aſſiſ-
tance of a Cohort that had been attacked by the
Pompeians, who are repulſed, C. iu. 43.
1
Tarball, ſubmit and fend Hoſtages to Craſſus;
CG. lit. 28,
Taruſates, Craſſus marches into their Territories,
G. iii. 24. They ſubmit and ſend Hoſtages, 28.
Tauris, Vatinius attacks and defeats Octavius's
Fleet, near that Iſland, Al. 35.
Tenchtheri, in conjunction with the Uſipetes paſs the
Rhincy G. iv. 1. Expel the Menapians their own Ter-
ritories, 4. Are defeated and almoſt totally cut off
by Cæſar 10. 9 | k
Teutones, the Belgians alone refuſe them Entrance
into their Territories, G. ii. 4.
—Tbapſus, a great Battle there between Cæſar and
Scipio, in which the latter was totally defeated,
&, 70. Ie
Thebes voluntarily ſubmits to Kalenus, C. iii. 47.
Tigurinus, a Canton of the Helvetians fo called,
almoſt totally cut off by Cæſar, G. i. 10.
Tiſdra demands a Garriſon from Cæſar, Af. 33.
Torquatus L. a Commander under Pompey, obliged
to abandon the Defence of Oricum, C. iii. .
Trebonius C. his pragligi
ſeilles, C. ii. 1. 5
Trevifi complain to Ceſar of the Hardſhips they
ſuffered from the Germans, G. i. 28. | Their Cavalry
accounted the braveſt and beſt diſciplined in Gaul,
ii. 24. Cæſar quiets the domeſtick Diſſenſions ariſen
among them, and eſpouſes the Party of Cingetorix,
v. 3. They rebel againſt the Romans, but are de-
feated and brought back to their Duty by Labienus,
vi. 6. |
Trinobantes ſend Ambaſſador to Cæſar with Offers
of Submiſſion, and to requeſt his Protection tor their
King Mandubratius, G. v. 16. :
Tulingi join with the Helvetians in their Expedition
in queſt of new Settlements, G. i. 4.
6.
v
Vacca petitions Cæſar for a Garriſon, but is ſeized
and ſacked by Juba before the Troops arrive, AV 62.
Valerius Flaccus takes poſſeſſion of Sardinia for
Cæſar, C. i. 29. 4
Varenuss.
9
Valoury G. v. 36.
Furro M. Pompey” s Lieutenant in Er
g oppoſe Cæſar, C. ii. 16. But being forſaken «4
He whole Province, deſiſts from his Purpoſ and
ſubmits, 18.
Varus Attius, one of Pompey's Officers, Bb
draws with his Garriſon from Auximum, C. i. 2
Paſſes over into Africa, and ſeizes it for Pompey, 2 9.
Curio at firſt wars againſt him with Succeſs, li. 22.
But receiving afterwards Succours from uba, Curio
is totally defeat cs ſlain, 11 Burns Czſar's
Tranſports near „ and tak es two Quinquere-
mes, . 83.
* \Patinius defends. the Port of Brunduſium againſt
D. LAlius, C., iii. 82, Defeats Octavius in a Sea-
fight near Tauris, A. 352 W
Ubians, their g Manners, and Way of Life
deſcribed, G. iv,
Penetians; ad fo young Craſſus ander the Do-
minion of the:Rem 19 180 G. li. 35. But ſoon after
rebel, and draw other States into the Revolt, iii. 5.
Powerful i in their Fleets and Shipping, 8. Form and
Structure of their Veſſels, 13. They are totally « de-
feated in an l at Sea. 14.
Expedition againſt them,
G. iii. 1.
Vercingetorix zuſes the ſeveral States © Gaul
unt the R T and with univerſal Cd ent is
Aare Sega 0 the League, C. vii. 4.
Kays fiege to Gergovia, a Town belonging to the
ji, 10. Clears himſelf from the Charge of Trea-
ſon, 19. Conſoles his Followers upon the Loſs of
Avaricur, 28. ** being able to hinder Czfar's
paſſing Aller encamps
the — 34. Attacks Cæſar with lus Cavalry,
— @
Ex of Perſons cal Wings WES : = 2 7 0
. cone vn Bills for Be Enzg of
of the Oonfederate Forces for the Relief of Aleſia,
ſtrate a] choſen by the- Aduans, G. i. 14. To
under Gergovia of |
and is repulſed with great Loſs, 5 He * TITS
fuge in Aleſia, 62. Piſmiſſes all I Cavz 228 9
Inſtructions to rouſe their. ſeveral States to Re-
lief, 65. „ to aſſiſt Tone Countr 8 by a vis;
gorous Sally, 72. Is obliged at to fi
himſelf with the Town to Cæſar, 8 bo urrendas,
Vergaſillaunus, appointed one of the Commanders "1
G. vii. 20. Charged with the Detachmetit deſtined
| S CH upper Camp, 76.
the, ray given to the chief Magi.
Vibullius Rufus ſent by Pompey into the Piſtrict of,
Picenum, C. i. 13. Made Priſoner. by Cæſar at
Corfinium, 22. Set at liberty, and afterwards * *
into Spain by Pompey, 32.
Virdumarus revolts from Cæſar, and ſets fire to
Noviodunum, G. vii. 52. . Appointed one of the
Commanders of the confederate Forces for the Re
lief of Aleſia, 70.
Viridovix heads the Unellians againſt Sabinus, bur
defeated by an artful Stratagem, G. iii. 7;
Valuſenus ſent by Cæſar to take a View of the
itiſn Coaſt, G. iv. 18. Antony ſends him in pur-
ſt/of Comius, viii. 39.
\ Uxellodunum, Caninius lays ſiege to it, G. viii. 27,
Cæſar by depriving the beſieged of Water, forces
the Town to ſurrender, 33.
*
A ſhuts its Gates againſt Juba, Af. 79. Sur« 0
renders to Cæſar, 80. x
Zeta, Cæſar ſeizes and puts a Garriſon in it, Af 59. |
Ziela, Pharnaces Sa defeated by Cæſar near .- =
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